Democratic Sentinel, Volume 9, Number 51, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 22 January 1886 — CONGRESSIONAL TALK. [ARTICLE]

CONGRESSIONAL TALK.

Interesting Debate in the House on the Hoar Bill Passed by the Senate. The Silver Question in the Senate— Messrs. Brown and Maxey Favor Coinage. Presidential Succession. Mr. Caldwell, of Tennessee, called up tbeHoar Presidential-succession bill in the House, and stated that the committee, in reporting this measure, had not dealt with indifference or disrespect with other propositions before it. There were many measures proposed that would more properly meet all possible or imaginary exigencies than the one now reported, but they ail required a constitutional amendment beforethey could become laws, and a constitutional amendment Involved a delay which, would ill accord with the reasonable anxiety which the great body of the people felt. There were many exigencies which the pending measure did not cover, hut the present exigency it completely covered. It was a temporary bridge thrown across a chasm in order to meet public demand, and would be followed in due time by an enduring structure over which a long line of Republfcan-Democratic Presidents might marchin unbroken succession. Mr. Cooper, of Ohio, who prepared the minority report, protested against the general principle of the bill—against the idea of vesting in the person whooccupied the Presidential chair the power to perpetuate the succession, by naming his successor. He was profoundly doubtful of the constitutionality of a provision which would vest the Presidency upon a man appointed by an outgoing administration. He believed it to be in violation, not only of the spirit and letter of the Constitution, but of the spirit out of which the Constitution rose ; and was unwise legislation, because it tended to widen the space between the President and the people. If there were defects in the present law they should be remedied by carefullv considered legislation. Wlmt was worth while for the American Congresß to do, was worth doing well. He could seo no exigency which required red-hot haste in passing this measure. Mr. Eden, of Illinois, defended the bill against adverse criticism, and pointed out wherein it was an improvement over the existing law. The present measure would preserve the country from anarchy in cases of trouble arising in the matter of the Presidential succession. Mr. McKinley, of Ohio, gave notice of a substitute which he would otter for the bill. This substitute preserves the law of 1792, with the addition of a provision that for the purpose of having a Speaker of tho House of Representatives continually in office Congress shall convene on the 4th of March next succeeding tho elections of Representatives of Congress; and whenever a vacancy exists either in the office of President pro tern of the Senate or the Speaker of the House the President shall convene the House in which the vacancy exists for the purpose of electing a presiding officer. Mr. Peters, of Kansas, regarded the pending measure as unconstitutional, inexpedient, and impotent. But for these faults it was a pretty fair bill. He asserted that Congress had no power to enact a law which violated the intent of the Constitution, and which in effect declared an appointive officer should act as President. It was a flagrant usurpation of tho power vested in the people. The best measure on the subject, in his opinion, was the bill introduced in 1807 providing for the meeting of Congress on the 4th of March each alternate year. Thai* would amply provide against any break in the line of succession. Mr. Seney, of Ohio, believed that the Presidential succession under existing law was at, best doubtful and uncertain. He earnestly advccated the passage of the pending measure, maintaining tnat it would remove many dangers from the path of the Presidential suesession. Mr. Rowell, of Illinois, characterized the bill as a crude one, and •suggested that if the presiding officer of the Senate was of the same party as the Executive there would not be the haste to amend a law which had stood for nine-ty-four years. The strongest objection to tho bill, in bis opinion, was that it permitted the party in power to perpetuate that power for an indefinite number of years, as admitted by the gentleman from Tennessee (Mr. Caldwell). Never before had the American people been presented with such a temptation to crime, such a temptation to anarchy, such a temptation to revolution.

The Dollar of the Fathers. In the Senate Mr. Brown called up Mr. Beck’s silver resolution and addressed the Senate on it. The officers of the Treasury, he said, should treat all public creditors alike; if they paid the bondholders in gold alone, they should pay the laborer in gold alone. As to the accumulation of silver dollars in the Treasury, Mr. Brown insisted that it was the duty of the Secretary of tho Treasury to pay thein out to the public creditors whenever anything was due, and if that did not dispose of them, ha should call in enough bonds on which the people are paying interest to absorb the silver dollars, and so stop the interest payments. If the public creditors were paid 30,000,000 or 40,000,000 of silver dollars their endeavor would be to keep up the value of silver; if paid in gold alone their endeavor would bo to depreciate tho value of silver—to make it represent less property. If it were said that it was nest honest to pay them in silver, on the ground that the silver dollar was not an honest dollar, Mr. Brown would reply that it was always honest to pay a debt in tho very currency which the creditor, by his contract, had agreed to take. The creditors had secured several successive changes in the contract, and the contract as it now stands, was that the bondholders should be paid in gold dollars or silver dollars, at the convenience of the Treasury. Though they had thus agreed to take payment in either gold or silver, they were being paid in gold alone, while everybody else was paid in silver. This was neither fair dealing nor common honesty. Mr. Brown advocated the issuance of silver certificates to represent the silver in the Treasury. Every surplus gold and silver dollar, he said, net part of the necessary Treasury reserve, should be put into circulation by a gold or silver certificate. Instead of having too much much silver coin, business would be much improved if we had more of it in circulation in the form of paper certificates. If the national banks attempt to practically demonetize silver, said Mr. Brown in conclusion, and if the officials who now represent the people in the different departments of the Government will not take the matter in hand, then the people, at their recurring elections, should take it in hand and fill all the departments of Government with men who will: apply the corrective and forfeit the charters of such banks as abuse their privilege's. Mr. Maxey followed on the same subject. He said the raid on silver was a European raid, and if successful would inflict incalculable injury on the United States. The bugbear of silver, so terrifying to the European moneychangers, had no terror for the American people. The people of the South were not grievously burdened with silver or any other money, but if they should by chance find themselves hampered by a great weight of silver they could exchange it for paper certificates, which, when based on coin, dollar for dollar, were better than coin for active use. Mr. Maxey expressed himself as utterly opposed to an irredeemable paper currency, and declared a fluctuating currency inconsistent with healthy trade, while a sound currency, based on the precious metals and convertible into coin, was a blessing to civilization. The silver advocates, he contended, repelled the imputation that they wanted to,take any advantage of their creditors by paying a dollar debt with an 80-cent dollar. A fouler lie had never been uttered against a brave and industrious people. The people knew that the fall of silver was the result of a conspiracy of combined capital to destroy silver as a money metal; and the gamblers were but reaping tho fruits of their own folly. The suspension of .silver coinage was- but another name for the total stoppage of the coinage, , and such Suspension or stoppage, would be fraught with-most serious consequences to the people. What weneOdod in out. dealings with tho Mr. Maxey insisted, was a strong, vigorous enforcement of the contract made with them. Miss. Cleveland always speaks of her brother as “ the President.” Alphonse Daudet is getting ready townie a life of Napoleou Bonaparte.