Democratic Sentinel, Volume 9, Number 45, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 13 November 1885 — Page 1

the Democratic Sentinel.

VOLUME IX.

THE DEMOCRATIC SENTINEL. A DEMOCRATIC NEWSPAPER. PUBLISHED EVERY FBIDaY, BY Jas. W. McEwen. RATES OF SUBSCRIPTION. One year $1.50 Six-montha - .75 hree months - ... -50 Advertising Rates. On« coiunin, one year. SBO 00 Half column, “ 40 oi Quarter " “ 30 oo Eighth « - io oO Ten per ceot. added to foregoing price if Wlvcrtisaments are set to occupy more than Angle column width. Fractional parts of a year at equitable rates Business cards nut-exceeding 1 inch space, $5 a year; $3 for six months; $ 2 for three All leg si notices and advertisements at established statute price. Heading notices, first publication to cents ,i line ; each publication thereafter s cents a doe. Fearly advertisements may be changed quarterly (once in three months) at the option.of the advertiser, free of extra charge. Advertisements 1 for persons not residents of Jasper county, must be paid for »n advance of first public ’-tion. when less than one-quarter column in srse; aud quarterly n advance when larger.

MORDBGAI F. CHILCOTE. Atterney-at-Law RENBSELAER. - - . - IXDIANA Practice? iin the Courts of Jasper and adoinlng counties. Makes collections a specialty. Office,on north side of Washington street, opposite Court H ouse- vin 1 ■IMONP. THOMPSON, DAVID. I. THOM PSON Notary Public. THOMPSON & BROTHER, Rensselaer, - Indiana Practice in all the Courts. MARION L. SPITLER, Collector and Abstracter. We pay ; irticular attention to paying tax- , selling and leasiag lands. v 2 n4B FRANK W. B >i.(.OCK., Attorney at Law And Real Estate Broker. Practices in all Courts of Jasper, Newtot ihd Benton counties. Lands examined Abstracts of Title prepared: Taxes paid. Collections a Specialty. JAMES W. DOUTHIT, ATTORNEY-AT-LAW and notary public, . Office upstairs, in Ma iee ver’s new building, lientselaer. Ind. edwinplammono, ATTORNEY-AT-LAW, Rensselae , Ind. OF"Office Over Makeever’s Bank. May 21. 1885. H. W. SN IDEB, Attorney at Law Remington, Indiana. COLLECTIONS A SPECIALTY. W. HARTSELL, M D , HOMOEOPATHIC PHYSICIAN & SURGEON. RENSSELAER, - - INDIANA. Diseases a OFFICE, in Makeever’s New Block. Residence at Makeever House. July 11, 1884. Dd. dale, ■ ATTOKNEY-AT LAW MONTICELLO, - INDIANA. Bank building, up stairs. J.H. LOUGHRIDGE. F. P, BITTERS LOUGHRIDGE & BITTERS, Physicians and Surgeons. Washington street, below Austin’s hotel. Ten per cent, interest will be added to all accounts running unsettled longer than three months. vlnl DR. 9 B. WASHBURN, Physician & Surgeon, Rensselaer, Ind. Calls promptly attended. Will give special atter cion to the treatment of Chronic Diseases. CITIZENS’ BANK., RENSSELAER, IND., R. S. Dwiggins, F. J. Sears, Val. Seib, President. Vice-President. Cashier. Does a general banking business-. C rtiflcates bearing interest issued; Exchange bought and sold; Money loaned on farms at low -st races and on most favorable terms. April 1885. ALFRED M COY. ' THOMAS THOMPSON. Banking House OF A. McCOY &T. THOMPSON, successors to A, McCoy & A. Thompson. j?ankersRensselaer, Ind. Does general Banking bu, •mess Buy and sell exchange. Collection* m»d» >n alj available points. -Money lox '■t*rest paid on specified time deposits, same place as Cid firm of A. McCo’’’ & I*««»aoB, aprU.’ll

RENSSELAER JASPER COUNTY, INDIANA. FRIDAY NOVEMBER 13 1885.

SHERMAN'S SOMERSAELT.

New York Evening Post: On the sectional question Mr. Sherman’s Virginia views are so complete a somersault from hts Ohio views that we can only do him justice by displaying the two sets side by side: ohio .views. Virginia Views. To-day the Re- We admire the publican party isc ourage w th faced by a Solid which you fought South, in whichin what yon rethe negro is de- garded as a good prived, substan-'cause during the tially, of all his war,aud claim for political right s ourselves. a share by open violencepf the honor you or by frauds as conferred upon mean as any that,American citihave been com-zenship by your mitted ly peni-courage. we tentiary convicts, frankly admitthe and as openly and sincerity of the boldly done as|m oti ve s which any highway rob-led you into the, bery. By this contest, and nei-’ system, and byther wish to rethe acquiescence proach yon with of a few Northerntaor make any refStates, the menbrence to what who led in the you d d during civil war havejthe war, and all been restored to. we ask of you is power, and hope to join with us in practically to re-becuring the just verse the results results of the war of the war. This expressed in the is the spectre that constitutional anow haunts Am- mendments and erican politics, still more broadand may make itly in the parole just as vital and taken by General necessary to ap- Bee and his solpeal to the North- diers at the close ejn states to unite of the war. again against this Perhaps it was evil, not so open as well that after aryl arrogant asp long lease of slavery, but morepower by the Redangerous and|publican party equally unjust.- the Democratic We forget some-party should be times that it wasfput on trial for the Union causelfour years. It at that won, and noflcast will dissithe rebel cause, pate the impresI have recently jsion in the South heard Jefferson as to the ability Davis, in the Sen-bf that party to ate of the Uniterm nage the mulStates, extolled tiplied interests as a patriot, and I [of a great Govhave been ealled|ernment like ours in question for It may, I trust, denouncing himialso dissipate t K e as a oonspirator impression of the and a traitor. South as to the I have seen ma-spurposes and obny signs of a dis-[jectS of the Reposition to waive publican party, all the glorious?W® do feel a deep results of thejinterest in the war, to make no|[election of Govdiff erence be-ernor Wise and tween the bluejin the re-election and the gray, tops General Marevive again the hone,though they doctrines of se-are Confederate cession and State soldiers of provrights taught be-ed courage. We fore the war.—neither expect to The tendency ofwaive their pride the Democratic^ ll their achieveparty is all thatments nor their way. jloyalty of purpose and intent during the civil war; but we unjderstand that jthey are willing now to join with all others, North andfSouth, in the maintenan' e of .[Republican principles, and we [therefore feel for their success the [same earnest desire. the [same reasons that we struggled for in Ohio land expect it in |New York. We have never seen more dema. goguery displayed in the same space than is contained in the above extracts from John, Sherman’s Ohio and, Virginia speeches. Honest men everywhere should shun him. - 4 ••• *

Interesting Sketeh.

In one of Jap. Turpin’s racy Washington letters, published recently in the Indianapolis Sentinel, we find the following pleasant reference to a quarte te of Indiana’s most prominent and ablest men: # * * * * When Mr. Hendricks was last here I was at his rooms in the hotel one evening while he was conversing with Senator Voorhees. — I have often thought I would jot down for the JSentinelfragm ntsof the conversation, but it .continued to slip away from me when a pen was in my hand. Senator Voorhees saidihat nothing in the history of the politics of the country had lately given him so much pleasure as the speech made by Mr. Headricks at the Parnell meeting. And he was-delight-ed with the spirii of the enemy’s criticisms. With infinite gratification he saw the Republican press making a donkey of itself. In expressing sympathy for the Parnell party in Great Britain Mr. Hendricks only professed faith in the principles on which his own Government is founded. On that particular subject every American, whatever office'he may hold, is alway ; at liberty to speak and in duty bound to speak. They then talked of civtl service reform as the law was s- read upon he statute books by the Pen-, dleton bill Senator Voorhees has! told his friend George H. Pendleton: “That law will end your political life.” Personally their relations tn the Senate were always agreeable and cloge, remembering that Senator Voorhees, with Tilden, voted for Mr. Hendricks in the New York Conventi n in 1868 against Pendleton. Senator Voorhees said that in making an officeholding class —something so foreign to the spirit of our Government—there was a crime against society that no public man could explain to an / respectable part of the American people. Senator Voorhees insisted that where the idea was tolerated it was not understood. Mr. Hendricks not only agreed with him, but warmly applauded the position of Senator Voorhees. He replied that whatever doubts he might have had upon the subject were lately dispelled by asking the advic of certain public men in Indiana. “You know what a clear, logical mind Judge Turpie has,” continued Mr. Hendricks. “It is wonderful,” answered Senator Voorhees; “I have never known Judge Turpie’s equal in clearness of thought and powers of analyzation.” Senator Voorhees has since told me that Judge Turpie is the only man who ever, as a United States Senator, made a national reputation in six weeks; that within the scope of his acquaintance he was the most intellectual man. Coming from a member of the United States Senate, a man for full thirty years in public life, this surprised me, though I had frequently marveled at the extent and variety of Judge Turpie’s learning. ‘Well,’ continued Mr. Hendricks, “I lately conversed with Judge Turpie, and was at the conclusion astonished at the number a d force of the arguments he hurled against the system. That it is wrong and foreign to the spirit of our institutions and the philosophy of government; that if enforced it will lead to the grossest abuses. I arose from that interview without the shadow of a doubt. In addition to this I lately had a conver ■ sation with Governor Gray, and his remarks convinced me that it is something to which the American people never will or ought t: submit.” After hearing this conversation between Vice President Hendricks and Senator Voorhees, two men of such extraordinary skill, in grasping the central idea of the public inind, and hearing such men as Judge Turpie and Governor Gray quoted, I felt that I would not have

to wait until after the New York election to make up a verdict on the question of civil service reform as administered by Dorman B. Eaton.

McCLELLAN AND STANTON.

The Former’s Version of the Hostility Between Them— Treachery of the Minister at a Critical Epoch— A Victim of Vaulting Ambition.

[Boston (Mass.) Special.] An officer of the Army of the Potoinac, under McClellan, quotes the general version of the feud between him and Secretary Stanton. The conversation took place at Bar Harbor in August, 1884, when the officer visited the Gene al to request him to be Boston’s guest on the 17th of September following. The story purports to be in General McClellan’s words: “When President Lincoln reassigned me to lhe command after the second Bull Run, he said: ‘‘Now, General, before you 1 ave Washington I wish you would call upon Stanton and see if you can not have a good personal understanding with him.” “ ‘Mr. President,’ I said, ‘I wish never again to have any personal dealings with Mr. Stanton, and I speak as much through regard for the men of the army of the Potomac, their lives and welfare, as I do on account of any ill-treatment of myself.’ “ ‘Now. General,’ the President said, ‘at this crisis in the affairs of tht nation, consider what a damaging effect it would have upon the people were it known that the Commander of the Army and the Secretary of War were at swords joints. Don’t stop to consider onger, I wish you would see him lefore you leave for th© field.’ “‘Mr. President,’ I replied, ‘you are the Commander-in-Chief. As you order me, I obey; I will do so.’ “ ‘When shall I send word to the Secretary that you will be there?’ “ ‘At his office the firs u business hour of to-morrow.’ “I appeared next morning at the Secretary’s office. He opened wide his arms to embrace me. He protested that he had ever been my best of friends. Others might be my enemies, and had thwarted him in nis efforts to render me thesup-

port which was so unjustifiably withheld. ‘I have now urged that you shall be recalled again to the command,’ said Stanton. ‘You are the only one to save us. The army has unbounded trust in you, and you have confidence in it. I want you, General McClellan, to consider that I am one of your staunchest and most loyal of personal friends. Your being recalled again will now enable me, without any restriction, to back you up with all the resources of the War Department. Your enemies will no longer be able to interfered they can not, they will not, I pledge you, interfere. Go out to the field in the fullest assurance that you will have me here to strengthen your hands and supply all and every need of your army.’ “In response I rssured the secretary that in my judgment all wo’d be well for the cause if the army was cordially supported and mv efforts sustained. I left in the trust that I would now receive adequate backing from the authorities. — Well, sir, I had not gone out from the presence of that secretary two hours before he began his old style of villification of me. Stanton seemed to have a mortal hatred of every General who stood well with the army or who was s iccessful in the field. I was informed of his traducing me by a gentleman whose honor could not t e questioned.— When General Halleck was at Washington in command, government and social circles were scandalized at times and at others amused by the petty spite shown by one to the other. It was not an [ uncommon thing for Stanton to tell ■ some mean anecdote of the Gener-

al, and end off by . vowing that Halleck was the biggest liar in Washingtom Sta ton was a singular compound, and I can only account for much of the peculiar conduct of the man on the ground that he was filled with some sort of mad ambition.”

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NUMBER 41