Democratic Sentinel, Volume 9, Number 40, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 6 November 1885 — Page 8

VCOEHHS.

(Continued from First Page.)

ineut, roused largely by the Democratic party in Congress, took control of the question that businass prosperity, if not entirely restored, got|an impulse in the right direction in 1878 and 1879. Why, of a 1! t e parties of false pretenses, if time woul d allow me, I could point out that nothing has ever equaled the Republican party in this platform of pledges and jpromises of a year ago, upon which the American people took judgment ( against the Republican party.— I (Applause.) We find them, as it i were, in words of whispering humbleness, and almost with bated breath, and on their kne>>, promising that if the American people would continue their lease of power they would do better in regard to their foreign policy. They would not allow American citizens to rot in British prisons as much as they had done before. The American people did not believe them. Pro,ession is one thing and practice is another. The American ’ eople had seen the Republican party, with all its loud professions of protection for American citizens abroad, allow Daniel McSweeny, and fifty more naturalized citizens, to lie in British jails month after month, and in some instances year atteryear, without indictment, trial or legal accusation, and turned out without apology, sent adrift, ruined, upon the world. (Hisses.) — Th Democratic party took note of these things, and, I repeat, took judgment against the Republican party upon this question as well as others. We, in the West, and you, too, in your crowded hives of industry, are interested in the question of public land. In the platform of promises laid down last year is the pledge to preserve the public domain sa redly for the actual settler, and declaring that every acre of land not earned by the railroads by the terms of the grant, shall be forfeited. Nearly 200 000,000 of acres have been voted away by the Congresses of the United States; every one of them was voted away by the Republican party, and tbe bills giving them away to the great corporations were signed by Republican Presidents of the United States. They declare for forfeiture by acbof Congress. Yet, tho’ they have had control of Congress for more than twenty years, not one act of forfeiture have they made a law. Step by step, they have so debauched the public service, and so violated the confidence of the American people, that they had to come before you in the attitude of humble acknowledgment of their errors and premise to do better. But the most striking example, perhaps, of their effrontery is where they clamor lordly for reform of the civil service. Reform of the civil servic ! I suppose that means better men in office th n n those that have been in office. That would be the kind of reform that I would advocate.— (Applause.) In that respect the Americen peoplejtook them at their word and turned out a good many of them. [Applause.] Andi am prepared to say that a good many more of them will be turned out, soon. [Great applause.] But what was the necessity of reform in the civil service. They had conducted it for the last quarter of a century. They spawned upon this land the Credit Mobiliar as a part of the civil service of the Republican party. J(Applause.) The great Whiskey Rings that robbed the revenues of the land by the million were another part. They were of their begetting, not ours. The Star Route thieves were not of our household, but of theirs. Who sold post traderships for money? What Cabinet officers were impeached for corruption and high crimes? Not Democrats, certainly. But, if there is a necessity for reform of the civil service, how was that hecessity created? None know so well as the John Shermans, the Forakers, the Edmundses, and men of that claes. Let them look to their own household —not to ours. [Applause.] Let them seek to live pur lives. Let them cease their raids upon the public revenues. Then let us turn the rascals out and so reform the public service. [Great applause. J Now, I am committing no heresy as a Democrat in saying these things. I am for honest, pure government, and every method that will

best reach that end. But when a party of cruelty and lawlessness, rapacity and villainy, as I have known it to be in my long service in both branches of Congress, seeks to arraign the Democratic .party, it is the miserable, bloodthirsty wolf of the fable that, standing at the upper part of the stream, looks down, and charges the lamb with muddying the water that it has to drink. [Applause.] It is their own crimes that they recall. I arraign them! They have had the power and have abused it, and they shall not shirk the responsibility. [Applause] his much in response to the man who comes from the State of Ohio to arraign the Democratic party of New York for correcting the faults and errors for which his party is wholly responsible. [Applause.] No v, I am going to plead for a little time on our part. We will not ask for twenty-four years. W e will take about twelve, and that is about what we will have before we are done- [Applause.] If then we have not done something to remedy the evil results of bad legislation, then tu n us out, as we turned them out last fall. [Apolause.] But give us something more than seven months before you judge us. Give us something more than the executive branch f the Government, not yet in session. Give us a fair chance. I am here to plead for the administration that it shall have some chance, and some time in court [Applause.] But here is another Republican shame, and it is amazing that any portion of the people of the great Empire State of New Yo r k should iolerate it. Twenty years have rolled away since the war ended, and '• on had thought that you wo’d hear no more of these hoarse ravens croaking in the air against the South. Ah, gentlemen, I know well the story, and I wonder that any Republican u as the hardihood to speak of the Republican party in connection with the South. Foten years after the war closed there was a carnival of crime, a banquet of plunder and villainy, the like of which is not recorded in history. [Hisses.] I speak advisedly and by the record. In the dark period from 1865 to 1875 there were eleven

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Southern States cruelly plundered, until the very wrath of God seemed slow that it was not *mmediately visited on the p rpetrators of so much crime. I have statistics that do not lie, figures that tell tbe truth. They show that in that era of carpet-bagging a rabble of men, whose few belongings did not distend their carpet-bags, imposed upon the hapless States, in addition to the debt that they owed when the war was over, a burden of indebtedness amounting to over $275,000,000. Where are the Governors of the Republican party in the South?— We fall back upon our history; let them fall back on theirs. We will an wer for our Governors. We will answer for the men who have been Governors in the great State of New York. [Applause.] We will answer for Horatio Se unour applause,] Samuel J. Tilden, great applause],Grover Cleveland applause], or David B. Hill. Cheers.) The Rep iblicans want ;o regain control of those Southern States, and govern them i i the old baneful way. They complain that +he South is Democratic; that the Republicans have lost their ascendency in the South. Well may they lose it. The men who misgoverened the Southern States during these ten years of crime of which I have spoken have been scattered like chaff before the wind—some in the penitentiary, some in the jails, Let the Republicans answer for Governor Moses,

(Concluded on Fourth Page.)

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