Democratic Sentinel, Volume 9, Number 39, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 30 October 1885 — Page 3

GEN. GRANTS LAST WORDS.

Counseling Peace and Harmony Between the Federals and Confederates. A reunion of the veterans of General Grant’s old regiment—the Twenty-first Illinois Volunteers—was recently held at Neoga, 111. Colonel Fred Grant was present and in response to requests for a speech said: “I do not intend to make you a speech, for I have not been trained as a public talker. I have here a document that I would like to read to you. It is the last line written by my father upon matters pertaining to the war, and has never before been made public. As he entered into the war with you for his first companions, and as he always spoke of your regiment with affectionate interest, it is fitting that you should be the first to hear his parting words. This is what he wrote upon the pages I hold here: “I feel that we are on the eve of a new era, when there is to be great harmony between the Federals and the Confederates. I cannot stay to be a living witness to the correctness of this prophecy, but I feel it within me that it is to be so. The universally kind feeling expressed for me at a time when it was supposed that each day would prove my last seems to me the beginning of the answer to ‘Let us have peace.’ The expressions of these kindly feelings are not restricted to a section of the country nor to a division of the people. They came from individ-ual-citizens of all nationalities, from all denominations —the Protestant, the Catholic, and the Jew—and from the various societies of the land, scientific, educational, religious, or otherwise. Politics did not enter into the matter at all. lam not egotist enough to suppose all this significance should be given this matter because I was the object of it. But the war between the States was a very bloody and a very costly war. One side or the other had to yield principles they deemed dearer than life before it could be brought to an end. I commanded the whole of the mighty host engaged on the victorious side; I was, no matter whether deservedly so or not, a representer of that side of the controversy. It is a significant and gratifying fact that Confederates should have joined heartily in this spontaneous move. I hope the good feeling inaugurated may continue to the end.” * A general amen went up from the audience, and then the meeting quietly adjourned.

Chickens Come Home to Roost.

The Democratic advantage that worries the Republicans so much is having the solid South, which they envy, bemoan, and curse. It worries them the more, knowing it was in their power to have this advantage themselves, and that they recklessly cast it away as a thing too despicable for them/ They did seek to solidify her for themselves, and were sanguine of success, but made the blunder of selecting carpet-bag-gers and scalawags, white and black, as their agents to execute so imposing a task. These did make her solid, but not for their master. Having failed with the South, the Republicans then tried to solidify the North, and failed with her, too. We see, therefore, that they cannot solidify either North or South for themselves, though effective in such work for the Democracy. The Democracy having received a formidable element of strength from the Republicans, are duly grateful for the great favor, especially as they know they could never have given it themselves. The Democrats accepted it in good faith, and now that it has turned out so good, the Republicans demand that it be broken up and big pieces given back to them. The Democracy find it too good to give back a particle, and hold with Lady Bray that when a real good thing be thrust on you, keep it. In ridding themselves of it, the Republicans should have thought of its prospective value and preserved it well for themselves, which they could so easily have done. Not having done it confirms what was already known of them—total lack of statesmanship, and even of sagacity. When the rebellion ceased the South was utterly prostrate at their feet. They dominated in every branch of the Government, doing as they pleased irrespective of the constitution or aught else. The misery of the South at that time made her long for charity. With absolute power in their hands, and with such a victim under their feet, it was easy for them then, by show of a little charity, such as Christians are wont to show the vanquished, to conciliate her and attach her solidity to themselves, as she is now to the Democracy ; but madness ruled them, and being then, now, ever, purely sectional—conceived, born, and bred in sectionalism—their sectional hate would tolerate no prayer for charity to their helpless victim. With barbaric glee they let loose, and upheld with military, swarms of ravenous knaves, known as carpetbaggers and scalawags, to victimize still further their victim already crushed with every woe. The crimes of these knaves, and their mockeries of legislation, of justice, of government, are a glaring blot on the nineteenth century; and against this madness the Democracy, being powerless, could do no more than entreat, and as Christians they could do no less. Their humble entreaties were met with vile epithets and opprobrium. With a barbaric goad, the Republicans drove the South to take refuge, for her life, in solitude and in the nationality of the Democracy. What else could the victim have done, or where else have gone? Having solidified the South in the Democracy, they now howl like injured

innocence at their own work. Sloli conduct is worthy only of carpet-bag-gers and scalawags. Habituated to violation of laws of the land, they believe they could violate with impunity those of nature too. They got a set of demons, black, grizzle, red, to set solidly on an egg, and thought, by such a combination, to get a powerful, supernatural rooster that would give them constant triumph; but the egg, true to itself and to Democratic warning, gave a very natural chicken that comes home to roost, but walks only in the good neighbor’s yard, where there are no bad children to trouble him. Cause will have effect, and the best way to remove a disagreeable effect is to remove the cause. Republican sectionality being the parent of Southern Democratic solidity, all that is required to get rid of the latter is to get rid of the former. If the Republicans be truly patriotic they will make this sacrifice—disband and reform in nationality—which is, of coarse, Democratic domain; but the Democracy is generous and will grant them broad margin on their good soil. —lndianapolis Sentinel.

Republican Cant.

Hypocrisy and cant seem to be the chief stock in trade of Republican candidates and platform-makers this year. In no State where a platform has been adopted has the party dared to make a square, manly utterance on the liquor issue, lest by so doing it might lose the vote either of the Prohibitionists or anti-Prohibitionists. Its gene al attitude is substantially that described in the lowa platform. It proclaims itself “the steady upholder of the right and duty of the State to regulate the traffic in liquor by such methods as will suppress most of its evils; but has never made the support of prohibition a test of party fealty.” In other words, it wants the support of Prohibitionists, liigh-license men, and all who believe in any method of suppressing the liquor traffic, but does not propose to commit the party to suppression in any form. This differs a little from the attitude of the party in Michigan, where it declares with emphasis for the right of the people to vote in favor of a prohibitory amendment, but holds itself absolved from any obligation to support the amendment. The object, however, is the same in both cases; and the canting hypocrisy is the same. The platforms in Massachusetts, Ohio, and New York are no better; but the most notable exhibition of cant is furnished by the Republican candidate for Governor in the latter State. He has been arraigned by the prohibitionists for his presidency in a wine-making company, and the charge seems to him serious enough to call for a defense. He makes one, therefore. And the pith of it is that he is not and has not been a wine-maker in any wicked sense, but simply as an act of friendship and pure philanthrophv. A cousin of his, who was engaged in the wicked business, died suddenly and left him to execute his will. When he came to look into the affairs of the deceased he found that the only way in which anything could be saved for the widow and children was to take the presidency of the wine company and continue the business. He did so, for four years, and then, having . wound up the estate and gotten the business into a prosperous condition, resigned. And this canting plea that he conducted, not for gain to himself but to others, a business which the Prohibitionists regard as immoral is liis only answer to their indictment. It was comparatively unimportant, perhaps, what answer to make so far as his support to the Prohibitionists is concerned, for there has been no likelihood from the first that he would receive any support from them. But knowing this he might, it would seem, have given him an honest, manly answer. The plea which he makes would have quite as much force from the standpoint of the Prohibitionists if his deceased cousin had been engaged in the lottery business, or carrying on a receivership of stolen goods. If the wine business is immoral—and he cantingly asks the Prohibitionists to believe that he so regards it, his carrying it on under the cloak of philantlirophy was still more immoral. —Detroit Free Press.

“Honeycombed with Corruption.”

During these trying times of conventions and elections it should not be forgotten that thb work of “cleaning the Augean stables” goes merrily on unchecked. There appears to have been as much need for the shovel and broom in the outlying bureas as in the main departments of the Government, as the corrupt and wasteful methods which prevailed under Republican misrule seem to have penetrated every branch of the public service. It was scarcely thought in the beginning of the eiA of reform that the purely scientific bureaus were corrupt. The revelations regarding the geodetic and geological surveys demonstrate that even science was blended with politics to the profit of the ringsters. It appears that the largest percentage of tangible results of the bureau of geological survey is found in the publication of scientific works at Government expense, which have no connection with the objects for which the survey was established. On such books nearly all the appropriation made by Congress has been wasted. *The notorious flay den was the originator, of this precious bureau, and lie found it very handy for junketing trips at public expense. It is stated that the survey, depending for its existence upon the goodwill of Congress, year by year, and not having a definite, recognized status under the Government, in-

in ordinary lobbying to procure funds, and that money is thus wasted every year to get and keep the good-will of Congress. The method adopted for consulting and flattering the average Congressman consists of distributing books and photographs and taking Congressmen’s sons aud relatives on expeditions in the name of science. So far as the actual survey of the Territories is concerned, the results are extremely meager in comparison to the money expended. The overhauling of this cumbersome and expensive bureau clearly demonstrates that the administration can scarcely be too vigilant and determined in making a thorough investigation of every department and bureau, if all the leaks are to bo stopped and the swindling and extravagant practices fostered by Republican administrations are to be entirely eliminated. The allusion in the platform of the last convention to the Government being “honeycombed with corruption” meant more than mei-e words, and the party’s pledge to purify it must be faithfully redeemed.— Omaha Herald.

The Ohio Result and the Administration.

From two classes comes the claim that the result in Ohio is a rebuke of President Cleveland and his administration. One class is made up of the Blaine Republicans, who have not yet recovered from the bitterness of defeat, and are anxiously casting about for such crumbs of comfort as can be extracted from political events. The other class is composed of the Democrats who regard the president’s administration as a failure because he has not replaced every Republican in office with a Democrat. For this neglect it is claimed the Ohio Democracy has rebuked him by not supporting the party ticket. The claim is absurd. There is slight ground, if any, for a claim that the Ohio result lias any bearing whatever upon the President or his administration. The election was about as distinctly a State election, and about as free from any complication with national issues, as any that was ever hold in Ohio or elsewhere. The State is Republican and the Rejiublicans carried it. They may have been aroused by Sherman’s appeal to passion. They probably were to some extent; and to that extent national considerations entered into the canvass and affected the result. But nobody will be foolish enough to claim that revived fanaticism on the subject of the Southern vote means approval'or disapproval of the President. If the Southern Republican does not get his rights at the bal-lot-box, as John Sherman so vociferously and dogmatically declares, it is not due in any sense to the administration now in power. If it is chargeable to any administration it is to that of President Arthur and his Republican predecessors; for it was under them that all the alleged outrages which grieve the sensitive soul of Sherman occurred. So far as the Republican claimants are concerned, this claim that the Ohio result bears upon President Cleveland is as unimportant as it is untrue. In the case of the Democratic claimants it is fortunate the claim is untrue. For if the Democratic defeat in Ohio does mean anything special in connection with the administration it means approval and not rebuke. Whatever else may be said, either for or against the Democratic candidates and leaders in Tuesday’s contest, this is true beyond question. They represent unequivocally what there was in the Ohio Democracy of opposition to the reform principles of Cleveland and his administration. If the Ohio Democracy had proposed any rebuke for the President the effective way to administer it would have been to elect the men who shelved Pendleton for his reform record, not to permit their defeat. —Detroit Free Press.

Mr. Lincoln Was an Offensive Partisan.

Before President Lincoln had been in office six weeks the victors had all the spoils worth taking. Not a Democratic postmaster with a salary of more than S4OO was anywhere to be found, and from that day until the 4th of March last Democrats have not been permitted to hold an appointive Federal office. There seemed nothing extraordinary or out of course in the prediction that in event of Democratic success there would be what was called a clean sweep. The new administration has been in operation six months, and there has been no clean sweep—there has been no clean sweep at all. In the 2,323 Presidential postoffices there have been but 487 changes, and a large percentage of these were appointments made to fill vacancies created by death, resignation, or expiration of term. There are 48,421 postoffices of the fourth class; that is, offices in which the postmasters are appointed without the advice and consent of the Senate upon the nomination of the President, but by the Postoffice Department. In these there have been but 6,400 changes, many of these appointments being made to fill vacancies arising from ordinary causes. —Chicago Herald.

Davenport’s Record on Labor Questions.

The first flush of Republican satisfaction over having a barreled candidate for Governor of New York is wearing off, and it is becoming evident to the enthusiasts that they are going to have very hard work to save Mr. Davenport’s distance in the race. Mr. Davenport has a record, and the workingmen who have been looking it up are not at all satisfied with it. While Nr. Davenport was a member of the New York Senate, he dodged voting on every bill in the interests of labor offered except one, and that he voted against.

RIEL DOOMED.

The Date of His Execution Fixed— Angry Public Feeling' in Canada. [London dispatch.] The Privy Council has dismissed the appeal of Louis Riel, the leader of the half-breed insurrection in Canada, against the sentence of death passed upon him by the Canadian courts. Iu an interview to-day, Mr. Fitzpatrick, Riel s Canadian counsel, said: “It is impossible to pretend that Riel was unfairly tried. No doubt, at the time of the outbreak in the Northwest, grievances existed which have since been remedied. Rid commenced the agitation from purely political motives. Many people still consider that he rendered valuable services to the country. Doubtless the excitement again induced in Riel mental aberration, rendering him incapable of keeping the rebellion within legal limits. On thescaffold Riel will become a martyr; in prison or in an asylum he would be forgotten.” In face of the conflicting medical evidenoe in Riel’s case, Mr. Fitzpatrick advocated the appointment by the Canadian Government of a commission to again examine the prisoner. The Daily Telegraph, commenting on the case, says: “On the whole yesterday’s judgment is so upheld by reason and comes from a lawyer of such undoubted authority that it may bo assumed to cover the justice of the case. The end of the chapter now rests with Canada, Riel cannot complain if Canada, now master of the situation, exacts the last penalties." □Montreal dispatch.] L. O. David, President of the Riel Defense Association, says that he has received trustworthy information that it is the Government's intention to carry the law into effect against Riel. The feeling, he says, among the French Canadians is intense, and with the small-pox. and other causes of race feeling, the slightest provocation might cause serious trouble. Personally he will take no further steps in the matter, and believes the committee will follow this course, holding the Government responsible. The Government officers here say that Riel will be hanged on the 10th of November. □Winnipeg dispatch. I Althorgh the verdict of the Privy Council in the Riel case has not been a surprise it has occasioned a deep feeling among the half-breeds and Frenoh in Winnipeg, who now expect the rebel will be hanged. A dispatch from Regina says Riel displaved great agitation on receiving the news. He fears the last hope is gone, and expressed the private opinion that he would have to meet the fate the recent sentence imposed.

HEIR TO A MILLION.

A St, Louisan Entitled to a Portion of the Great Townley Estate. • rst. Louis telegram.] The Liverpool Weekly Post of recent date announces that by an act* of Parliament, passed August 4, the British Government has decided to pay over to all the legal heirs of the Lawrence Townley estate their proper portion of the money. This estate amounts to the enormous sum of $800,000,000 in money and 400,000 acres of land. The estate would have been divided thirty-four years ago, but, through the false claim of one Talmy, it was thrown into chancery, where it remained twenty-six years. The estate was inherited by four brothers of the Chase family, three of whom— William, Aquila, and Thomas —came to this country before the Revolutionary war. •The direct heirs of these three brothers in America number about 800. Many of them are supposed to reside in Missouri. One of those who have put in claimß is L. T. Austin, of No. 224 East Stein street, South St. Louis. He will be entitled to several million dollars when the estate is settled. Mr. Austin says that a number of the other heirs who have not put in their claims are supposed to be residents of St. Louis. Mr. Stein’s grandmother prosecuted the claim in 1846, but died at the advanced age of 100 years while it was still in litigation. Mr. Austin is now working on the Transfer Railway in South St. Louis.

TOOMBS AND THE UNION PRISONER.

He Secures the Helease from Libby of the Son of a Former Sweetheart. [Centralia (Ill.) special.J The approaching death of Bob Toombs inspires people to tell incidents of his public life and service. A story was told to your correspondent to-day which is worthy of the public print One day, while Toombs was in the rebel Cabinet, he drove up to Gen. Winder’s office at Libby, and asked to see a prisoner whom he named, and who turned out to be a mere boy, who had enlisted in a New England regiment and was captured and taken to Libby. Toombs was taken to the boy, and the two were left alone together. No one knew what transpired, but in a day or two the prisoner’s release was ordered, and he was sent home. In former days Bob had formed a fancy for the girl who was now the soldier boy’s mother. The tender memories of the past were not eliminated from the mind of the arch rebel by the clash of war, and a mother’s appeal was not allowed to go unheard.

CHINESE STAMPEDED.

A House Containing Mongol Laborers Attacked by a Mob Near Hock Springs. [Omaha special. J A dispatch leceived at Union Pacific headquarters states that a mob of white men attacked the section house at the old town of Bock Springs, Wyoming, three miles from the coal-mining town of the same name. The house was occupied by thirty Chinamen employed as railroad section men. The mob yelled and shouted, fired a volley of revolver shots into the air, and bombarded the house with clubs and stones, and smashed every window. The Chinamen were frightened nearly to death, supposing that another massacre was about to be perpetrated. They ran out of the house and fled to the neighboring hills, where they remained all night, suffering intensely from cold, as they were but half clad.

FIGHTING A PRESIDENT.

[New Tort telegram.] The Hon. Chauncey M. Depew has fur j wished to the press the following open letter to Col. F. D. Grant: „ _ „ New Yobk, Oct. 12. isss. Mt Dear Coi.oivki.: In answer to vour n»qaest for the particulars of the conversation 1 had with your tather, and to whien 1 alluded t, a speech before the Chamber of Commerce, the following is my best recollection: About four years age I sat beside Gen. G-rsnl at dinner. There were many courses, slowly served, and the entertainment lasted seveiat hours. We discussed manv matters srggested by his trip around the world, and among other things he said to me that when in Cl#ia I’rinoe Nang, who was Regent and real rular during the minority of the Emperor, told him ol their controversy with Japan. War was about to be declared, and the Prince thought it would be a long and bloody one, and asked General Grant If he would act as arbitrator. The General declined for want of but principally because he was a private person and had no power to-enforce ills decision. He suggested, however, the terms of compromise. When in Japan shortly after, the Mikado's Ministers told him their side of the trouble, aud revealed the tact that several of the European Governments were actively stirring up the strife on both sides, hoping to benefit bv the war. The same request was made to him on the part of the Japanese Government—to act as arbitrator—and in again declining he stated the Bubstance of the compromise he had advised for China. The two nations adopted substantially the terms proposed by General Grant, and a disastrous conflict was averted. The conversation drifted Into a consideration of his relations with President Andrew Johnson. The narrative of this period was one of the most graphic to which I ever listened, and it is unfortunate for history and posterity that it cannot be preserved as it was told. It had the local coloring of conversations with, and statements made by, the chief actors, aud of the situations of partios and persons as tho events occurred, invaluable as a portraiture and estimate of the times. I said In rnv address that Gen. Grant performed services to his country which were unwritten quite as important as any that were recorded, and I think this narrative will bear me out. This is the substance of the story: Johnson began, the day after the assassination of Mr. Lincoln, to loudly proclaim at all time* and places,with constant reiteration, the shibboleth, “Treason is odious and must be punished, aud the chief rebels'shall be hanged. To give effect to this sentiment, as soon as ho was inaugured lie insisted upon the United State# Courts in Virginia finding indictments against all the leading members of the Confederacy. He also wanted the officers in the rebel army who had left tho regular army to join tho rebellion to be summarily dealt with by courtmartial. These movements of the lTesident produced the greatest consternation throughout the South. Tho Confederate leaders appealed to Grant to protect them on the parole lie had given. lie saw Johnson on the subject, only to bo informed that tho President was by the Constitution comnianiler-iu-ohlef of tho army, and t hat anything dono by the commanding General on the field was done subject to his approval or rejec ion, and he rejected the terms. General Grant urged that the rebels had surrendered on these conditions, disbanded their organizations, submitted universally to the situation, and were carrying out in good faith thoir part of tho agreement, and every consideration of both honor and expediency demanded equally good faith on the part of the Government. The other course would have led to an endless guerrilla warfare, conducted in a country admirably adapted for It by desperate and hopoless men. Johnson obstinately adhered to his view, and assumed the authority of commander, when Grant flatly told him that if there wero to be any courts-martial one must be called to try General Grant first; that he would by overy means In his power protect his parole and appeal to Congress and tho country. In the hall called by this attitude of Geuoral Grant a very remarkable change occurred in the view# and policy of President Johnson. General Grant discovered that tho most frequent and favored visitor! to the White House were the men whom the President had proscribed. In the General’s opinion Johnson's loyalty was subordinate to. If not entirely dependent upon, his entire enmity to the slaveholding oligarchy, lie wi.s a poor white, had been a journeyman tailor, and, notwithstanding the distinguished public positions he had held, he could not break through the class barrier, and was treated socially with contempt by this proud aristocracy. When they plunged into rebellion he raw his opportunity. He bolleved In the power of the Government, and thought that tho time had como when he could defeat his enemies, confiscate their property, humiliate their pride, and possibly destroy them. The absorbing ambition and passion of his life had been to be received and treated as one of them by the oligarchy. Having tailed in that and suffered insult and indignity in the effort, he became one of the most vlndlotive of men. He saw them foiled in tiieir rebellion, defeated and impoverished, and now he wanted to kill them. While he was devising means to overcome General Grant's resistance to this last purpose, the leaders of the old teudallsm called upon him. They admitted their former treatment and justified it. They said that in all ages and countries where caste distinctions existed, conditions wero always possible which I) ornoted men who had achieved success from the lower into the noble order. As President of the United States, he became, regardless of IJrth and ancestry, not only a member of their order, but Its leader. Johnson was wild with delight; ambition and pride were both satisii d. He became as anxious to sustain and perpetuate in some form a system which had given the hlgnest social and political distinotim to a tew great families as he bad been to destroy it. Grant did not have long to wait for the formulation of his plan. The President s-:nt for him, and sa.d that the radical measuers of Congress were revolutionary and would destroy the country. The war was over, nd th> Republic wanted peace, and that was 1( ss bis only by a union of all sections. The rovisdonal governments provided for the seceded states wero temporary exi edients without i oils tlutional authority, and the Btates had all the rights and should possess all the powers they hud before the war. He had perfected a scheme to accomplish this result, and with Gen. Grant's assistance its success was assured. He would by proclamation direct the rebel States to send to Washington their full quota of henators and Representatives. He had assurances from enough members from the North woo, un ted with them, would make a quorum of one house at least, if not both. The U tigress thus formed he would recognize and install at the Capitol. If the other Northern members did not choose to join, they would be a powerless rump meeting In some li 11. To the General's suggestion that this would start the Civil War afresh, the President iep led: "They who do it will be the rebels, but if vou sustain me, resistance will be impossible."

He appealed to Grant to stand by him In the erbis and they wonld be the saviors ot the Republic. After endeavoring for a long time in vain to convince the President of the folly of such a course and its certain failure, no matter who sustained it, Grant finally told him that he would drive the Congress so constituted out of the i apitol at the point of the bay not, give pos>e*sion of the building to the Senators and PeproHentatlves from the loyal States, and protect. them. If necessary, he wonld appeal to tiie country and to the army he had so recently musiered out of service. f hortly afterward the President sent for Gen. Grant, and said to him that the relations of our Government with Mexico were very delicate, and he wished him to go to the City of Mexico at once on a very important mission. The General knew that this was to get him out of the i ountry, and put It in the power of the President to call, as his successor to Washington, some officer upon whom he could rely. Hereplied that if the appointment was a diplomatio ! one he declined it; if it was a military one ho refused to obey, because the General of the I army could not bo ordered to a foreign country | with which wc aro at peace. The interview was a stormy one, but the subject was drooped. One day the General was sent West on a tour I of inspection. He knew that Gen. Sherman was to lie his successor, and in him he had absolute confidence. The outspoken loyalty of that great soldier prevented the project ever being renewed. j It is at this date needless to speculate upon what might have happened had Gen. Grant actively assisted or passively obeyed the President. No one douots the courage or obstinacy of Andrew Johnson, and onlyainanof equal firmness and determination could have prevented a most calamitous aiid unfortunate 8 trike at the most critical period of thereconI struction of the republic. Yours very truly.

1 To Col. Frederick D. Grant.

CHAUNCEY M. DEPEW.