Democratic Sentinel, Volume 9, Number 38, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 23 October 1885 — BRAINS VS. DEMAGOGUERY! [ARTICLE]
BRAINS VS. DEMAGOGUERY!
Judge Lowry on Judge Thurman. Judge Robert Lowry, of Fort Wayne, told Jap Turp'n, recently, that Judge Allen G. Thurman’s speech at Toledo, Ohio, was the best that was made in the last campaign. Thurman entertains no view of government, said Judge Lowry, that is not thoroughly Democratic. The idea is in his head, the thought is in his heart, nd his language, unencumbered by attempts at rhetoric, has wonderful strength. Hoadly may have the sa ' e idea, but the same idea is not as forcibly expressed by him ns it is by Mr. Thurman, for the reason that he is addicted to painting the lily. Hoadly is an orator, and he is always looking out to “noint a moral and adorn a tale.” f Thurman answers Sherman,” continued the Judge, “who asserts that the negro in the South is a greatly abused person, by asking, if that is true, why does he live there ? Why has he not emigrated to some of the older states of the North? The negro of the South has gone to Kansas, but in no greater number than he has gone to Arkansas and Texas. If the white men of the South are the sanguinary tyrants represented by the oratorical demagogue of the why ■ o rational creatures choose to reside among them? The negroes are not leaving Hamburg, Butler’s district, to become constituents even of the saint Sherman.”
“Then look at the prosperity of the South. I defy any Republican £ the bloody-shirt order to look at it without blushing. History reveals no parallel in t'- o way of progress. The devastation of tire sword and the incendiary constitutes by no manner of means the only violence endured by that people. Here came a ravenous pack of political adventurers known as the carpet-bagger, lie not only plundered their graneries and burdened industry as industry on no other quarter of the globe ever was burden d, but he bonded their lands, fastening upon them an enormous fraudulent debt. 'I here being no protection for property, violence, ns in all such conditional society, stalked abroad at noonday. “Such was the distressed South —no people in all liistofy were ever equally afflicted—when Samuel J. i ilden and Thomas A. Hendricks were electe' to the presidency and vice-presidency in 1876. The central idea of the platform upon which they ran, and the people who voted for them advocated, was self-government for the South. The central idea of the platform that combatted them, and the people who voted against them, said that would never do. John Sherman then, as now, preached the doctrine of hate, advocating military law and a standing army for the South. But Tilden succeeded where McClellan, Seymour and Greeley had failed. ogues standing on the threshold of the penitentiary could not contemplate with serenity the iron Governor, who had reformed New York by hunting thieves to justi e. - They bargained with Rutherford B. Haves. They manipulated the election returns, and fraud for the first time triumphed in America. But the outrage was so palpable that the South, whose neck had felt the heel of the conqueror, made terms wdht.be usurper. Tin y demanded of him the privilege'of Democrah ? self-govarnmeiit ilmt lie must abandon the methods of the Republican party and accent the ye! Hr W Seri nr'! J. Tilden? He . m-only in rs \ih.g tli - • we to which am i iter had been c-ieeced, out also i p .k.; A boe“Reniocralie pvhuJ d - o 1 " 1 1 ed, what was t e result? A new country arose as if by magic. Emigration turned in t, at direction. The land given to -gr!vulture doubled. Mines long choked with weeds were < pencil, vie!din . more metal than the PaciAc Sieve? Factories started and industry gladly conduced to thrift on every
side. And this beneficent influence of government was no less marked upon the black man than upon the wliiteman. There was no blood'shirt in the Garfield campaign; the infiueuceof a Republican administration upon the crops of the country was the burden of their cry.— There was no bloody-shirt in the beginning of the last campaign, and a pretense so miserable I cannot help believing will receive the rebuke it merits in 1885.” On the morning after the election in 1876, while the result was yet in doubt, Rutherford B. Hayes said: “Formyself I care nothing, but my heart aches for the poor blacks, whose blood I now seem to hear falling upon the dry leaves of the Southern forest.” His first official act was to turn the blacks over to those whom he feigned to believe delighted in torturing them. John Sherman was ap f rty to the sale.
General Benjamin F. Butler, when a youth, was as great a madcap as ever entered the halls of a college. In all jokes, adventures and escapades he was an acknowledged ringleader. On one occasion, when a lecture was to be delivered in the chapel of the university in which he was a student, “the boys” determined to have some fun, and as it was to be entirely original, the management of the affair was turned over to young Butler. It was known that the prettiest girls of the town were to be present. According] yon tli e afternoon of the evening in question Butler instructed each of his companions to catch all the swallows possible and to hold them in readiness for the night. This was done, and the boys assembled each with one or more of the birds concealed about his person. On entering the hall the young collegians separated, taking seats in different portions of the room, and each keeping an eye on the ruling spirit of the hour. — When the lecture was about onethird finished the signal was given, and the imprisoned birds were released. Every swallow made straight for a light. At the same instant the gas was extinguished and the cry raised of “Bats!” The ladies and children screamed, the boys cried “Fire!” and the greatest amounted suppositious kissing took place among the students. — When the lights wer relit much of the male element of the audience had disappeared, and it was deemed unnecessary to ask any questions. Everybody soon knew tli'd it was one of the pranks of wild Ben Butler.
