Democratic Sentinel, Volume 9, Number 34, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 25 September 1885 — Page 3

SECTIONALISM REBUKED.

Gov. Hoadly’s Scathing Answer to John Sherman and Candidate Foraker. These Two Bloody-Shirt Shooters Demolished and Bednced to Pulp. We print below the main portion of a speech recently delivered by Gov. Hoadly, at Painesville, Ohio. It is said that John Sherman is wincing under the terrible lashing administered by Gov. Hoadly on this occasion. We can scarcely doubt it, after reading this speech: Fellow Citizens: Senator John Sherman has done me the honor to reply to that part of my speech made at Hamilton, which treated of national an airs. Ido not hesitate to say that I am flattered by this attention of Senator Sherman, who undoubtedly stands head and shoulders above every other Kepublican in Ohio, and •whose long experience in public affairs gives far .more weight to his words than they w ould have coming from a novice in statesmanship. lam but a tyro in public affairs, yet I have not the least hesitation in taking up this glove, for if ever there was a man and an argument plainly . and clearly and mischievously in the wrong, it is onr senior Senator and his recent speech. Let ns see first if we cannot find a standard by which to judge the present case. The difference between a statesman and a demagogue is that the former addresses himself either to the . advocacy of some wise and patriotic measure for the benefit of the people, or appeals to their feelings, seeking to create opinion and to enlist their efforts in a humane, noble and patriotic cause, but when the part played is an appeal to the baser and meaner passions of tne people, of hate and enmity—when the ashes of an old dispute arc raked anew.and the dying embers blown into a blaze (and this without any definite proposition of change, but simply and solely for the pui pose of aiding in a partisan political canvassj, even though the orator may have been three or our times elected Senator, may have rendered great public services on other occasions and in otner fields, he is on this occasion and in this field playing the part of the demagogue. Knowing that his re-election to the Senate and possibly his candidacy for the PresiuSdcy depends upon the vote of Ohio this fall, and knowing that the people of Ohio were, during the war, as they are now, loyal and patriotic sons of America; that they were opposed to the Southern Confederacy, and are satisfied with the results of the war. Senator Sherman seeks to revive and enlist feeiings which the war engendered, the spirit of animosity to the South, to renew the battle fever, and to remind the parents and relatives of the men who died on the field or in hospitals, or in Southern prisons of their sufferings and griefs in order that he may reap the reward in emoluments and salary. To what good end I To wnat good end! He confesses it—none I He says; "I confess there are difficulties in the way of a proper remedy. This may be brought about first by an appeal to ttie South to correct an injustice and wrong which will, as long as it lasts, tend to make our politios sectional, and inspires the t ame resistance to the Democratic party encountered at' the beginning of the war. Then wny not make “an effort?” Why not go South and persuade your countrymen there, the majority of whom have become voters sitpoe the war, that it is their duty to right ihe supposed wrong ot which you complain? Mr. Sherman, your party has been in power twenty-five years —a quarter of a century. Why have you yourselves not righted the wrong of which you complain long ago? More than ten years have elapsed since the majority of the Southern States threw off the shackles which your party tried to hx upon them, and became Democratic. Nine years have elapsed since your de facto President, R. K. Hayes, contrived the scheme of sending a commission to Louisiana to settle the disputed question who was elected Governor of that State, the result of which was submission to Governor Nichols, who received fewer votes thi.n Tilden and Hendricks, while his antagonist, Packard, had more votes than Hayes. Nine years have elapsed since the last Southern State became free from the tyranny and mißgovernment of Moses, ot Warmoth, of Packard, of Bnllock, of Brownlow, of Pease of Texas, Powell Clayton, et id omne genus. During these nine years your party has had the

power to rignt any wrong. During the 'two years beginning March 4, 1881, you had the Presidency—first Garfield and then Arthur; you had the Senate and you were a member of the Senate; you had the House, and if there were any injustice to be remedied, why was it not done, why did you not then and there proceed witu the remedy? Confess now; confess, Mr. Sherman; yon know as well as 1 do that there was just as much and just as little wrong then as now; that the solid South voted for Tiiden, voted for Hancock, just as solidly as for Cleveland. Why did not you, between March 4,1881, and March 4,18 s and your allies in'Congress, Keifer, Robeson and the rest —prenare some measure to right this supposed wrong, of which you now so loudlv complain? Why did you not enact it into a law? Mr. Sherman, the ans.wer Is easy. There is no such wrong. There are no sudh lacts. Eight million bales of cotton produced by work.ngmen in the South, both black and white, is a fact which outweighs j our pretense. If Southern labor were disorganized and Southern laborers under tyranny, this magnificent result would not have been achieved. Your whole argument is based on the claim that when the black men of the South ceased to be chattel slaves, they at once became the slaves of the Republican party, and must therefore vote at its dictation until the day of judgment. Yours is a simple syllogism. The colored men of the ScUih belong to tne Republican party, you say, and would vote its ticket, if not prevented by force and fraud. Some of them do not, vote its ticket. Therefore they are prevented by force and fraud. 'To which our answer is that your major premise is pure < assumption, unsustained by proof, and in point of fact utterly untrue. You were long ago warned against this error by one -of the best and truest friends the slaves of America had, and one of the ablest statesmen the country ever produced. Not long before his death Gov. John A. Andrew warned his party that it must not expect the colored men of the fcouth to continue to vote its ticket. I have not his words before me, and cannot quote, but he said in substance iyou surely remember it) that the American negio was a peaceful, loving, doci e and obedient laborer, believing in and tlusting his master, and that when emancipated he would vote side by side with his employer, accepting his judgment to a great extent in political affairs, as during slavery he accepted his master’s direction and government. The truth is that there is no controversy between the colored man of the South and his late master and present employer, except wheie it is excited by external force, for the colored people of the South recognize the wh tes as their best friends, and naturally vote with them. Ca"u you not divine tho secret of the wonderful fact that there W'ere no

insurrections at the South during the years of the war; that while the whites fought our armies, the negroes supported their families, thereby contributing as much as their masters to the duration of the conflict? The slaves loved freedom, and gladly welcomed it-butthey loved their masters,and did not rise in insurrection. And now the races live together, not in suppressed hostility, but in open amity. It is lor this reason, Mr. Sherman, that there ■ are no Republicans in Alabama, none in Georgia, and nqne in South Carolina. You dare not tell me that Wade Hampton is not a friend of the oolored people, when the record of this honorable statesman has been so largely made up of devotion to the best interests of the black people of South Carolina. Do you believe that the colored people of South Carolina do not appreciate the friendship of Hampton and are not his willing supporters? Three years ago you tr ed to make an issue with Copt h and Danville. Now you have not made the foolish claim of pretended outrage in Chatham County, Georgia. 1 acquit you of that, but your candidate for Governor is reduced to the intiful pretense that there are not enough hallo -boxes open to receive the vote- of all the voters of that county, as If the colored man did not know just as well as the white man how to crowd up to the polls and get his vote in < arly. The long roll of pretended outrages lias come to an end. None have been heard of lor years. Hamburg and hliza Pinkston, Danville and Co iah have fizzled and pete ed out, leaving only the want of .enough ballot-boxes in Savannah as the sole remaining grist of the onoe noisy outrage mill.

Mr. Sherman, the history of what has recently transpired in Tennessee gives the lie to your attempt to excite sectional animosity against onr brethren in the South In Tennessee there is a Republican party of white men as well as black, but it Is a party whose life, according to its record, depends on fraudulent voting. The Cincinnati Commercial (ri-zefte, the organ of your party, has felicitated its readers upon the enactment of a registration law last winter for Cincinnati and Cleveland, passed by a Legislature, more than three-fifths of whose members in the State Senate were Democrats, and whose I majority in the House was within three of be- j ing three-filths. In Tennessee the irauds of i your party upon the ballot-l>ox waxed so great that the Democratic party determined, tor the protection of the purity of ihe ballot, to adopt a registration law. There had been a municipal registration law in force, but it was confined to the city of Chattanooga. “In 1884. in a very heated municipal election, that city cast less than 2,8 X) votes; ! within a lew wees a thereafter, when the State j and national elections came off, in which regis- ! tration was not required, that city (lying contiguous to Georgia and Alabama), voting in districts of the same territorial limits as in the municipal election, cast 4,7u0 votes.” This statement I quote from a recent letter from Gov. Wm. B. Bate, of Tennessee. This increased vote was in the interest of the Republican ratty, and led to the following recommendation by Gov. Bate in his annual message of January 12, 1885; “The sentiment which has been growing in our State from the experience in each recurring election, and which now seems to almost universally pervade all political parties, is that there should be more effective laws to prevent illegal voting, t specially in our large cities. “The elective franchise is not only a political right, but one the existence of which should be subject to such legal guards as to insure full effect in preventing the legal ballots from being neutralized by illegal ones. The vrrtue, sanctity, and strength of the ballot privilege is weakened whenever illegality is practiced in its exercise. That such is no untrequent occurrence is evidenced by the returns of many of our elections.

“Good government can alone be secured through virtuous and wholesome laws, and under our institutions, where the ballot is the basis of government, it should have sufficient legal protection to insure its exercise fairly and justly. It is almost impossible under existing laws as they are now enforced to avoid the abuse of this right. Most States, to insure a free, just, and fair ballot at elections, require all voters to be registered within a certain time as a condition precedent to exercising the ballot privilege. This obtains in most fctates, and, as 1 understand its history in every State where it has been tested, it meets with popular favor because of its efficiency. 1 suggest, therefore, that yon enact such laws as will, without abridging it, throw more efficient guards around the exercise of this right within our cities.” In pursuance of this recommendation a registration bill was Introduced into the i egislature of Tennessee. 1 hold it in my hand. It is a bill of twelve sections, providing that in all voting districts having a population of 1,000 voters, the qualified voters shall be registered before exercising the elective franchise; that, for the purpose of effecting this, the County Courts shall select two registrirs of voters from each voting precinct, “provided that both of said registrars shall not be selected from the same political party.” Perfectly fair, you. see, Mr. Senator, and free from partisan bias. 1 Books' and stationery are required to be furnished By ! public authority to the registrars. The first registration ,1s to be made thirty days before the first election, and a registration is to be made before each.biennial election. Public notice is required to be given by the registrars by notices posted in at least three public' places, or»hy advertisement In some uevy«P&per of general circulation.,, for at least ten ’affys preceding the date for opening the registration. The registration office is to be kept open daily,' except Sundays,, from 9 o'clock a. m. to 4 o’clook p. mi, and from 7 to lu p. m. for five days and nights during the period of registration. The names of the voters are to be carefully registered in books, together with the age and color of the applicant, the district, ward, road, or street, and the number of the house in which he lives, or if not numbered, then a designation of its location, the time of his residence in that voting precinct, and the various places in which he may’tor the la-t twelve months have voted or boarded, and the registrars are required to keep suitable books in which his statements or answers may be entered. They are then to be sworn to by tHe applicant. The registrars are required to prepare an alphabetical list of the voters of each district, have same printed and a copy posted for j uhlic inspection, and they are permitted during the next live days after the closing of the registration to correct any error of a clerical nature, and required to furnish a copy to the judges of the election, and no one is allowed to vote whose name does not appear on the completed registration list. This is the substance of the act. which, after care ul examination, I believe to be one of the fairest and most honest registration laws ever prepared in the United States; certainly, quite as fair as that passed in Ohio with so much eclat last winter. But what happened ween this came before the Legislature of Tennessee? It passed the House and passed two readings in the Senate, but unfortunately the Constitution of Tennessee provides that two-thirds of the members of each honse are necessary to constitute a quorum—the same old mischievous provision of tne former Constitution of Ohio which enabled the Whig party to break up the Legislature in 1812, in order to prevent the passage of the Legrand-Byington apportionment bill, for which sin they were deservedly punished by defeat at the polls that fall. When this registration bill came on for its last reading in the Senate of Tennessee, that body was found, to be withont a quorum. The Kepublican Senators (except two) had secreted themselves In a room in the Maxwell House In Nashville, thus preventing a quorum. The arrest of the Senators was ordered at once, so as to obtain a quorum, but they locked themselves in their room and it was deemed illegal to break open the door, and so they remained locked up in the hotel at Nashville until the Senate was forced to adjourn sine die. By this act of filibustering in tne interest of fraud and false voting, not only was the passage of the registration law defeated, but several other important measures were left unacted upon, including the revenue and appropriation bills, which left the State without the means of paying its obligations. Thereupon Gov. Bate called the Legislature together in extra session, one of the reasons for the call being the necessity of passing laws, as stated In these words of the Governor's proclamat on:

“To preserve the purity of elections and prevent illegal voting in cities, towns, taxing districts, municipal corporations, and civil districts having a voting population of me thousand or more, without in any way impairing the right to the elective franchise, or limiting the just and legal exercise thereof, by the enactment of a Just, impartial, and well-guarded reglstra.lon law, or by other method allowable under the Constitution (Art. 4, section 1), to secure the freedom of elections and the purity of the bal-lot-box." At the opening of the extra session. May 25, 18.45, cov. Sate submitted a message containing the following passage: ■ Registration laws are in successful operation in very many States, in some having particular application to certain municipal corporations therein located, and every wuere they stand approved by the best citizenship, irrespective of parties and class distinctions. In this State such a law is needed, as evidenced by recent general elections in many sections. Not so much to guarantee a free ballot to every bona fide voter, ler that right and its ex. rcise are nowhere and in no respect in jeopardy within the limits of 'i ennessec, but especially to protect the ballot box from spoliation through so-called ‘repeaters’ anefother fraudulent voters. The enactment of a general law, just an i Impartial in its provisions, reaching districts having dense population, where identification of individual voters is uncertain and of difficult determination, will tend to suppress illegal voting, and preserve the elect.ve franchise In its purity. No citizen who esteems the ballot to be the highest and most sacred expression of a freeman’s will, can rightfully question the wisdom and advi ability of such leuislat on. “Registration will not abridge nor make void the franchise of any voter, but be a barrier agaiust illegal ballots. Nor this purpose alone, and in this spirit, 1 respectfully recomm nd that such regia. ration provisions be < nacted that Will ‘secure,’ in the language of the constitution. ‘the freedom of elections and the purity of the ballot-box." A bill similar to that pending at the regular ses.-ion wis then introduced, but when it came up f> r final action in i he Hou-e the Repnblkans almost to a man deserted the House, and left it without a quorum, which it did not afterward secure. The sessions were broken up by this revolutionary misconduct, and the registra.ion bi'l ceftated in that manner. Mr. Sherman, It was not because the Repub-

j licans were hostile on principle to registration that they revolutionized the State of Tennessee by this filibustering, for during the Brownlow regime the Republicans enacted a strict registration law which remained on the statute books and was enforced for a length of time, disfranchising three-fourths of the white voters of the State, while all the colored voters were allowed the ballot. They were then quite willing to see so large a proportion of the people disfranchised ; by a severe system of registration, but will not . no# consent to legislation to prevent a man irom voting m re than once. How dare you, then, Mr. Sherman, in the faee ■ of ihe misconduct of your party—this ftlibos- ! ferine, by which the Legislature of Tennessee has been broken up and prevented from passing a registration law for the protection of honest voters, and against repeating and other frauds—how dare you claim that the white man of the South prevents the colored man from voting, when it is you and your party who are ! the enemies of a free ballot and a fair count? The whole claim ot your party upon this snb- ! ject is an imposition and a frand. It is an im- ! position upon ihe Northern peop'e, whom you try to mase believe that elections at the South are not fair, and it is a frand upon the people of the Soutn, where your party is ready to destroy a State Legislature in order to secure the benefits of corrupt elections. You complain that 1 cannot see a difference between the Klu-Klux-Kian and Key and Akerman, who did all they could to put it down. Have you forgotten that David M. Key pretended to be a Tilden Democrat? Have you forgotten that this was true, even at so late a day as that on wbieh he was confirmed as Postmaster General? Have you forgotten, you certainly knew it then, for he was a member of the Senate with you down to March 4th, 1877—that he did not do anything against the Ku-Klux-Xlan, that he never became a Republican until after he became a member of the de facto President’s Cabinet; that taking this pseudo Democrat into the Cabinet was one of Mr. Hayes’ patents, or would have been, had it been as useful as novel, as it was intended to cajole the white people of the South into his support, and the revival of the Whig party? You were a member of the Senate, and of the Cabinet of Rutherford B. Hayes, with David M. Key. Don't parade Mr. Key any more before the American people as a regenerated Confederate, wnen, what regenerated him, if anything, was not the otter of office, but the actual perception of its profits. I do not doubt but that you could make twenty Cabinets with ex-Confederates like Mosby, Chalmers, Longstreet <fc Co., on these terms, but fortunately tor the people the scepter of power has departed from tho Republican party, and no gentleman will ever here* after bo invited into the Cabinet on the condition of abjuring the political principles which he is advocating in the United States Senate.

THE IOWA CAMPAIGN.

General Weaver’s Opening Speech at Davenport. [Davenport special to Chicago Times.] A large audience gathered in the Turner Hall to listen to the first Democratic speech of the campaign, made by General Weaver. The speaker first alluded to fusion, and said it was absolutely necessary to gain a victory at the polls. Mr. Weaver said that be had come to Davenport to answer the three questions propounded by Mr. Larrabee in his speech of acceptance at Des Moines. The questions were: 1. Has tho Republican party ever been wrong on any question? 2. Can you point to a single instance where the Republican party has been wrong? 3. On the other hand, can you point to a single instance where the Democratic,party was right? Mr. Weaver said that to answer these questions it was only necessary to dissect the Republican party platform. In one of the planks they demand that the public domain be only given to settlers, and land-grants to corporations be refused. In their twenty-four years of rulejthe Republican party has given most of the public domain to corporations, the rest they had leased to the cattle kings. In Indian Territory they have fenced out human beings and fenced in beasts. Was the Republican party right in doing this? Grover Cleveland, as soon as he was inaugurated, drove out these cattle kings and proposes to open in time these lands to settlers. Was not the Democratic party right in this? The Republican platform asks for a law against pooling in the State, yet the Republican party had voted, as did Mr. Larrabee himself, against such a bill, introduced in the Legislature of 1878. The platform asks for legitimate screening for the protection of coal miners. Yet only at the last session of the legislature Mr. Larrabee, with the rest of the Republican party, voted against the screening bilk The platform asks for indiscrimination in freight rates. In 1883 a republican legislature defeated such a measure. The platform wants the Railroad Commissioners elected by the people. Mr. Larrabee, in 1883, voted against a bill embodying such sentiments in the State Senate. Every one of these measures the Republican party now declares itself to favor. They opposed them a short time ago. Certainly, if they were right then they are wrong now. Their own platform convicts them. The speaker then referred to Auditor Brown’s dismissal from office at the point of the bayonet, and at this point received many cheers from the andience. He asserted that the Republicans were indignant because Grover Cleveland had driven out of office disabled Union soldiers and placed in their stead rebels. Yet in the face of such an assertion, in Republican lowa, with a “school-house on every hill-top,” the Governor of the State at the point of the bayonet had driven from office a one-armed soldier who had been elected by the votes of the people in a time of profound peace. Such assertions come with poor grace from the Republican party. If such a thing had happened in Mississippi it would have been heralded over lowa from river to river, and every Republican orator would have expressed his horror at such conduct.

The Electoral Fraud of 1876.

“Just before Grant started on his journey around the world,” says the Philadelphia Times, in an editorial article, “the writer hereof heard him discuss the same question (the election of 1876) in Childs’ presence. General Grant reviewed the contest for the creation of the Electoral Commission, and the contest before and in the commission, very fully and with rare candor, and the chief significance of his view was in the fact, as he stated it, that he expected from the beginning until the final judgment that the electoral vote of Louisiana would be awarded to Tiiden. He spoke of South Carolina and Oregon as justly belonging to Hayes, of Florida as reasonably doubtful, and of Louisiana as for Tiiden.” —Evening Post.

Work for the Administration.

No administration since Lincoln’s has had such an opportunity to do the people a real service. The Federal Government needs a thorough overhauling. The system of taxation, grievously burdensome and full of abuses, must be reformed. A navy is to be constructed. The public lands are lo be wrested lrom corporations having no claim to them. The menace of a depreciated silver currency is to be removed, and in every branch of the Government economies and justice are to be introduced in place of wastefulness and extravagance.— Chicago Herald.

AMERICA STILL LEADS.

England’s Phenomenal Yacht Outsailed in Her Contest for the America’s Cup. Victory Snatched by the Puritan from What Seemed to Be Almost Certain Defeat. The possession of the America's cup was decided at New York on the 16th inst., by the Puritan beating the Genesta over the long course by 1 minute 38 seconds, corrected time. The race is said to have been the closest ever contested; the Genesta leading for nearly three-fourths of the distance, and being 2 minutes 6 seconds ahead at the outer mark. The wind was fresh at the start, and increased toward the finish to half a gale, resulting in a lumpy sea. A New York dispatch says of the great race; The cup won by the America more than a generation ago was never in such peril as to-day. Its possession has been often challenged and warmly contested, but nevei before has Great Britain sent a champion so hard to vanquish. Had it not been foi the building of the Yankee yacht and the sailing of the Yankee skipper we might have been compelled to yield the trophy which we have 60 often defended, and always with much greater ease than to-day. when for the first time American yachts have had to bend their sails iu competition with an antagonist to be feared in any weather. There never was such a race in American waters. There probably never was sailed before, in the history of yatching, a race in which tho laurels hung tantalizingly before two famous rivals until the very end of a long fifty-mile course. No boat but the Puritan could have saved the day; none but the Genesta could have made victory so dubious. It was a grand race from the moment that the fleet- winged racers crossed the imaginary line until the whistles blow anil the guns belched forth their welcoming to tho returning conqueror. The yachts looked grand a» they dashed across the line. Both weie taken in tow by the tugs Scandinavian and Luckenbach and cast oft at their Staten Island anchorage. At 6 o’clock the race was over, and the America’s cup was still retained on this side of (he Atlantic. In Bpeaking of the race ex- Commodore Smith, who has seen every important race for the last thirty years, said: “It was the grandest race ever seen in the world, and if the Puritan had been properly handled she would have beaten the cutter more yet. ” The Genesta was regarded as the best “all around” boat in the British fleets ot last season. She won her first race in a fresh whole-sail breeze, beating the Vauduara two minutes and fifty-five seconds. In her third race she beat the fastest twosticker in British waters, in a fresh wind and a nasty jump of the sea. In her fourth race she beat, in a light wind, the fastest light-weather boat in England. In anothei race she won with tho wind unsteady* varying from a lower-sail breeze to a flat calm.

THE RIVAL CRAFT.

The Genesta.

The Gcnesta, owned by Sir Richard Sutton, has had a considerable measure of success, though she was frequent'y beaten by other English boats in match rsces on the coast of England, before concluding to try to recover the Queen's Cup. Her designer, Mr. Beavor Webb, accompanied her to this country. The Genesta was built at Partick-on-tlie-Clyde, in May, 1884. Her dimensions are 90 feet over all, 81 feet on the waterline, 15 feet extra beam, 11 feet 9 inches depth of hold, and 13 feet 6 inches draught of water. Her register is of 81 tons, and she is enrolled in the Thames Royal Yacht Squadron. She made a quick passage to this country, proving herself a good sailer, but in no case before the great race did she fully exhibit her abilities.

The Puritan.

A Yankee boat—built in Boston, by Boston inen for Boston parties—the white flyer Puritan, is especially the pride of New Englanders. She was built by Georgi Lawley of Boutli 80.-ton, is 93 feet over all, 80 feet water line, 23 feet beam, 8 feei 2 inch draught. The qualities of the Puritan were tested by three races with the Priscilla, built also for the purpose of racini the Genesta. Of three trial races th Puritan won two, and was selected as th champion of American yachting interesu in the contest with the Genesta.

REVOLT IN ROUMELIA.

An Extraordinary Movement Conceived and Executed Without Bloodshed. Grave European Complications Likely to Arise—An Appeal from tlie Porte. ILondon dispatch.] The populace of Philippopolis, the capital of Eastern Roumelia, almost to a man rose in rebellion yesterday, and seized the Governor General, deposed the government, and proclaimed a union with Bulgaria. A provisional government was established. The revolt was so well planned that no disorder or bloodshed occurred, everybody being iu sympathy with the movement except the government officials. The foreigners in the city are perfectly safo from harm, as is also the property of foreign residents. Immediately after the organization of the provisional government the militia was sworn in, taking the oath of allegiance to Prince Alexander of Bulgaria. It is generally believed in diplomatic circles that Russia arranged the programme of the rising and suggested tho union with Bulgaria. No dofin te statement oan bo mado at present as to what action the signatory powers to the treaty of Berlin will take respecting the matter.

Eastern ltoumelia was created by tho Congress of Berlin, 1878, and was given an autonomic government, though forming an integral part of tho Turkish Empire. The Governor General was appointed by the Porte, subject to the approval of the treaty powers. It is stated that Prince Alexander of Bulgaria has been assured of the support of Russia, Germany, and Austria, He will send an army to ltoumelia, and will defy the Turks. The Sultnn of Turkey has appealed to the powers to enforce the treaty of Berlin. It iB not believed that Lord Salisbury will interfere. The Liberals applaud the action of the Roumelians. [Philippopolis dispatch. 1 The insurgents in Eastern Ronmelia, acting under orders of the provisional government, have occupied all tho strategical points on the Turkish frontier, blown up all the bridges whioh would likely be used by a force advancing from Turkey to the relief of the deposed government, and destroyed the telegraph wires leading into Turkey. The Bulgarian army has been mobilized, and a corps has been sent to the Ronmelian front er. Prince Alexander has prooeeded to Philippoplis and has appointed M. Strausky as commissioner. M. Htrausky is now President of the Roumelian provisional government. [Paris dispatch.] It is feared here that the Roumelian trouble will lead to a general European imbroglio. The East is most inflammable, and serious results ore anticipated.

VOICES FROM THE GRAVE.

Singular Experience of au Ohio Woman Whose Husband Has Been Dead Twenty Tears. [Washington telegram. I A telegram from Toledo relates the story of a farmer in Monclova, Ohio, who died and was buried thirteen years ago but is still writing to his family. The Sunday Capital prints a story quite as remarkable, as follows: “A very remarkable oase has come to my attention through a friend in the Pension Office, which furnishes incidents for a novel os powerful as any Dumas or Eugene Sue ever used. In 1864 a Lieutenant from an Ohio village was killed in one of the battles in Virginia and bis body was sent home, buried with military honors and a handsome monument erected over it by the citizens of the place. Thousands of people paid their tributes of honor to the young hero and looked upon his face as the body lay in state in the Town Hall. He left a widow to whom he had been married only a year, and for more than twenty years she has been trying to get a pension; but, although she keeps fresh dowers upon her husband's grave, she can not prove that he is dead. The reoords in the , Adjutant General’s office are perfect, and affidavits can be furnished from thousands of people who saw and reoognized his lifeless body, but every few months she receives a letter from him written in a hand as familiar as her own. Two letters never come from the same place; now they are postmarked in Colorado, then in Texas, then in New York. Once she got a note from him dated at Washington. He appears to know what is going on at home, and always alludes to local occurrences with a familiarity that is amazing. He sends messages to old friends and gives her advice about business matters which it seems impossible for a stranger to know. She can not answer these ghostly missives, because he never gives any clue to his whereabouts, and no detective has been able to find him. Her friends believe that the writer is some crank or malioioas person who takes this way to annoy her, and the distress the poor woman suffers cannot be measured by any other human experience. Lons? ago she ceased to open envelopes which came with the fumil.ar address, but sends them sealed to her attorney, who uses every possible means to secure a clue to the ideutity of the writer. The only circumstances to suggest that it may possibly be her husband are th* penmanship and tho familiarity the writer shows with the lady’s private life, but how he could keep himself posted is another mystery that cannot be solved. Several times the wr ter has intimated that he might soon pay her a visit, but the next letter always contains an apology for not having done so. The woman his suffered agony of mind beyond description, and her life has been ruined by this ho rible mystery, but of late she has become more resigned, and would neither be surprised nor disappointed if her husband should some day walk in a her door. ”

ALL SORTS.

One and two dollar bills bring a premium in New York. Good hub County is the banner wheatgrowing county of Minnesota,