Democratic Sentinel, Volume 8, Number 43, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 21 November 1884 — BATTLE OF THE BALLOTS [ARTICLE]

BATTLE OF THE BALLOTS

The Contest for the Presidency Settled in Favor of the De- * mocracy. The Official Connt in New York State Shows that Clereland Is Elected. Gov. Cleveland's Attitude Toward CivilService Eeform—Mr. Blaine j Interviewed. THE VOTE OF NEW YORK. Cleveland’s Plurality About 1,100. The official count of the election returns in the State of New York was ])ractically completed on Saturday. Nov. 15. All the Assembly districts in the city of New York were canvassed, and : very little change was made from the results first reported. The losses and gains balanced each other to a great extent, and Cleveland’s plurality in the Slate was shown to be a little over l,ioo. This decides the great Presidential contest of 1884. Grover Cleveland, having received Vl9 electoral votes, as against 182 for James G. Blaine, will be the next President of the United States. The following table shows the official vote of New York State by counties, as returned by the canvassing boards: ' W ~Q tt of S’ a B P B - Counties. ® g. ; 0 : P* : : Albany 17,598 18,345 983 312 Alleganv 6,668 3,886 736 1,180 Broome 7,182 5,780 144 458 Cattaraugus 7,463 6,065 372 930 Cayuga 9,206 6,041 421 691 Chautauqua 10,670 5,861 431 540 Chemung 5,198 4,719 613 185 Chenango 5,462 4,410 334 506 Clinton 5,973 5,151 19 35 Columbia, 6,424 5,854 36 168 Cortland 4,042 2,774 112 875 Delaware 6,934 4,956 112 437 Dutchess 9,701 8,677 98 498 Erie 26,249 24,759 260 725 Essex 4,551 2.776 61 65 Franklin 4,638 2,948' 67 70 Fulton 4,617 3,524 ; 38 227 Genesee 4,631 3,643 t 41 386 Greene 4,167 i 4,152 Hamilton 521 567 | 3 21 Herkimer 6,138 6,328 ; 56 327 Jefferson 9,029 7,075 33 636 Kings 53,512 69,788 2,442 1,426 Lewie 3,854 3,778 14 114 Livingston 5,191 4,039 118 375 Madison. 6,608 4,864 86 529 Monroe 18,325 13,249 603 1,209 Montgomery 6,'05 5,413 48 134 New York 90,093 133,157 3,422 1,291 Niagara. 5,875 ! 6,193 69 500 •neida 13.7901 13,820 189 894 Onondaga 1fi.892i 13,165 99 601 Ontario 6.382: 5,643 . 127 233 Orange. 9,968 i 9,841 175 647 Orleans 3,997 ! 2,908 68 669 Oswego 9,976 : 7,434 265 560 Otsego 6.87 U 7.307 84 432 Putnam. 2.103* 1,526 4 89 Qneene. 8,445: 10,367 270 201 Reuse-laer 13,759, 13,414 086 416 Bichmond 3,164) 5,135 75 90 Rccklsnd 2,593 : 3,697 28 123 St. Lawrence 13,441 i 6,035 20 311 Saratoga 8,190 6.846 9 2 425 SoWnaxie 3,472 5,339 37 173 Bchnyler 2,616 2,039 111 154 ifeneca 3,309 3,627 59 119 Steuben 10.047 9,060 587 904 Suffolk 6,876 ' 6,429 53 457 Sullivan 3,332' 3.607 232 183 Tioga 4,3671 3.379 204 401 Tompkins 4,420 ) 3,992 267 373 Lister 9,9291 9,870 157 429 AVarr n 3,577) 2,793 179 123 ■Washington 7,337 4,222 115 255 Way ne 6,843: 4,730 468 433 Westchester 11,286 12,524 255 437 Wyoming 4,441 3,189 53 483 Tates 3,191 1,918 430 200 Totals 561,999 563,105 16,9i»2 25,171 Plurality for Cleveland 1,106

THE ELECTORAL VOTE.

Cleveland, 219—Blaine, 182. Tbo following table shows the electoral vote by States in WBo and 1884. . aj I h T 3 O 1 I » STATES. -S 5 0) iS j| I I © te m o Alabama 10! 10 Arkansas .!..!!.! 6 ' ” 7 California i 6 8 Colorado 3.,, s'” Connecticut 6 . 6 Delaware 3 fi rida J • \ Georgia n ' 10 ">wa 11... 13... Kansas 5 <j Kentucky ii 13 Louisiana a s Maine Y.Y. "i 6 Maryland * ... 3 ”3 Massachusetts 13 ‘l4 Michigan 11 13!" Minnesota 5 7 Mississippi ;;;;;... "3 "9 Missouri 15 Nebraska. 3 "5 Nevada ..."3 3 New Hampshire ’ ’ 5 .. 4 '' ’ New Jersey "9 "9 Mew York. .’”'3s ... 36 North Carolina ’in 11 ■s*> io 22 ... 23 .. Pennsylvania 29 an " Rhode Island 4”' 4 “ South Carolina Y.. Y .... “7 “g Tennessee.. in in Texas 8 Vermont ["5 "4 Virginia ’ ii "in West Virginia 5 6 Wisconsin i 0... ii ... , otal 214 155 11821219 Cleveland’s majority, 37. ~

THE POPULAR VOTE.

Cleveland Seems to Have a Plurality of About 100,000. We present below a table of the popular pluralities tor President In the various States, In 1880 and 1884. In many of the States the exact pluralities for this year are given, while In others close estimates are made on partial returns. Complete returns will not vary greatly from these figures: - a ,® * a States. |4 §| 8. 2 fl® 1 <9 gft oH « | Alabama 34,509 40,000 Arkansas 18,828 21,416 California. 78 13 000 Colorado 2,803 4,000 ■Connecticut 2,656 1,322 Delaware 1,033 4,276 Florida 4,310 4,160 •Georgia 49,874 ...... 42,000 Illinois 40.716 25,109 Indiana. 6,636 7,340 lowa 78,1159 ...... 18,742 Kansas 61,731 63,346 Kentucky 43,449 50,000 Louisiana 27,316 17,872 Maine 8,868 ....... 20,260 Maryland. 15,191 10,886 Massachusetts I 63,245 24,275 Michigan I 53,8901 5,000 Minnesota 40,688 35,000 Mississippi 40,896 35,683 Missouri 55,042 32,000 Nebraska 26,456 16,500 Nevada 879 1,380 New Hampshire .... 4,058 4,010 New Jersey 2,010' 4,405 New York 21,033 1,106 North Carolina 8,326 25,600 -Ohio 34,277 31.802 •Oregon 671 2,000 Pennsylvania 37,275 80,620. •Rhode Island. *7,416 6,1)0J tSouth Carolina U„„. 64.241 , '52,000 Tennessee 20,514 16,000 Texas 98,388, lor.ooo Vermont 26,999 22,100 ..... „ Virginia 43,966! B,'oo West Virginia 11,148....... 4,000 Wisconsin 29,763 12,000 Total..'. 53T, 001 ’529,983 385,044 484,966 Pluralities..... 7,018: ! 99,920

THE WINNER.

An Interview with Gov. ~ Cleveland— aS —ttitude Toward Ctvii-Sorvlce Reform. Edmond Hudson, editor of -the Washington Capital, has had an interview at Albany with Gov. Cleveland. In reference to civil-servioa reform Mr. Hudson says: “I remarked to the Governor that his election bad been followed by something like a panic among the minor employes of the Government at Washington, who are supposed to hold their places in accordance with the new civil-service regulations, and inquired of him whether it might not be worth while for him to indicate in some way if that were his purpose; that the spirit of the civil-service wonld be adhered to after the 4th of March. To this the Governor briskly replied: “‘I think I have said enough on that suDject It is in my letter. It is in the platform. There is no use trying to beat brains into people's hearts. Let them attend to their business—let them attend Vo their business.’ - “He tepeated the words In a very decided manner and with a gesture of the head that indicated more than the tone in which he spoke." Mr. liudsqn’s impressions of the Presidentelect are thus given: “In conversation the Governor speaks with a good deal of, the strongest impressionone gets from him is of great tirmn&sir and force in adhering to a course once it is adopted. One wonld say, * Here is a man surely who can not be driven, but who wi.l do the driving himself whenever it be necessary.’ One might ask a good deal of snch a man, but to demand 1 should think would be a losing business.

“It is a pleasure to write these words, knowing that they will reach the eye of many who have been saying and believing that Grover Cleveland is a weak man, and that he won’t know how to withstand the pressure that inevitably bears upon the freshly chosen occupant of the White House. There is strength and decision in Ids utterances which would seem to say that if any man wanted to have a row with Cleveland, he could be accommodated immediately, and would not be asked to postpone the ceremonies until another day. His manner is that of a business man who conducts large affairs without pretension, without circumlocution, without unnecessury talk or labor, bat with care and judgment.” A Washington special to the Chicago Timex says: “A Southern member of the Democratic National Committee says that in the course of a conversation Gov. Cleveland said to him: *lf there is any one matter to which I have given my fullest attention, it is to reform and efficiency in the civil service. When 1 came to Albany as Governor, I found nearly all the departments full of clerks whose political predilections were Bepnbllcan. The State officials who came into office with me called upon me shortly after my accession, and asked what were my views in relation to removals from public service for political reasons. One gentleman, whose department is perhaps the most important at the office, said: ‘My office is full of extreme Republicans, appointed by Gov. Cornell. Now, what am Ito do?’ I replied," said Gov. Cleveland: “ ‘Yon are responsible to the people for the good administration of your office. Your confidential subordinates shonld bo selected with great care, and those you doubtless will appoint from your personal frieqds. There can be no objection to your making inquiry' respecting the qualifications, zeal, and ability of your official force. If a clerk is faithful and competent he should be retained, no matter what bis political predilections may be. During my term I have discharged no employe from the Executive Department for political reasons, and many of Gov. Cornell’s personal following are still in the service of the State. If lam elected President," said Gov. Cleveland, with emphasis, “the clerks in the great departments at Washington who are fit for their positions will remain in office. Ability and zeal in the service will be the measure of usefulness. The rules of the civil service commission will govern all minor appointments." An Albany special to the Chicago Times says: The fact that Cleveland had been elected has been so thoroughly established in men’s minds here :or the last three days that when the final announcement came It caused little excitement. At the State-Houso Gov. Cleveland has been attending to his business as usual, to ail appearances the least interested of all around him in the result, but Col. Lamont, his Secretary, has been constantly in receipt of telegrams announcing the progress of the canvass. These results he would from time to time announce to Gov. Cleveland, who wonld simply nod his head in silence and go on with his routine work. While all around him were anxious and excited, he showed no sign of interest in anything save his duties as Governor of New York.

The Executive Chamber in the new Capitol at Albany is a most commodious and extremely handsome room. It is richly furnished, decorated with iife-size pictures of historic citizens of New York, and is one of the sights of Albany were it not that it is Gov. Cleveland's office. But now that it is daily occupied by the President-elect of the United States, the first Executive elected by the Democrats in twenty-four years, It is doubly an object of interest. At a large desk at the northern end of the room sits Gov. Cleveland. His office hours are from 10 a. m. to 4p. ni., and so far during all the excitement of the campaign he has hardly missed a minute from his desk. He is a man about five feet eleven inches in height, weighing 250 pounds, compact and muscular in build, and, to all appearances, both mentally and physically strong. The pictures of him shown during the campaign are, in the main, crrrect likenesses, but they fall to show the expression of his eyes, which are clear, bright, and fearless. He is always dressed in a black Prince Albert coat and black pantaloons, and his sole neck gear is a black silk ribbon. In manner he is extretnely £asy and cordial, in no wav arrogant or conceited, has not the slightest trace of what is vulgarly known as the “bighead.” and his every appearance is that of a successful business man at the head of a large establishment who has much to do, but is yet calm and self-reliant, under the consciousness of being thoroughly competent to perform his work qnietly and well. Ho has none of the pretenses of a vain man, none of the hesitancy of a weak or blundering one. 'He is entirely free from self-assumptions of any kind, and his manners are thoso once described as being “the best because yon noticed no manners at all.” Day in and day out his office is crowded. The door swings wide open, and all who please can enter. There is no guard at the entrance, no flunkeys aronnd. The Governor is always democratic, and as easy of access as a hungry lawyer anxiously waiting for a fee. In and out the crowds come and go. Some of the visitors are his friends come to see him, most of them strangers anxious to look upon the next President. To all of his acquaintances he h>s a greeting and a hand-shaking, and pleasant words for any stranger who wishes to speak to him. No introduction is thought necessary, and the different stations in life of his visitors seem to make no difference in the kind of greeting given them by the Governor. A large part of the visitors are women, and they wander around the room, look at the pictures, admire the furniture and fittings, and constantly glance curiously at the quiet man working so industriously at his desk.

THE LOSER.

Mr. Blaine Discusses and Explains the Causes of His Defeat. The Boston Journal's special correspondent at Augusta, Me., has had a long conversation with Jameß G. Blaine. The defeated candidate, who, by the way, appeared in the best of health, said that, whatever might be the final result of the count in New York, he had had from the first no other desire tnan that a lair count should be made. So far as he was personally concerned, he would be content with either victory or defeat. Success would not elate him and defeat would not depress him. He was engaged In congenial and profitable work, which had been interrupted by the campaign, and the deep regret that he would feel at a Democratic triumph would be altogether for his party and his country, not for himself. “I lived too near the Presidency in 1881,” Mr. Blaine added, after a long pause, “and have too keen a sense of its burdens, its embarrassments, and its perils, to be unduly anxious for the office.” When asked how ne accounted for the closeness of the result in New York, Mr. Blaine said: “Well, considering the loss by the bolt of the Independent Republicans and the far greater loss from the action of the .Republican Prohibit onlsts, the wonder is at first sight that the Democrats did not carry the State by as large a majority as they confidently expected they would. This result was i revented by the great accessions to ihe Republican ranks of Irish and Iri> h-American voters and workingm n of all classes who sn tained me because of my advooaoy of a protective tariff. They believe, and, belleye wisely, that free trade would reduce their wages.” “You really think, then, that you got a considerable Irish vote in New York?” “ h, I had thousands upon thousands,” replied Mr. Blaine, “and should have had many more but for the Intolerant and utterly Improper remark of Dr. Burchard, which was quoted everywhere to my prejudice, and in many places attributed to myself, though it was in the highest degree distateful and offensive to me. But a lie, yon know, travels very fast, and there was not time before election to overtake and correct, that one, and so I suffered for it: Mr. Blaine was then asked if he thonght the Irish-American vote was organized at all, or had competent lea acre. “Yes," he said, “I was deeply impressed by the ability, the earnestness, fend sincerity of those whom I met. There, or instance, is l atriok. Ford, of the 1 if''■'World. He is a man of the most unselfish devotion to any cause be espouses, possessing a great faculty

for organization, with marked ability and untiring eninwy. Gen. iuuuria. o: the has in a large degree the same characteristics, and is a far-sighted and ab e man, with a fine record as a Union soldier. Others were very powerful op the stamp and did royal service. These men, with others whom I did not perEally meet, have made a break in the Irish uQcratic vote—one that J believe will widen increasetfn the future aa tbe full signiiiLcauce of the attitude of the Democratic party on the.tariff question becomes understood and appreciated. Our Irish and Irish-American citizens will in time get tired of voting in accordance with the wishes df the English freetraders." I said to Mr. Blaine that the Irish in Boston thought he nnde stood the character of their people better than any other Republican leader. Mr. Blaine replied that it wonld be egotistic lor him to assume that, but said that perhaps there was a strong leaning of the Irish element toward him, because of the fact that on his mother's side he was of Irish descents In Pennsylvania, his native State, M had received an enormons vote, some counties hitherto strongly Democratic having been completely reversed in their popular majorities by the change of the Irish in his favor. This, however, was, of course, due in part to the fact that he stood so distinctively as the representative of protection to American ihdustries, an idea which prevails with more force in Pennsylvania than In any other State. “But.” said I “did you not lose correspondingly in the German vote?" “Not at all,” replied Mr. Blaine. “All tnrough the West the Germans supported me nobly. How else could 1 have carried Chicago by 9,0f1i). Cincinnati by 5,u00, and Cleveland by 5,000? Ohio, Wisconsin, Illinois, and lowa have the largest German population in the We«t. and I carried th-ra by splendid majorities. Sucli ABLE AND INFLUENTIAL EDITORS as Markfreit in Cincinnati. Kauffman in Cleveland, Pretorius In St. Louis, and many others, brought great strength to the Republican cause. There was immense effort made to prejudice the Germans against me, bnt it failed. They are a wonderfully cool-headed people, inflexibly honest in their conclusions, and just in their judgments, and I have abundant reason to thank them for their liberal support. I shall not forget It. At different points in the West I found German and Irish clubs cordially uniting in public demonstrations." The correspondent then brought the conversation back to New York, asking Mr. Blaine if he thought the Prohibitionists were honest in their support of St. John.

“I have never during the campaign," replied Mr. Blaine, "reflected npon the motives of any man, and I shall not do so. I content myself with saying that I think the Prohibitionists were misled, and thatjehey did not correctly measure the possible result of their course. I received from many of them the assurance that my candidacy made their action difficult because they really wanted to vote for me, bnt they seemed to be under tbe strange delnsion that the temperance canse could best be promoted by supporting their own Presidential tioket, and by their course they influenced prejudicially the national issues which were really at stake." “You attribute the close vote In New York, then, solely to the action of the Independents and Prohibitionists?” “No, not solely,” replied Mr. Blaine. “According to numerous advices I have received from Central and Western New York, it would seem that the rainy day lessened the Republican vote. The Democratic majorities lie in the cities, where, by a few minutes’ walk on a good pavement, a man reaches his poUlng-place. The Republican majorities are In the country, where large numbers live three, four, or even five miles from the polling-place, which on election day bad to be reached over muddy roads and in a rain-storm. Had the day been fair, the Republican majorities in the rural counties could have been increased, one good judge writes me, probably by 10,000, bnt all agree by 3,000 to 5,000. The actual difference between the two parties in the final connt will probably not exceed a thousand—about one-twelfth of 1 per cent, of the total vote, or one voter in every twelve hundred for the entire State. So, If the Democrats have really carried New York by this small margin, as the latest hews Indicates, you can see how easily a fair day might have reversed the result. But great political battles, like mUitary battles, are often lost or won by an apparently trivial incident or accident which no human foresight can guard against." A special from Augusta says: “Mr. Blaine regards the official count in New York as practically settling the Presidential question. Mr. Blaine, it is stated on authority, receiving this afternoon a telegram from New Work announcing the completion of the official canvass in that city, and informing him that the plurality for Cleveland in that State would bo 1,137. The same authority states that Blaine accepts the result very cheerfully, and has no regrets growing out of his connection with the campaign. He feels that he made a good fight and gracefully bows to the verdict of the American people. He believes the Republican party will prove true to its grand past and will increase in strength with coming years. He expects that in 1888 it will again be called back into power. Mr. Blaine leaves for Washington the middle of next week, where he and his family will spend the winter. He has leased the Sargent house in Farragut Square, and will shortly resume his work on the second volume of ‘Twenty Years in Congress.’ The volume wUI be ready by June next for publication.”

CABINET-MAKING.

Much Gossip, but Little News. Cabinet-making for the President-elect goes on at a lively rate. Senator Garland of Arkansas is the latest aspirant for the Attorney Generalship. Lamar’s home organ announces that the Mississippi statesman neither expects nor wants anything. In the meantime Cleveland is attending to his Executive duties as usual, and maintaining his characteristic silence. It is understood that he will resign the Governorship about Jan. 1, when he will be succeeded by the present Lieutenant Governor, David B. Hill, also a Democrat. A Washington telegram says: It is understood that'the friends of Senator A. H. Garland will push him for Attorney General in Cleveland s Cabinet, his selection to the position to represent the South in the incoming Democratic administration. Garland is a moderate Democrat of marked ability, and has won distinction in the Senate chamber. The matter is the chief topic of conversation here, and has created a considerable flutter in political circles. It also has a double significance, as his retirement from the Senate would require the next Legislature to select two United States Senators instead of one. Another Washington telegram: In regard to the formation of Cleveland’s' Cabinet there is, of course, much gossip, but no news. All is conjecture, and no one knows except Clevelands and he won't tell. Indeed it is ridiculous to think that he has yet made up his mind. It is known, of chnrse, that the South wants the postoffice and the Attorney General’s office, and that much is generally conceded it as a moderate demand. The Treasury Department will go to New York State, and the remaining positions be distributed around. McDonald, Bayard, Thurman, and McClellan are all talked of, and are prominent candidates. If the Postoffice goes to the South, Regan, of Texas, may get it, unless the fact that he was in Jeff Davis’ Cabinet raises too great a howl among the bloodyshirt wavers. As stated above, the matter is as yet entirely one of speculation and guesswork, and will remain so for some time.

THE SPOILS.

What a Republican Correspondent Says of Cleveland’s Policy. A Washington correspondent of the Chicago Inter Ocean , stalwart Republican, telegraphs as follows: Many of those Democrats who have been hungering and thirsting for the Federal flesh-pots for so many years have already in a figurative sense taken np the line of march for the national capital. It will save the overanxious ones considerable labor and worriment to be informed that Governor Cleveland has positively instructed his secretaries at Albany to destroy, without showing to him, all letters applying for office. The score or more of applicants for Cabinet positions will please take notice." The following jeply to an inquiry sent to George William Curtis by a Government employe at Washington has been made public: West New Brighton, New York, Nov. 14. Dear SJib: I have your letter of the 12th. There is no doubt that Mr. Cleveland will encounter a tremendous demand for a clean sweep, but I think that, while changes will be. and ought to be, made for perfectly legitimate reasons, he will respect the letter and spirit of the reform law, and that non-poiltlcal officers who hare been honest and effective in discharge of their duty, and who have not misused their positions for party or political ends, will not be arbitrarily dismissed for political reasons. I have no authority to speak, for Mr. Cleveland. My faßh is founded upon the sole knowledge of his character and convictions. Truly yours, Geqbge WhLiam Curtis. ——. is*** 4 4A* f *

PRESS COMMENTS.

Southern Newspaper Opinion. By the election of Cleveland "we are put upon onr good behavior,” says thq Apnea l, of Memphis. "We must demonstrate our loyalty to the Government afM prove than we are not fools who attempt to turn back the course of time and events, or to change the unalterable past.” "The generati n that has grown np stnoe the war knows little about the slavery quarrel.” says the Virginian/ (Lynchburg), "and, casting all those blttey memories behipd them, will go forward In the paths of union and fraternity toward

! the achieretnent of national greatness, irrespecij iveof .sectloaelbr - *, "Cleveland s election will dissolve the solid I South, in all probability,” says the Dispatch (Richmond). “Litt tue pressure from without, and Southern electors must diride on economic questions.” “The negroes will soon learn," says the Herald (Vicksburg), “chat their freedom asd the.r rights as citizens rest on something more than the result of a Presidential election. Nothing ! bnt the defeat of the ‘Repub.lean’ dynasty would ever have convinced them of th s.” “It belittles the election of Got. Cleveland." says the Courier (Charleston), "to regard it as a Democratic party victory. Without the votes of Independents he could not have been elected. Their votes were cast for him because he had proved himself to be a faitbfnl public servant, and one who would treat a public office as a public trust." "The people of the South," says the Regia'tr (Mobile), "have every reason to rejoice over the election of Clereland and Hendricks. But they do not rejoice as Southerners, but as Americans; not as citizens of Virginia, Georgia, or Alabama, but as citizens of the United States. The election of Cleveland intensities the national feeling at the South; it has done more than anything else has done since the war to make ns feel that we are indeed i>art of a common country. All talk about the South capturing the capital is sheer nonsense. It has assisted in capturing the capital from the hands of the Republican party, bnt it is no; indifferent to the tact that the hard lighting has been done by the Democrats and Independent Republicans of the North. The South, of course, will share in the fruits of victory, but it will make no exorbitant demands, it will not impede the work of reform by a clamor for spoils. If it does we shall be much disappo.nted."

The Northern Press. There is not going to be a political reaction in the direction of Bourbonic theories, policies, and practices. Jt is gratifying to observe that the organs of opinion in the most Bourbonic part of the country are now generally inclined to accept unalterable facts, stop trying to maka history, and quit combating the inevitable.— Ohicajo Timex I hid. Hem). No colored man need fear that his race is to be i>ermanently 1 injured by the success of anv political party of this time. He is free and his labor is needed to develop the resources of the South. The white people will find it vastly to their own advantage to treat him with justice and fairness. This very selfish reason, it no other, will be sufficient to prevent auv gross injustice being done him for any length of time.— Philadelphia Timex (hid.). If the Democratic President and pongress give the country a fairly good administration the Republican people will receive their share of the general benefits. If it prove a bad administration the Democrats will have to suffer their jiortion of the evils and will be turned out of power neck and heels in 1888. We are all in the same ship, and no patriotic citizen will ever be willing that any lasting harm shall come to the country, whichever party may be in power.— Chicago Tribune (Rep.). The victors may well determine to enjoy their triumph modestly and with a firm determination that it shall insure to the happiness of the nation and the regeneration of the Republic rather than to the advantage of a political party. We heartily congratulate the Democrats on their success. Now that the official result is known, any attempt to further unsettle the business of the county will be a crime.—. Veto York World (Demi. The contest is over, and Cleveland is elected President. The result may be attributed to various causes. The treachery of Republicans sufficient in numbers to turn the scale in New York, the surrender of the Prohibitionists to the rum-leaders, the Delmonico banquet and the impression it conveyed, and the injudicious and unjustifiable utterance of a feeble man—each of these causes singly was enough to affect the verdict which has been passed. The most senseless and illogical opposition, and probably the most fatal, was the vote of the Prohibitionists. They have no excu. eto offer for their action. They knew the effect of their vote before casting it. It could by no possibility do aught but harm to the Republican party. The cause of prohibition is lost, and the temperance cause is injured materially. The honest men of the Prohibition party have to thank the fanatics for the wrong they have brought upon them.— boston Journal (Rep.).

CLEVELAND'S FIANCEE.

She Is a Great Favorite in Society. Niagara Falls special to the Chicago Inter Ocean: The society gossips of this place are at present much excited over the rumor that a young lady well known here, Miss Folsom, of Buffalo, Is engaged -to the coming President, Grover Cleveland, who was her father’s former partner in business. The young lady* is quite a favorite in Buffalo social circles, and is said to be a most agreeable as well as a very intelligent' and well-informed person. Rumor also has it that the wedding will occur before Mr. Cleveland is inaugurated, his success in the recent political contest hastening that auspicious event.