Democratic Sentinel, Volume 8, Number 38, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 17 October 1884 — Page 3

BEECHER VS. BLAINE.

A Caustic Letter from Henry Ward Beecher to Candidate Alger, of Michigan. James F. Joy’s Opinion in 1877 of the Plumed Pirate of the Kennebec. A Partially Obliterated Tattoo Renewed with Artistic Skill and Vigor. [New York telegram.] On Sept. 27 the New York Herald, in its correspondence from Detroit, attributed to Henry Ward Beecher a statement to the effect that James F. Joy, who placed Mr. Blaine in nomination in 1880, had said to Mr. Beecher that Mr. Blaine, while Speaker of the House of .Representatives. had offered to appoint a House Bailroad Committee which should comprise certain members suitable to Mr. Joy—such, in fact, as he should request or dictate—providing that Mr. Joy should take off Mr. Blaines hands 126,000 worth of Little Rock Railroad bonds. This story remained uncontradicted until Sept. 30, when Mr. R. A. Alger, of Detroit, cabled to Mr. Joy, in London, the story as coming from Mr. Beecher, with the request to answer whether or not it was true. To this Mr. Joy replied,.on the s.me date, as follows: 'Blalno never made me any offer to appoint a committee to suit me. In any manner or form, or for any consideration of any kind whatever." Mr. Beecher will give the Associated Press to-morrow a letter which in very plain terms will contradict Mr. Joy’s denial of the story of Mr. Blaine’s corrupt offer. The letter will contain specifically and in detail Mr. Beecher’s account of what Mr. Joy did tell him about Mr. Blaine’s proposal to him, the same confirming the corrupt animus of the proposal and this Mr. Beecher will defy Mr. Joy or any one else to contradict. Mr. Beeoher’s letter will go even further. In it he will say in so many words that his knowledge of the utter unsuitableness of Mr. Blaine to occupy a high position of trust is not of reoent date, but that he has known it for more than twelve years. The appearance of the letter is awaited with the greatest interest in this city by all who are aware of its existence. The following is the text of the statement by Mr. Beecher as given by the Herald's Detroit correspondent. It was, he said, while he was a guest in Mr. Joy’s house here that Mr. Blaine’s name came up in conversation. There were several gentlemen present Mr. Joy thereupon said that he knew Mr. Blaine to be a oorrnpt man, and went on to give his reasons. As well as Mr. Beecher remembered them, they were as follows: He, Mr. Joy, was in Washington in behalf of a Southern railroad in which he •was larg ly interested, and which was threatened with hostile legislation by Congress, Mr. Blaine being Speaker of the House. A committee was to be appointed having special reference to this road. Mr. Joy asked Mr. Blaine, in the appointment of the committee, to put on it a certain member. Mr. Blaine gave no answer at the time, but the next day an intimate associate of the Speaker came to Mr. Joy and said that Mr. Blaine had $25,000 in railroad bonds (Mr. Beecher does not remember which or of what road], and said that if Mr. Joy would take them off his hands he would make up the committee as Mr. Joy wished it made up, at least to the extent of not arousing too direct suspicion. Mr. Joy said he declined the bargain. This was Mr. Beecher’s recollection of Mr. Joy’s statement. It will be observed that in its general details it Is practically the statement made in the Detroit Rews. Mr. Beecher added that he used the facts in a public address, and that some days after he received a message from Mr. Blaine begging him to call on him (Mr. Blaine) at the fifth Avenue Hotel. He did so, and Mr. Blaine asked him his authority for the statement. He gave the details of his talk with Mr. Joy, and Mr. Blaine said: “Mr. Beecher, see how impossible that is. Why. Mr. Joy nominated me at Chicago.” Mr. Beecher replied with some heat, asking Mr. Blaine if he meant to intimate that he (Beecher) nttered a falsehood in quoting Mr. Joy’s statement. “Oh, no,” said Mr. Blaine, “but Mr. Joy must have been mistaken." Mr. Blaine did not make any further effort to deny the general statement, and Mr. Beecher said to your correspondent that the reply forcibly reminded him of Mr. Blaine’s similar- testimony in regard to Mulligan.. THE LETTER. Following is the text of Mr. Beecher’s letter: Bbopklyn, N. Y., Oct. 6.—To Gen. R. A. Alger, Candidate for the Gubematoral Office ip Mich-igan-Dear Sir: ■ The publication of your tele gram to Mr. James F. Joy, of Detroit, but now in London, and his reply, compels me to pub- ' llsh the facts of an interview with him at his ’. hbuse bn or about Sept. 29,1877, in order to clear myself of the charge of bearing false witness againgt him. I have steadily refused to’ give to thwpubllc press the story of that interview st the hospitable board of a private house; but as ' the utterance of a public man about a public man I had a right to mention it privately among iniy intimate friends. In Why the ’ partial and-imperfect: story of that fnAenriew got .into . that newspaper I dp not know; certalifly not •with 4 -my knowledge or privity. Misled by. these reports, you telegraphed to Mr. Joy, in London: ’ • Detroit 4 , Sept. .80.— Joy, Care Brown, . Shipley & Co., Ldnaon: Did Mr. Blaine offer to appoint committee to suit you if you took LittleRock bonds off his hands? Henry Ward Beecher says you told him Blaine did. : ‘ ' Alger. Henry Ward Beecher said nothing of the kind, as you shall soon see. It was easy for Mr. Joy to reply: London, Sept, so.—To RA. Alger,. Detroit, Mich.: Blaine never made me any offer to appoint a committee to suit me, in any manner or form or*for any consideration of any kind whatever. J. F. Joy. Please send to him the following narrative, and you may depend upon it Mr. Joy will not contradict its substantial accuracy; neither will any one of the several gentlemen who were at the table with me, nor will other witnesses, not a few, deny that the same substantial statements have been made by Mr. Joy to others not infrequently. Toward the close of the dinner, Sept. 29,1877, political matters were introduced, and among other things Blaine's failure to receive the nomination that went to Hayes. Mr. Joy spoke with contemptuous severity of Mr. Blaine, and gave this statement: “When a difficulty occurred in regard to certain lands in the Southwest in which I was interested, a committee was about to be appointed by Sess to examine the matter, Blaine being er of the House. Through a friend I asked aine to have one sound lawyer appointed on that committee; I did not care of which party; I simply wanted a sound lawyer. In a day or two Mr. Blaine sent me word through a friend that he had certain depreciated bonds, and that if 1 would enable him to place them at rar I could have my committee as I wanted it.” cannot forget with what cutting severity Mr. Joy leaned back in his chiir and said: “That is the man Mr. Blaine is;” and he added: “I refused the offer, and, as the courts soon settled the matter, no committee was appointed.” At that time I knew nothing of the land in question, nor of the bonds alluded to, but I did understand fully Mr. Joy’s opinion of James G. Blaine. What changed Mr. Joy’s notion and led him to nominate Mr. Blaine at the Chicago convention of 18811 do not know. It can probably be found Out by inquiring of the editors of certain great daily newspapers who hardly found language bitter enough for years to inveigh against Mr. Blaine, and who now cannot find language bitter enough to pour contempt on th ■ men who do not approve of placing Mr. Blaine in the Presidential chair. I shall not prolong this letter by narrating Mr. Blaine’s views of the matter in an interview with me which took place after my speech at Cooper Union during the Garfield canvass, at his own request, in the Fifth Avenue Hotel. I can hardly believe that he has forgotten that. I cannot but admit the indomitable pluck with which Mr. Blaine is detending himself against such a cloud of charges as was never made against any other Presidential candidate since the Government began; yet I can not allow myself to be misled by sympathy with his undoubted kind-heartedness, oourage, and audacity. Unsound in statesmanlike judgment, unscrupulous in political methods, dim-eyed in perceiving the distinction between truth and untruth, absorbingly ambitious, but shortsighted as to methods of gratifying his ambition, and, with a genial, social disposition and a brilliant rhetorical capacity, Mr. Blaine makes an alluring candidate, but would make a dangerous President. I pray you to excuse my adding to the cares of your canvass bv a consideration of these matters. It was, however, but just to you to point out hew misleading was vour telegram to Mr. Joy, and how Irrelevant to the subject-matter

was his reply.

THE KING OF CORRUPTION.

A Straightforward Declaration Against Blaine by lowa Independent Republicans. The Independent Republicans of lowa have issued a strong appeal to voters, in which they say: "The period of the dominance of the Republican party 'is ineffaceably glorious in our national annals; but while loyal men at home were contributing of their substance and earnings, and the gallant soldiers of the Republic were

HENRY WARD BEECHER.

courting imprisonment tn rebel starvation pens, permanent ill-health and even death on the battle-field to preserve the nation’s life, the growing servility of various corrupt men found those unsettled and anxious years a fruitful opportunity for making merchandise of their country’s needs—in effect, feathering their own nests out of the national treasury, while private soldiers were imperiling their lives -under Southern skies. These men, acting mainly in the shelter of the Republican party, for many years have shamed our country in the eyes of decent observers the world over by the abuse of the public places they have held, which they have made the means of enriching themselves and their followers and sycophants at the expense of national honor and the earnings of the people. Exposure after exposure has been made, and the evil still exists. Believing that James G. Blaine, whose corrupt public career has not been successfully defended by his supporters, represents the worst element of demagogy and venality known in American politics, and that his elevation to the Presidency will further lower the standard of public morals and oven the doors to political corruption hitherto closed, that monopolies will oppress the public still more, and that a premium will by his election be put upon place-hunt-ing for dishonorable ends, we ask the Republican voters of lowa, on the 4th of November next, to cast their ballots for other than Republican electors, to show by effective protest that misrule must stop and arrant knavery hide its head for at least a little season."

BLAINE’S CROOKED RECORD.

As Pictured by the “Original Blaine Organ,” Eight Years Ago. Choice Extracts from the Chicago Tribune—To Bo Cohtirtued. < • ' *. ■' • - SUGGESTIVE OF A BURLESQUE. - The people of the United States do pot want a man who has been whimpering before a clerk for the return of his personal letters; the situation is too suggestive of burlesque to be carried through an entire campaign.— Chicago Tribune, June 9, 1876. WHAT MR. BLAJNE DID. Mr. Blaine was exceedingly anxious that Messrs. Fisher and Caldwell should understand fully how much service he had rendered the Little Rock and Fort Smith Railroad Company by first suggesting the means for saving the bill for a renewal of their land grant, and then so ruling as Speaker of the House, as to kill the Julian amendment, which would have defeated the bill In the Senate. Mr. Blaine did all this at the time he was seeking to get from Mr. Caldwell a definite arrangement for some of the bonds in this road. — Chicago Tribune, June 9, 1876. WHAT BLAINE FAILED TO EXPLAIN. Mr. Blaine has thus far omitted in bis various explanations to give a clear idea as to the meaning Of a portion of the letters and memoranda rescued from Mulligan's custody. It is shown that for the trouble and skill exercised in negotiating the sale to his Maine constituents of $390,000 nominal value of bonds for $130,000 in cash, Mr. Blaine received bonds of the nominal value of $162,500, worth about $55,000 in cash at that time. According to the agreement this large donation to Mr. Blaine was partly in tbe nature of a commission on the sale, and “for other valuable considerations." Mr. Blaine has so far neglected to explain what these "other valuable considerations” were. They must have been very valuable to have swelled the aggregate compensation to $55,000, or about 43 per cent, upon a sale which amounted to $130,000 in cash. This part of the documentary display was quietly passed over and not read by Mr. Blaine, with the remark that it was unimportant.— Chicago Tribune, June 10, 1876. EVIDENCE PILED MOUNTAIN HIGH. Mr. Blaine made a curious vindication" yesterday. He read fifteen of the eighteen letters he took from Mulligan. These letters instead of being a vindication, seem to pile evidence mountain high that Blaine, ever since he has been in Congress, has been an active and extensive operator in the securities In wild-cat railroads. In one of the letters he refers to a decision made by himself As Speaker, in which he. rulsd out a nroposed amendment to the Fort Smith and Little Rock Railroad bill, which admentment would have defeated the object sought by the company. ♦ * * His worst enemies have not been able to fix upon him the character of» gambler and speculator in the securities of questionable corporations, as he '■ his done in those letters, all of which were written,- he says, iq secrecy and confidence. Instead of a vindication, the Tetters seem to establish ‘ the charge. ■ * The reason why the Cinciiyiati convention should not think seriously of nominating Mr.-Blaineis sufficiently set forth Im-the -single letter -tp Mr. Fisher which was made public several days ago, and which is admitted on all’ sides de be genuine.’[Hpre follows Mr. Blaine's famous letter of ' Nov. 25,1870, to “My Bear Fisher."] A careful rending of this letter; .will convince any intelligent person, we think, of thfe following circumstances: (1) That Mr. Blaine was the party moving in the. transaction, and that he was not acting at the solicitation of others; (2) that the additional legislation, secured by the Northern Pacific had some influence in ep- • aiding* him tb control the stock which he had previously failed to obtain; (3) that he was anxious ’to make the sale, since he pressed the special advantages of the transaction—getting nearly $500,000 of stock and 275,000 acres of land for s2s,ooo—and spoke of this as being much cheaper than other small lots of stock had been sold for: (4) that he was not anxious in behalf of Mr. Fisher or any other particular person, since he suggested that five or ten could make up a pool; (5) that he could not himself with . propriety assume and retain the ownership of this stock; and (6) that he wished the transaction to be closed up without the use of his name, except to Mr. Caldwell, with whom he appears to have had confidential arrangements. It is useless to conceal the fact that the deduction which has been made from this state of things is that Mr. Blaine was to receive this lot of stock in consideration for the aid he had rendered the Northern Pacific Company in securing additional legislation, and that he did not dare to take or hold it in his own name, but that he was to receive the proceeds of any sale made of it. * ♦ * The additional legislation referred to consisted of the passage of a resolution by Congress granting the Northern Pacific several millions of acres of public lands in addition to the 47,000,000 which had been previously granted, and authorizing the oompany to mortgage its lands and franchues and issue its bonds in advance of the construction of the road. This resolution encountered strong opposition, and there was a special effort made, but in vain, to fix a maximum price on the lands for actual settlers. The whole measure was passed finally, and it does not appear that Mr. Blaine, at any time, made the slightest opposition to it; on the contrary, it is asserted that he gave it the benefit of his influence, without which It could not have been passed. A short time after he wrote the letter to Fisher, quoted above, offering a part-of the stock for sale, and pointed out the advantages of this additional legislation. The most favorable construction that can be put upon this matter leaves Mr. Blaine in the unfortunate position of a broker offering certain railroad stocks for sale whose value had been just previously enhanced by national legislation which he had favored while Speaker of the House of Representatives. This construction is also effected to Blaine's disadvantage by his failure to specify who was to receive the benefit of the proposed sale and how he came to be selected as an agent; and his injunction to keep his name secret as having been connected with the transaction seems to indicate an apprehension on his part that he was not acting as he ought to act in his public position. * ♦ ♦ Mr. Blaine’s nomination under these circumstances would be a virtual confession on the part of the Republican party, either (1) that it has no available candidate who has not been engaged in similar transactions, or (2) t]jat it approves of such conduct on the part of the men it sends to Congress. We do not believe that the Republican party can afford to acknowledge either one or the other, and we know both to be untrue.— Chicago Tribune, June 6, 1876.

Who Has Changed?

Let it be remembered, when Mr. Blaine talks of “slanders,” and his organs and defenders prate of “campaign lies," that every charge now brought against him is based upon his own letters and statements, and th t they were accepted, even before the corroborative evidence of the latest batch, as conclusive proof of his jobbery and corrupt use of public position by the leading Republican papers that now support him most recklessly. Let it be remembered, furthermore, that two National Republican Conventions have denied him a nomination as candidate. Who has changed?— Boston How any man can vote for Blaine and feel a conscientious scruple about voting for Cleveland on the ground of morality surpasses my conception, for 1 regard Blaine as one of the most corrupt men in pecuniary .affairs that we ever had in bur Government.— Henry Ward Beecher.

STAR-ROUTE FRAUDS.

Over $4,000,000 Stolen During Hayes' “Pure Administration” The Frauds Impossible Without the Connivance of High Officials. Powerful and Mysterious Influmees Pre* vent the Indictment of Many of the Big Thieves. And in Spite of the Convincing Evidence of the Guilt of Officials and Contractors, the Government Fails to Punish a Single Offender. [Washington dispatch.] The Committee on Expenditures in the Department of Justice which, during the last session of Congress, investigated tne Star Route prosecutions, has completed its report for submission to the House on reassembling. It details at length the history of the Star Route frauds from the Hayes administration down to the time of the commencement of the suits, and declares the frauds upon the service could not have been committed without the knowledge, co-operation and assistance of Thos. J. Brady, and that not only the contractors, but many other persons m high official positions in the Government, were either criminally cognizant of the frauds or guilty participants therein. It declares that the amount out of which the Government was defrauded in the Star Route mail service during Hayes' administration exceeds $4,000,000. At one time the Government was paying $450,000 per year for carrying mails to offices that yielded less than $12,000 revenue. The story of the attempt to arbitrate the Salisbury and Parker cases is told at some length. The report says: “The manner of procuring expedition was reduced to a science. The affidavits of contractors and others were used as the foundation upon which expedition and increased service were allowed. The brazen effrontery and perjury of these affidavit makers Is without parallel in the history of criminal prosecution. Affidavits signed and sworn to in blank were kept on hand by contractors just as they laid up supplies of grain tor their horses. These affidavits were the sole measure of the cost of the expedition, and no other evidence was required by the department for granting an increase of service and increase of speed, which cost the Government hundreds of thousands of dollars. A stock of those blank affidavits was kept on hand and the blanks filled when occasion was required to use them. And the papers filed with the department were on the basis of securing large and valuale additions to the contract. Thus perjury was made the basis of all the frauds perpetrated." A considerable portion of the reportis devoted to the subject of the employment and compensation of attorneys. The amount paid for this purpose, as far as ascertained, was $144,846, of which George Bliss received $57,732. A review of Merrick's testimony in explanation of the failure of the Government to secure conviction in two star-route trials is given, but the report says the committee had not time to pursue the investigation with reference to the attempts to bribe jurors. In reference to contractors not indicted the report says: “From a tabular statement from the office of the Second Assistant Postmaster General the amount which It is claimed could be recovered from Salisbury and Parker is estimated at $564,403. While the record of evidence in the Postoffioe Department st the beginning of the investigation by the department was meager against Salisbury and Parker, yet evidence subsequently procured through special agents sent out for the purpose showed that the operations of these parties as contractors were glaringly fraudulent, and that they should have been indioted and convicted, and prosecuted in civil suits for the necovery of large sums illegally obtained from the Government. Some mysterious and powerful influence must have operated to secure their Immunity.” The next subject Considered is relative to the failure to indict ex-Gov. Kellogg, and the report says Geo. Bliss seemed opposed to efforts looking toward such indictment, and upon this point continues~as follows: “There is a wide issue of veracity between Bliss and members of the Grand Jury as to the efforts made by Bliss to secure an indictment against Kellogg. The foreman of the Grand Jury, Mr. Mitchell, and Messrs. Willard, Edmonston, Stewart and Truesdell appeared before the committee and, each Corroborating the other, stated substantially that Bliss, after the evidence of Walsh had been concluded before the Grand Jury, stated that James B. Price was expected to arrive in the city the following day and would appear before the jury as a witness for the Government in that case, and secured an adjournment over on.e day on that account. This was on Friday, and the promise was that on Saturday Price would appear as a witness, intimating that Price’s testimony was necessary to make out the Government’s case. Oh Saturday, . when the jury met. Bliss announced the failure of Price to appear, and was compelled to submit the case on the verdict already taken. The jury then voted not to present the Indictment. Bliss stated that he did not promise Price’s attendance, but might have said to the jury that the case would be stronger when tried before a petit jury, for then they expected to have Price as a witness for the Government. But each of the grand jurors above mentioned was positive that this was not what Bliss said. It further appears from the evidence of Merrick and Ker that at the time this Grand Jury was in session the Government had no knowledge whatever that Price would ever be a witneSff in its behalf. He • was then under indictment for conspiracy, and no pronosition had been received to' accept him as a witness at that time." The report goes onto show how, when'Kellogg was brought to trial, the Government’s case against him failed because the court held that the offense consisted in the receipts of drafts and was barred by the statute of limitations. “It is due to Kellogg to state that he appeared before the committee at his own instance, July 1, and made a fnil explanation under oath of his transactions with Walsh and Price. Kellogg’s statement before the committee having been made, on July 1, and the session having adjourned on the 7th, the committee was unable to further investigate the matter." The remainder of the report is taken up with the question of civil suits, the removal of local officers in the District of Columbia and the retirement of Attorney General MacVeagh. In conclusion the report says: “Your committee is of the opinion that there were many causes which operated to prevent the successful prosecution of the Star Route offenders. Whatever these causes may have been it is doubtless true that those who will take the pains to read carefully the testimony taken by your committee on this subject, comprising nearly 1,000 pages of printed matter, will reach different conclusions. There was a great diversity in the testimony, and many contradictions win be found, wholly irreconcilable upon any other theory than that of willful perjury. It is sufficient, however, for the purpose of this investigation to state that while the evidence against the Star Route contractors and public officials was strong and conclusive as to their guilt, and that the Government was defrauded of large sums of money, and that large sums were also expended to secure indictments and convictions, yet no person was convicted or punished, and no civil suits have as yet been instituted to recover the vast sums illegally and fraudulently obtained from the public treasury.”

THE MODERN ANANIAS.

He Writes Another Boomerang Letter Which Convicts Him of Deliberate Falsehood. Another Scaly Episode in the Career of the Crooked Demagogue.' The New York Evening Post prints a twocolumn sensation on Blaine and bls coal mine operations in Ohio, On July 22, 1884, while at Bar Harbor, Mr. Blaine wrote as follows to H. 8. Bundy; "I am not and never have been the owner of any coal lands or iron lands, or lands of any character whatever in the Hocking Valley, or in any part of Ohio. Nor have lat any time owned a share of stock in any coal, iron or land company in the State of Ohio. Five years ago I loaned 812,500 to a member of the Standard Oil Company and took the bonds of the company as collateral. I shall be happy to transfer the bonds to any gentleman who is ambitions to pay thh debt. lam interested in coal lands in Pennsylvania and West Virginia, but there has never been the slightest trouble with laboring men in anv enterprise with which I have been connected.” With this letter as a text the Post proceeds to brand Mr. Blaine as a liar, and quotes his own letter of Washington, Deo. 30,1880, inclosing a check for $25,000 to J. N. Denison, Boston, financial agent of the Hope Furnace Tract. The draft inclosed in Mr. Blaine’s letter was upon

the Hon. 8. B. Elkins, of Na 2 Wall street. New York, and when its collection was reported through the customary banking channels Mr. Denison issued a voucher similar to what was given other subscribers- when payment was made, which was an follows: Boston, Dec. 17, 1880. Received from James G. Blaine $25,187.50, being payment in full for one share in the association formed, for the purchase of lands known as the Hope Furnace Tract, situated in Vinton sfcd other counties, Ohio, this receipt to be exchanged for a certificate when prepared. (Signed) J. N. Denison, Agent. Early in 1882 the Standard Coal and Iron Company combination was formed for the general consolidation of the smaller companies in the Hocking Valley. The Hope Furnace Tract Association property, as represented by the $25,000 shares or blocks, ultimately merged into or consolidated with the Standard Coal and Iron Company on the basis of $50,000 at par of the consolidated company’s bonds for a $25,000 block in the Hope tract. On tbe 25th of May, 1882, fifty of the Standard Coal and Iron bonds were handed 8. B. Elkins for Mr. Blaine, and were receipted for by Elkins. In referring back for a moment to Mr. Blaine's most extraordinary letter upon this subject to the Hon. H. 8. Bundy, written at Bar Harbor, Me., under date of July 22,1884, it will be immediately noticed that either the original letter or the copy is in er>or wh?re it alludes to the Standard Oil Company, as this should read the Standard Coal and Iron Company. The Poet article is signed by J. Henry Brooks, and followed by eonies of telegrams and letters passing during the transaction. A Letter Which Disposes of the Plumed Liar’s Recent Denial. [Boston special to the Chicago Daily News.] The following letter has been made public by Mr. Brooks, one of those originally interested in the syndicate formed to buy nn the coal interests in tne Hocking Valley: Saratoga Springs, N. Y.. Ang. 10,188% W. D. Lee, Esq. Dear Sib : I have your favor, and in answer beg to say that I never in my life recommended a loan to any one or assumed any responsibility for another man’s investment. You are at liberty. however, to say that in addition to an investment in the bonds of the Standard Company, I and a friend of mine-jointly advanced a very considerable sum of money on your note secured by the bonds, and in this way showed our faith in the intrinsic value of the bonds, and in the success of the Standard Company. Sincerely, James G. Blaine. New York Workingmen Not Deceived by Blaine’s Denial. [New York special to the Chicago Daily News.] At a meeting of the National Labor party tonight the following resolutions were adopted: Resolved, That a committee of ten be appointed to prepare a citcuhr to send to all the trade and labor organizations of the country notifying them that after investigation by the National Labor party they find the charge to be true that James G. Blaine was a stockholder in the Hocking Valley Coal and Iron Company, and also in the Standard Iron and Coal Company, which companies discharged union laborers end employed imported Hungarian laborers at eighty cents a day, and their wives and children at fifteen cents a day, to take their places; and also employed Pinkerton's police to shoot the union miners down if they resisted this employment of pauper labor. Resolved, That we urge all friends of honest labor and American labor to work and vote against James G. Blaine as the enemy of honest labor and a false and dishonest protectionist.

REMORSELESS ROBBERS.

Tricks Resorted to by Republican Officials to Plunder the Public Treasury. Hundreds of Thousands of Dollars Stolen Annually Without Fear of Punishment. Congressman Springer and His Colleagues Paralyzed by the Effrontery Displayed by the Thieves. [Washington Telegram.] The majority report of the Springer Committee on the United States marshals’accounts Is made public. It says: “A stream never rises above Its source, and as long as those who possess the power of appointing these officers have no appreciation of the true dignity of the public service and regard the offices only as rewards to be bestowed upon their most unscrupulous political allies, there is not mnch reason to hope for any great improvement in the character of our appointed officials. The testimony before the committee clearly shorts that utter inefficiency and criminal practices have prevailed in many parts of this branch of the'public service for many years past, and that the Government has been a heavy loser thereby. There is a sameness and also a variety in the testimony. The investigation reveals the wonderful unanimity with which these officers of almost every £ado and in the several portions of the country ve plundered the public treasury by false, fraudulent, and fictitious charges, and yet the variety in the ways and means by whloh they have worked their schemes is equally curioiis. and shows that they have taxed their ingenuity to the utmost to find modes of accomplishing the one unhallowed purpose of getting money they were not entitled to. They charged for arrests not made; for travel not performed; for expenses not incurred; for guards not employed. They knowingly rendered false accounts against the Government, misappropriated the public funds, became defaulters to the Government and tq4he courts, increased the accounts after they were made up, rendered accounts in the names of fictitious persons, arrested persons upon false charges worked up by themselves, extorted money from private citizens, and in ways without number have swindled the Government and oppressed the people,” Numerous acts are cited on the part of mar* shals of the Southern States in proof of the above charges, and the report calls special attention to the practice of exhibiting the ingenuity of officers in evading the law and the shameful prostitution of the powers of the office for unworthy ends. Frivolous and vexatious prosecutions had been so common that an effort was made to stop them, and an order was issued that no Unitea States Commissioner should issue a warrant of arrest in internal revenue cases without an affidavit from the Internal revenue officer that he had examined the case and that prosecution should be had. In order, to evade this, deputy marshals secured appointments as revenue officers, so as to be able to make the official affidavit required. They then worked up cases ad deputy marshals, signed the affidavits as deputy collectors, and then served the warrants as deputy marshals, in this way completely nullifying the order made for the protection of citizens. It would be difficult to devise a scheme by which the dearest rights of citizens could be more thoroughly trampled under foot. The report names several officials who were rewarded by promotion or otherwise, in spite of illegal acts, and says: “With such a system of selection and advancement of officials it is not to be wondered at that the country has been cursed with officials whose least heinous crime was that of public plundering. Probably the most remarkable case of this way of rewarding bad characters was that of Judge Conger, formerly Associate Justice of the Territory of Montana. Charges of such a serious nature, well known to the public, were made against him that he was suspended from office. There were two petitions forwarded to the President in connection with this matter. One, asking for the retirement of the Judge, was signed by 216 citizens, representing 75 per cent, of the taxable property of Gallatin County. The other, asking for his restoration to the bench, was signed by fifty-nine persons, of whom nine were then under indictment in court for fraud and one for withholding county records; one had been several times arrested for larceny; another was being then pursued for the theft of sixteen horses; and of the remaindetr wenty-nine were saloonkeepers and gamblers of Miles City. In the face of these facts the President of the United States, in the exercise of the functions of the high office held by him, deemed it his duty to the people of this great country to restore Judge Conger to the bench.” The report recommends the abolition of the corrupting fees system, and fixing definite salaries for United States District Attorneys and Marshals, and closes with the statement that the “investigations have disclosed a wanton waste of public revenues and criminal disregard of the rights and safeguards of the people. It is my deliberate opinion that Mr. Blaine acts as tbe attorney of Jay Gould. Whenever Mr. Thurman and I have settled upon legislation to bring the Pacific Railroads to terms of equity with tbe Government, up has jumped James G. Blaine, musket in hand, from behind the breastworks of Gould’s lobby, to fire in our back.— Senator George F. Ed' munde, of Vermont.

SAMUEL J. TILDEN.

The Sag® of Gramercy Replies to the Resolutions of the July Con* vention. Demooratio Ascendency Is Demanded by the Abuses of Republican Tenure. After weeks of delay, occasioned by his feeble condition and the constant demands of private affairs upon his time and attention, ex-Gov. Samuel J. Tilden has found an opportunity to answer the communication of the special committee of the Democratic National Convention conveying to him the resolutions of that body. His reply is as follows: . Graystone, Got A Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of the committee. I thank you for the kind terms in which you have communicated the resolutions concerning me, adopted by the late Democratic National Convention. I share your conviction that reform in the administration of the Federal Government, which is our great national want, and is indeed essential to the restoration and preservation of the Government itself, can only be achieved through the agency of the Democratic party, and by installing its representative in the Chief Magistracy of the United States. The noble historical traditions of the Democratic party, the principles in which it was educated, and to which it has ever been in the main faithful; its freedom from corrupt influences which grow up in the prolonged possession of power, and the nature of elements which constitute it, all contribute to qualify it for that mission. The opposite characteristics and conditions which attach to the Republican party make it hopeless to expect that that party will be able to give better government than the debasing system of abuses which, during its ascendency, has infected official and political life in this country. The Democratic party had its origin in the efforts qf the more advanced patriots of the Revolution to resist the perversion of our Government from the ideal contemplated by the people. Among its conspicuous founders are Benjamin Franklin and Thomas Jefferson, Samuel Adams and John Hancook, Massachusetts; George Clinton and Robert R. Livingston, New York; and George Wythe and James Madison, Virginia. From the election of Mr. Jefferson as President in 1800, for sixty years the Demo* cratic party mainly directed our national policy. It extended the boundaries of the republic and laid the foundations of all our national greatness, while it preserved the limitations imposed by the Constitution and maintained a simple and pure system of domestic administration. On the other hand, the Republican party has always been dominated by principles which favor legislation for the benefit of particular classes at the expense of the body of the people. It has become deeply tainted with the abuses which naturally grow up during a long possession of unchecked power, especially in the period of civil war and false tinanoe. The patriotic and virtuous elements in it are now unable to emancipate it from the sway of selfish interests which subordinate public duty to personal greed. The most hopeful of the best citizens it contains despair of its amendment except through its temporary expulsion from power. It has been boastingly asserted by a modern Massachusetts statesman, struggling to reconcile himself and his followers to their Presidential candidate, that the Republican party contains a disproportionate share of the wealth, the culture, and the Intelligence of the country. The unprincipled Grafton, when taunted by James IL with his personal want of conscience, answered: “That is true, but 1 belong to a paity that has a great deal of conscience.* Such reasoners forget that the same claim has been made in all aA)s and countries by defenders of old wrongs against now reforms. It was alleged by the Tories of the American Revolution against the patriots of that day. It was repeated against Jefferson, and afterward against Jackson. It is alleged by the Conservatives against those who in England are now endeavoring to enlarge the popular suffrage. All history shows that the reforms in government must not be expected from those who sit serenely on the social mountain tops enjoying the benefits of the existing order of things. Even the divine Author of our religion found His followers not among the self-complacent Pharisees, but among lowly-minded fishermen. The Republican party is largely made up of those who live by their wits and who aspire in politics to advantages over the rest of mankind similar to those which their daily lives are devoted to securing in private business. The Democratic party consists largely of those who live by the work of their hands, and whose political action Is governed by their sentiments or imagination. It results that the Democratic party, more readily than the Republican party, can be molded to the support of reform measures, which involve a sacrifice of selfish interests. The indispensable necessity of our times is a change of administra ion in the great executive offices of the country. This, in my judgment, can only be accomplished by the election of the Democratic candidates for President and Vice President. Samuel J. Tilden. To R. H. Henry, Chairman, B. B. Smalley, and others, of the Special Committee of the Democratic National Convention.

CANNOT SUPPORT BLAINE.

W. E. Forrest, One of the Elector* on the Republican Ticket In New York, Decline* to Act—He Say* He Can Not Conscientiously Support Hi* I’arty’* Nominee for the Presidency. [New York Bpeolal.] ‘ Dr. W. E. Forrest, one of the elector* on the Republican ticket for this State, has resigned from his position because he can not conscientiously support James G. Blaine. Like a thunderbolt from a clear sky came the following letter addressed to Mr. John D. Warren, the Chairman of the Republican State Committee: 1 “Sib: I wish to tender my resignation as Republican Elector for this State. lam sorry to say that I cannot conscientiously support the F resent nominee for President, James G. Blaine, remain, yours respectfully, w. E. Forbebt. ” Since the receipt of this letter, a few days ago, the members of the State and National Republican committees have been at their wits’ ends what to do about it. They hare carefully hushed up the matter, and have brought every influence to bear on Dr. Forrest to induce him to withdraw his resignation, but the Doctor has stood firm to his convictions, and neither threat of punishment nor promise of reward could induce him to promise to vpte for a candidate against the dictates of his conscience. It is rumored here to-night that other defections will follow from a like cause.

More Bolters. [Lockport (N. Y.) dispatch.]

Maj. James F. Fitts, a soldier of the late war, who has always voted and worked for the Republican ticket since the organization of the party, created a great sensation here to-day by publicly announcing that he cannot support the Republican nominee for President, whom he denounces as an unworthy representative of his party. In his letter defining his position. Maj. Fitts characterizes Blaine as “a politician whose idea of official trust is bounded by its capacity to yield him gain, a falsifier, and a' would-be suborner of perjury." [Boston telegram.] The Independent Republican movement in this State has received another notable recrnlt in ex-Representative Edwin N. Hill, of Haverhill, Chairman of the Executive Committee of the local Blaine and Logan club, and whose name had been placed on the Republican State Committee's list of campaign speakers. Mr. Hili says the latest publications regarding Blaine have convinced him that he if a thoroughly corrupt man, and that his election would be a national calamity.

Knowing-Nothing Blaine.

That Blaine was a leading Know-Nothing there is no doubt. In 1866 he was one of the editors of the Kennebec Journal. Below is a sac-simile of the heading on the editorial page of that paper:

• THE KENNEBEC JOURNAL. Augusta, Maine, August 12,1856. Jas. g. Blaine <fc Jas. Baxter, Editors. THE AMERICAN TICKET. FOB PRESIDENT, MILLARD FILLMORE, Of New York. FOB VICE PRESIDENT, ANDREW J. DONALDSON. Of Tennessee. » “ Fat Nene but Americans on Guard.*’ This settles the matter. It Is also susceptible of proof that Blaine wrote the Madigan circular in 1876, when he appealed to the voters of Maine to reject a candidate because he was an Irishman and a Catholic. No self-respecting Irishman can vote for such a candidate, even though he sympathize with the general policy of the Republican party.— Hartford Telegram.

MERCHANTS FOR CLEVELAND

A Monster Meeting in Hew York of Solid Business Men Opposed to Blaine’s Election. The Greatest Political Demonstration Witnessed In the City Since the War. Enormous Kight Meetings—Thirty Thousand Torchbearers March Through the Streets Ablaze with - Many Lights. (New York dispatch.] The greatest political demonstration in the history of Wall street since 18fi0 occurred there this afternoon just as the exchanges closed. It was the business men's indorsement of Grover Cleveland's nomination. The stope of the SubTreasury bnUdlng were used for the speakers. Democrats, Republicans and Independents met on common giound. The hurrah and excitement of the trading-rooms was transferred to the street. At 3 o'clock fully 25,0« men had assembled, the crowd reaching on W U street from Broadway to the Custom House, and on Nassau up to Pine street, and on Broad street down to the old cotton plaza. Such another brilliant assemblage of New-Yorkers had not been seen for nearly a quarter of a century. A cheer would begin on Wall street and Broadway and be echoed all over the crowd until It seemed as if human throats could emit no more noise. The meeting had been caUed by the unite i Cleveland and Hendricks; clubs. Democratic organizations which, for the first time in the history of the down-town exchanges, had been formed within their walls, and for the first time in history Democrats enunciated Democratic principles from the steps of a Federal bnilding under the gaze of Republican office-holders. Headed by Cappa’s Seventh Regiment Band, and flying a red silk banner, oame the New York Stock Exchange Cleveland and Hendricks Club 70«) strong. These were followed in their order by the New YorkProduoe.Maritime.TndependentMerchants* Cleveland and Hendricks Club, over 1,000 in line, about 600 forming the Cleveland and Hendricks Club of the New York Mining Stock and National Petroleum Exchange, and about 300 each of the Cleveland and Hendricks Clubs of the New York Cotton Exchange, the New York Coffee Exchange, and the New York Mercantile Exchange, and the West Side merchants. All these men massed themselves before the grand-stand, which bad been beautifully decorated with stripes and bunting. The temper of the meeting can beat be illustrated by an Incident which occurred shortly before the addresses were begun. A broker standing on the stops of the Sub-Treasury Building drew a letter from hia pocket, then, striking a match, he applied the light to the letter, and, holding the burning paper over the heads of the throng who were curiously watching him, exclaimed: "Burn this.” The crowd instantly understood the allusion to Blaine's request tn his letter to Warren Fisher, and broke forth in a shout of applause, intermingled with laughter, which was borne like a roll of thunder to the confines of the multitude. The fact that the meeting represented the wealth and intelligence of the down-town exchanges cannot be disguised. The Piesklcnt, the Vice President, the Secretary, and thu Treasurer of the Stock Exchange, the Present, the Vice President, and the Secretary of the Cotton Exchange were there. The Hon. Roswell P. Flower called the meeting to order. Hon. William Dorshelmer, exGov. Salomon, of Wisconsin, and Algernon 8. Sullivan, the brilliant Irish orator, were the principal speakers. Ex-Gov. Salomon said: I have been for twen-ty-four years a member of the Republican party--1 voted tor Abraham Linccdn and every one of his successors, but I cannot, as a Republican, vote for James G. Blaine. Pardon me if I address myself chiefly to the reasons why! cannot support h m. His protended exoneration of himself on the floor of Congress was false in substance, false in intention, and false in particulars. He was proven to be the owner of Little Rook and Fort Smith Railroad bonds which he had paid for with his influence as Speaker of the House. He dented that he had done anything in the matter that would not bear the light of day, yet his letters prove that his actions were underhanded and concealed, and he was proved to have uttered falsehoods. We propose to oast our votes for Grover Cleveland because he has shown himself to be a man of honesty, integrity, and independence fit to sit in the chair kt Washington. (Applause.] I have heard Republicans say they fear to place a Democrat In power as President. Yon agree with me that Janies G. Blaine is unfit. (Cries of "Yesl" “Yes!"j Of allthe candidates beside him there is but one who has a ghost of a chance, and that is Grover Cleveland. H. A. Brady, of the Stock Exchange, spoke, and the meeting closed with a few ringing words from ex-Mavor Grace. The meeting wae the biggest and most enthusiastic held in Wall street since the war. When the meeting closed each Club marched to Washington’s statue and placed Its colors at the hero's feet, amid great applause and ringing cheers for “Washington thojirst and Cleveland the next President.* Monster Ratification Meetings in the Even- ’ Ing—3o,ooo Men in Line. Tire County Democracy and Irving Hall joint demonstration in behalf of Cleveland and Hendricks this evening exceeded anything of a like character that has ever b'en attempted in this city. In the immediate vicinity of Union Square all the streets were thronged by pedestrians soon after dark. Fourteenth street, between Third avenue and Broadway, became impassable at an esrly hour. At 7 :«0 Irving place, between Fourteenth and Fifteenth streets, was packed with a solid mass of men struggling to get near the doors of the Academy and Irving Hail. AU the streets in the neighborhood were filled with people on their way either to the Academy, Irving Hall or the square. Thousands were turned away from the Academy because they could not present tickets of admission. Thecrowd in and around Union Square was estimated by men who saw the great Union meeting there in 1801 as five times as large as the war meeting. There were certainly 6.000 people in the Academy of Music, 2,MX) in Irving Hall, to.ooo arouhd the square, 12,000 on Fourteenth street and on Irving place, and 25,000 In the parade. There was speaking in the Academy of Music and Irving Hal)—both of which were jammed almost to suffocation—and from four stands in Union Square, all of which were surrounded by immense and enthusiastic masses of men who rent the air with cheers for Cleveland and Hendricks. From 8:30 until 11 o'clock Union Square seemed ablaze with torches. During the evening sky-rockets were setoff, bombs were bursted imair, and red and blue 1 ghts burned. The great ont-door feature of the night was the uniform parade, over 30j)QO men being in line.

HENRY WARD BEECHER AROUSED.

' f J' •'! - 7 nations of James F. Joy, of Detroit. Mr. Bpecher has given to the press the following letter; Gen. R. A Alger, Detroit, Mich. Dear Sib: 1 have just read your letter of Oct. 9, exhorting me "publicly to retract your (my) statements as you have in your zeal for the Democratic party, and the Democratic nominee, spread them before the whole county." When the heat of this canvass has passed, you will think that such language borders too near upon insult to be either just or wise. I beg vou to understand that I have nothing to do with the tiuth, or otherwise, of Mr. Joy’s statements to me respecting Mr. Blaine. The only question is: Did Mr. Joy make those statements? The transactions between him and Blaine through an intermediary may be mythical, or the intermediary may have been an impostor, or Mr. Blaine’s feelings may never have been hurt by any such requests, and Mr. Joy may never have been shocked at Mr. Blaine’s imputed answer; and Mr. Joy’s artless feelings being practiced upon by this intermediary, he may have expressed himself too severely about Mr. Blaine. Let Mr. Joy and Mr. Blaine settle all that. Did Mr. Joy make the remarks in my presence which I have published? It he did not, I have lied; if he did, Joy has lied. There is no middle ground; there shall be none. Either I heard it or invented it. Mr. Joy's second telegram to yon makes a languid and foolish denial, which I attribute to his not 1 aving seen or understood my statem nt. But it Mr. Joy has seen my statement and denied it, or if when he lands in New York he shall declare that no such conversation was had in my presence, then I have only to say that, whereas I did not Imagine that there could be more than one continental Mar, I am compelled to think that there are two. Please accept this letter as the only retraction and apology that I am prepared to make to you, to Mr. Joy, to Mr. Blaine, and to the Republican party. Olive Logan is living at Brompton, England, and. writing a novel.