Democratic Sentinel, Volume 8, Number 37, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 10 October 1884 — Page 3

THE MUST GO.

The Long Dominance of the Republican Party and Its Ideas Has Corrupted the Public Morals and Inaugurated the Era of Bribery and Fraud. Eloquent Speech of Gen. J. C. Black, Delivered at Freeport, HL, Sept 6. It always tries the endurance of men to summon them to pass through the excitement of such a day as this. You have heard from the man who, I Believe, will be your Governor next November; but you may bear with me while I state the reasons for my convictions. You are interested, as I am, in a pure administration of the laws and in an economical Government. Therefore I appeal to the judgment and patriotism of all the people. If it occur in the course iOt what I say that there is an occasional ringing on the Republican party, remember I have mucn respect for a majority of the individual members of the party, though I am positive that the ©arty as a whole is thoroughly corrupt If the rule of a party has been conducive to the welfare of the country, we should consider long before making a change; but if it has been the means of retarding progress, if it has filched from the people while pouring honeyed words in their ears, then a change is necessary. Such a change is wanted now. The Republican party bases its demand to the public confidence notJibly on three claims: 1. Its administration of the finances and its faithful care of the public property. 2. Its attitude upon the tariff question. 3. The moral fitness and high character of the Republican party. Of these I will speak in their order. And, first, of its financial administration. I shall set forth some dry statistics, but you should remember that you must consider dry statistics, for otherwise you can not decide wisely what you should do. Here in this community and in like communities are being formulated rules for government Listen to a lew facts. The public debt amounted Aug. 1,1885, when at its highest point, to $2,756,431,571. Sept 1, 1884, it was >1,437,514,094. There had therefore been paid 31,318,917,477. To pay this there had been collected, exclusive of loans, from Aug. 1, 1865, to Sept 1, 1884, in round numbers, $7,000,000,000. Uhe debt discharged in this time was only >1,300,000,000. Therefore the money expended, exclusive of the payment of debt, was $5,760,000,000, so that the Republican party during that time, conceding to them the credit of the whole affair, had reduced the debt only $1,300,000,000, While for other purposes a sum had been expended which is greater than the assessed value Of Illinois, Indiana, Ohio, Kentucky, Missouri, lowa, and Michigan, a sum greater than the national debt of any foreign country, although in many of them debts have been accumulating for oenturies. Even the payments referred to—have they been paid by the Republicans? Have only Republicans been assessed for the ostensible benefit of the nation? You know that the payments have been made by the people generally, and not by any party. If you should find that your agent had, in the ordinary affairs of life, so managed your business, you would immediately discharge him. Here for nearly one hundred years fifty millions Of people have lived, toiled, saved, suffered, and died—have made the waste places inviting. The result of the product of those people, ten millions of whom are still alive, is Jess, fellow-citi-zens, than the Republican party expended in nineteen years, independent of the reduction of the national debt. What has become of this enormous sum? At the close of the war, in 1865, we had a navy which numbered 800 sailing •hips, with 575 guns; a navy which stretched along the seaboard and hermetically sealed the ports of the Confederacy. To-day that navy is reduced to fifty-two ships, so inefficient that there are 100 ships any one of which could sail Into the port at New York and bid defiance to ns. Yet upon that navy since the war there has been spent $391,000,000. You have a vast territory, the sections of which have to be brought together by some means of communication. To establish these means contracts are let and “expedited.** The contracts entered into by the Government for the establishment of means bf communipation is a proof of the venality of the Republican leaders. Once upon a time lye and grease used to be put together to make soap, but now a star-route lie and the people’s money are put together to make soap to carry Indiana. The horde of officeholders under the Republican administration is constantly increasing. There is a peg for every hole in the official void, and the success of Republicanism means the addition of offices to the already large number -an army of 120,060. Under the skillful management of this army SBOO,000 has been accredited yearly for the past eighteen years to “losses.” It was not stolen; oh, no; there is no reason why it should be stolen. Oh, they say, we have expended a large amount of money, but we have not stolen jt ; we are the honestest set of rogues and scoundrels on record—we have appropriated iff If you meet a highwayman and ne relieves you of your pocket-book, do you call that theft? Where is the difference between that offense and the misappronriation of public funds? The Republicans confess to enormous losses, and yet you are called on to support the party on the ground that it has discharged the trust you reposed in it with honor to itself and satisfaction to you. What care has the Republican party taken of the public property? The reports of the Land Office show at this time that there are in the occupancy of foreign capitalists and fraudulent entrymen 9,060,000 acres of the public lands. Buch occupancy is impossible, except by the connivance or supineness of the public officials. A change is demanded, and it must occur. Since 1861 the grants to railroad companies alone have amounted to 176,000,000 acres. The efforts of a Democratic House to reclaim the fairly forfeited grants was defeated in 1884 by a Republican Senate.

The Republican party claims support because of its position as regards the tariff, and its mouthpieces assert that it has produced the vast ■wealth of the republic. Let us see. The gain in population since 1865 has been 17,000,000. There has been a proportionate increase in the taxable values of the property owned by the people. Has this been brought about bv high tariff. Who has been benefited ? For every dollar of revenue there has been $4 of duty. It appears by the manufacturing statistics of Massachusetts, as presented by Senator Hoar, that, in the year 1879, 525,000 workmen took $386,000,000 worth of raw materials (cotton, wool, iron, hides, wood, etc.), and by adding their skilled labor, converted them into finished manufactures worth in the aggregate $631,000,000. The Increased value which they gave to this $386,000,000 worth of raw material was, therefore, $245,000,000—and this sum represents labor. But it appears further that of this $2(5,000,000 added value, the 325,000 wonringmen got only $158,000,000; the remaining $87,000,000, or more than one-third went to the employers—the manufacturing capitalists. ■The workingmen made only wages—s 449 each a year, or about $1.25 a day. One effect of the administration has been a constantly increasing surplus. One hundred millions of dollars is added to the Treasury yearly. Aug. 1 there was $400,000,000 in the Treasury, and during the month of August $8,000,000 was added. These vast sums are drawn from 55,000,000 of people. If the Republican party succeeds, the enormous surplus must'increase, for so the Republican pl atform and Blaine and Logan declare. The Republican members of the House of Representatives, voting as a mass, steadfastly refused to consent to a reduction. Yet there can be no doubt that something must be done with the surplus. It must be drawn from the Treasury and distributed. All concede this. Then why, if the Republican party be honest, does it allow the money to accumulate? The Republican party claims that it is a party of progress and exalted ideas. Let the young voter, to whom this claim is made, make out a schedule of some of the features of Republican rule, and ponder over it long and earnestly before he acknowledges that that is truly the igrand old party and throws his hat high in the air at the beck of its chosen leaders. He may put down among other items: The Credit Mobilier swindle. The Boss Shepherd ring frauds. The sate burglary iniquity. Th? whisky frauds. The Freedmen’s Bank swindle. The Belknap impeachment. The Robeson naval frauds. The Sanborn bureau frauds. The Indian Bureau frauds. The pension bureau frauds. The Black Friday rascality. The theft of the Presidency in 1876. The Indiana bribery in 1880. The Blaine Speakership jobbery. The star-route frauds. Concealed within the toga of Republicanism are creatures so hideous, that honest, loyal men, knowing their natures, would spurn them as a reptile from their path. Blaine, it is claimed, is not of those. It is said that he is a statesman. To those who make the -declaration, I give a challenge to point to one act in his life that indicates the economist or the reformer. -In a speech recently delivered at Madison, Wis., the Republican candidate for Vice Presl■dent sald-s-- "The Dem'traratlc party-represented

the English Interests as against the American interests. Its monuments were built to free trade. State banka, a rotten and depreciated currency. State rights, and slavery. The Democrats had opposed every advance measure for the last twenty-five years. Their monuments were raised over false creeds, failures in statesmanship, the putrid carcass of secession, and the dry bones ot State sovereignty.” That distinguished gentleman may speak for the Democracy of twenty-five years ago; with him then be that issue. He knows whether the great confiding mass, who lookecfto the leaders tor guidance, were properly led; he knows who rode at the front of that column; he knows whose hand, honored with the trust of the rank and file, upbore the standard of slavery and secession ; he knows whose bold and daring blow, by use of law, struck manhood's form to the earth in Hlinois and planted the banner of slavery on humanity's bleeding heart; he knows whose tall plume waved at the front of that old-time host. He knows when Douglas sent the cross of fire and blood throughout the Northwest, and summoned the Dem< cracy to the support of an impoverished republic, whose foot lagged in the race; whose hand was late in the fray; whose voice was late in the acclaim. He may speak for the old time and the old ways, but he shall not in this year assail the Democracy of to-d y, nor cloak wrong by the magnificence of his imperishable record as a soldier. That gentleman won renown, and set the stars of his martial glory high and forever in the American sky, but our warfare is of the present; we seek to perform what is ours to do now. The Democracy, for which I speak, and for whose principles I contend, freed from its ancient leadership and their pernicious councils, fresh-recruited from the ranks of a virtuous people, filled with the young blood and heroic purposes of to-day, has arisen to call in judgment the oppressors of the people and the spoilers of the weak; it accuses Republicanism of corruption, of wrong, of extravagance, of threatened violence, and actual usurpation; it will not allow that the shameless be sheltered by splendid deeds in arms, nor turn attention from the reforms of the day by a recital of the abuses of the past. With. steadfast front it abides the result of the great contest. The Republican party holds control in the United States by usurpation, violence, and defiance of the will of the people and the law of the land. The Republican party has been the prolific parent of numberless corporations that have covered the whole field of wealth, and made it possible for vast fortunes to be built, when a few years since a greatly diffused wealth Showered its blessings on all. The long dominance of the Republican party and its ideas has corrupted the public morals, inaugurated the era of bribery and fraud, and obscured the high models of other days. It must go.

THE SPENCER RIFLE BRIBE.

And the Service Blaine Rendered Therefor. One of the clearest cases of corruption disclosed by the Mulligan letters, says the Chicago News, was Blaine's connection with the Spencer Rifle Company. The evidence is to be found in three letters. In his note to “My dear Mr. Fisher," dated Augusta, Me., Aug. 31,1872, Blaine writes: “As one of the elements [in a settlement] which I wish to take into account is the note of $10,006 given you in 1863 for Spencer stock, I desire that you will furnish me with the items of interest on that note.” Now in 1863, when this note was given, Blaine had been elected to, and was about to take his seat in, the Thirty-eighth Congress. He was elected in November, 1862, and took his seat in December, 1863. For tills Spencer stock Blaine gave his note, which was more than paid by dividends, as is shown by his letter to Fisher dated Augusta, Me., Aug. 9, 1872. In that epistle he says: “You credit me April 26, 1869, with $11,500 dividend from Spencer Company, but there were two subsequent dividends, one of $3,750, the other of $5,800, of which no mention is made in your statement, though I received in June, 1870, your check for $2,700 or $2,800, which was part of these dividends. I believe.” Of course it will be noted that the one dividend of April 26, 1869, amounted to more than the whole note which Blaine gave originally for tlie stock. What Blaine did while in Congress to aid this company in which he had an interest which had not cost him a dollar he tells in his letter of May 26, 1864, as follows: ” Washington, D. C., May 26, 1864. "My Dear Sib: Your favor received. lam very glad, all things considered, that the Government has accepted your proposition to take all your manufacture till Ist of September, 1865. It gives a straight and steady business for the company for a good stretch of time. “In regard to the tax provision, you can judge for yourself, as I send herewith a copy of the bill, as reported-from the Finance Committee of the Senate, and now pending in that body—see pages 148,149, where I have marked. In looking over the bill, you will please observe that all words in italic letters are amendments proposed by the Senate Finance Committee, while all words included in brackets are proposed to be struck out by the same committee. “The provision which you inquire about was not in the original bill, but was an amendment moved from the Ways and Means Committee by Mr. Kasson, of lowa, to whom I suggested, it. It is just and proper in every sense, and will affect a good many interests, including pour company. I am glad to hear such good accounts of your progress in the affairs of the company, of which 1 have always been proud to be a member. "Tell Mr. Wells that his brother has been nominated by the Senate for Commissary of Subsistence. with the rank of Captain. He will undoubtedly be confirmed as soon as his case can be reached. I will advise as soon as it is done. In haste, yours truly, “J. G. Blaine. "Warren Fisher, Jr., Esq.” And yet Blaine impudently tells us that the Mulligan letters disclose no wrong-doing on his parti

Compare the Records.

After the election In Maine Mr. Blaine thought he owed his neighbors an explanation, and he made it. Ho dodged the vote on the prohibition amendment and when he found that he was observed, unbosomed himself in his own characteristic way. His cowardly evasion and Gov. Cleveland’s manly declaration on the question of prohibition deserve to be placed side by side, so ail who run may read them: * BLAINE’S SPEECH. CLEVELAND'S LETTER. For myself, I decided In a free country, the not to vote at all on the curtailment of the abquestion. I took this solute rights of the inposition because 1 am dividual should only be chosen by the Republi- such as are essential to can party as the repre- the peace and good orsentative of national der of the community, issues, and by no act of The limit between the mine shall any question proper subjects of govbe obtruded into the ernmental control and national campaign those which can be which belongs properly more fittingly left to to the domain of State the moral sense and politics. Certain advo- self-imposed restraint cates of prohibition aud of the citizen should be certain opponents oflcarefully kept in view, prohibition are eachiThus laws unnecessariseeking to drag the is-!ly interfering with the sue into the national.habits and customs of canvass, and thus tend-Any of our people which ing to exclude from Are not offensive to the popular consideration'moral sentiments of the the questions which civilized world, and press for national de-,which are consistent cision. If there be anyiwith good citizenship question that belongs and the public welfare, solely to the police.are unwise and vexapower of the State, itiAtious. the'control of the liquor traffic,' and wise, men will not neglect national issues in the year of a national contest. It was supposed that Mr. Blaine voted as a citizen of Maine, but it seems that he voted, or rather dodged the vote, as a candidate for the Presidency. Let us wait and see what the freemen of America will say to the shuffling, double-dealing, hypocritical demagogue as compared with the straightforward, courageous, and incorruptible Governor of New York. The more the records of these two men are examined the plainer it appears that but one answer can be given: Turn the rascals out.

The “Business Men.”

The “ business ’’ men four years ago put up placards In their shops and manufactories bearing inscriptions like the following: “If Hancock is Elected these Works will have to Shut Down.” Garfield was elected, and “these Works” have had to shut down by the hundreds since. Thousands of workingmen have been thrown out of employment by the stoppage of “these Works." and in other works that are still running they have be n supplanted by cheap imported labor.— Cleveland Plain Dealer. How any man can vote for Blaine and feel a conscientious scruple about voting for Cleveland on the ground of morality' surpasses my conception, for 1 regard Blaine as one of the most corrupt men In pecuniary affairs thaCwe ever had in our' Government— Henry Ward Beecher. “Tell the truth.”— Grover Cleveland. “Please burn this."—James G. Blaine.

WRITES AS HE THINKS.

Gen. Rosecrans Has a Word to Say About the Flumed Fraud. Alleging that He Denied His First Religion for Political Greed. Washington, D. C., Sept 24. Rev. Dear Father: I never have found much reason to trust * man who openly denies the religion in which he was educated. Among the actions upon which our religion lays maledictions are the denial of our Lord and making and loving lies. That Mr. Blaine was brought up by a Catholic mother is well known, and equally well known is it that he has formally denied the Catholic faith and gotten a certificate of his membership of a Congregationalist church from its pastor. While at Augusta, Me, during the latter part of last month, a weekly newspaper of that city—Plaisted, exGovernor, and Morton, proprietors—in a then current number, published evidence given under oath by witnesses highly considered for intelligence, conscientiousness, and integrity, proving beyond reasonable question, that in 1875, while Chairman of the Republican State Central Committee, James G. Blaine —now Republican nominee for the Presidencycaused to be printed and secretly circulated where it was expected to do the most good to that party, a circular addressed “to Protestant Democrats" of Maine, and signed “Protestant Democrat,” and known as “the Madigan circular," in which he appeals to them and the people of Maine generally against “the machinations” of the Catholic hierarchy, and the “secret society of Jesuits" as “planning to secure political power through Congress for the destruction of our system of common schools,” and thus depriving the poor of their only means of education. The circular states that “already they have four United States Senators,” * * ♦ one of whom “was elected by the use of SIOO,OOO of Jesuit money,” and that when there was a threat of Investigation “he resigned rather than nsk an exposure of the secrets of his order.” [The circular said he was a "lay member of the secret society of Jesuits.’! Whether he far over-estimated the dense Ignorance and credulity of those whom the gigantic falsehoods of this circular were designed to dupe is uncertain, but there can be no doubt of the devilishness of its appeal to religious bigotry and fanaticism to secure a miserable party advantage for those who twenty years before had made a vile invgptment in Know-Nothingism for a similar purpose. Every statement in that circular is a falsehood, directly or by implication. These facts ought to be known to every citizen, whose duty requires him to vote for President of the United States at the approaching election. They are bound to vote according to the law and the best of their judgment and conscience for the common good of the whole country. It is a matter of conscience above all things to choose an honest Executive. Does any one doubt what the stockholders of any corporation would think of any director who should vote to elect as President of the company a man proven to have been engaged in circulating mean and dastardly calumnies to impose upon the ignor-' ant, the credulous, and the unwary for his own credit or advantage? But the voter is one of the trustees of the great corporation known as the United States of America, and votes as such when voting for a President of this great corporation. By the greatness of the interests involved, he is proportionately bound to take care that he chooses for President a man whose antecedents assure every one he is trustworthy. Can any one not given over to believe a lie trust a man who got up and clandestinely circulated the Madigan circular? The inclosed editorial, clipped from the Washington Post of this morning, shows how Blaine’s Kennebec Journal talked of Archbishop Hughes in the days of that great and patriotic citizen’s lifetime. When you are told that our President Lincoln got him to go to Europe and exert his influence and intellect to make known in high quarters the real issues of our war for the Union, you will conclude with me that such denunciation of this great Union citizen pnts anotherfeather in the cap of this Plumed Knight d' Industrie, pecuniary and political, and discredits him as an aspirant of any office of trust, much less for the Presidency of this great and free Republic. Knowing the circumstances wljich regulred you to present that gold-headed cane to Mr. Blaine, but not knowing your views as a voter, I write as I think, and remain very truly yours,

W. S. ROSECRANS.

To Rev. J. 8. Early, Highland Falls, N. Y.

A VIVID PORTRAIT.

A Life-Long Republican on the Tattooed Candidate. Hon, Robert C. Pitman, a leading and oldtime Republican of Massachusetts, recently delivered an address in Tremont Temple, Boston, in the course of which he drew this vivid picture of the dishonest demagogue who is trying to hoodwink the American people into elevating him to the place occupied by Washington: I cannot upon my conscience support James G. Blaine. I have lived to see tke Republican party defy the moral sense of the country. I have lived to see orators and journalists of that party sneer at the sentiment of conscience from which that party drew the breath of life. As a test of fealty to that party they require me to support a man who prostituted the office of Speaker of the House of Representatives to aid him as a stock broker ana jobber, In playing upon the hopes and fears of the speculators ana aaventuers who were his chosen companions; who, as a Senator, chiefly distinguished himself as a shameless demagogue In selecting a memorial service to William Klng as an occasion for venting his spite upon Massachusetts by defaming her history, and as Secretary of State rendered his short career memorable only as a breaker and disturber of the peace among nations. Let others, if they will, bend the knee to the man who bent the knee to James Mulligan. I scorn the homage. This Presidential election is both a test and a training of the character of the American people. Says Wendell Phillips: “The character of a state is well shown by the character of those she crowns.” Still more profound was the saying of the Greek orator centuries ago: “It is not your palestras or your schools that instruct your youth, but much more your bestowal of public honors." The character of the people will as the character of those you crow* Mr. Blaine is held forth to the young men of the land as an “ideal Republican candidate.” The phrases of chivalry are invoked to do him honor. Men of Massachusetts, read the Mulligan letters, and see your plumed knight full drawn by himself in those letters which were not burned. If you would have a picturesque background and some interesting postures of your knight, read Mr. Mulligan’s testimony—which Senator Hoar majestically waves asi e. But in my experience of trials I never knew the testimony of a disinterested and unimpeached witness set aside merely because his testimony was not agreeable to the accused. But if you take Mr. Blaine’s letters alone, what do you think pf your hero? Mr. Blaine’s advice is to read them. The Boston Journal goes beyond the assurance of its candidate and says: “It will help him rather than injure him." When you read these letters, remember they were written by a man holding a position of which, a few nights ago, George 8. Boutwell spoke as follows: The Speaker, until bis committees are appointed, is the most potential being in the United States. He shapes all your policies—everything of yours, in fact.” At the close of this correspondence, this knight writes out a certificate of character for Mr. Fisher to sign: “Your conduct was in the highest degree honorable and straightforward.” If I were to adopt it and repeat it should I not be thought satirical? Mr. Blaine, in a word, has precisely those vices of mind and character that prevent the most brilliant demagogism from ever rising to the plane of wise statesmanship.

One more picture of the plumed knight at Augusta. See his courage in voting on the prohibition amendment. It was late in the afternoon, and the ladies had all gone, and he walked in and voted for everything else except the question which most concerned the people of Maine. Now, talk about not having the courage of his convictions—he has no convictions.

That “Scotch” Marriage.

The Indianapolis Sentinel seems to have “loaded for bear” when it went gunning for Blaine. And it seems to have a good deal of ammunition left, even after firing two or three pretty effective charges. As we have said, the only interest the public has in the disgusting business is to learn whether Blaine has been telling the truth or not. We regret to say the evidence Is piling up against him. It will be remembered that in h’s letter to Phelps, Blaine told his story of a “marriage in the sight of God," which took place June 30, 1850, but which he says was invalid because he didn’t know a license was requisite. (He did not say what was equally true, that on June 30, 1850, he was a minor, and therefore Incapable of contracting marriage.) He says the following winter, to avoid complications, they repaired to Pittsburgh, and were again married. It now appears from the following document, owrecord in Blaine's Kentucky home, that hio story of

his ignorance of the necessity for a license was false: “Know ail men by these presents, that we. Wm. A. McKim and James G. Blaine, are held and firmly bound to the Commonwealth of Kentucky in the sum of sso current money, for the payment of which to be made to the said Commonwealth we bind oursetves, onr heirs, our executors, and administrators jointly and severally by these preeents sealed and dated thia 3d day of October, A. D. 185 U The condition of the above obligation is such that if there is no lawful cause to obstruct a marriage betweenJVm. A. Mchim and Miss Sarah E. Stanwood, of Bourbon County, for which a license is now obtained, then this obligation be void, or else in full force. W. A. McKnr. “Jamei G. Blaine.” Here he appeared as a bendsman for a license tor the marriage of his wife's sister nearly six months before his Pittsburgh wedding, and in ample time to have placed the legitimacy of his first-born beyond all cavil, had he been so disposed. It is also susceptible of proof that several months after the alleged marriage Blaine appeared at a Kentucky watering-place called Drennan Springs, and claiming to be unmarried, sought the hand of another lady in wedlock. But, worse than all else, it now turns out that the Doth day of June, 185t>, was Sunday. And who will pretend that Mr. Blaine thought that a marriage by a minor, in secret, without license or minister, and on Sunday, was legal?—Chicago News.

GROVER CLEVELAND.

“We Love Him for the Enemies He Has Made.” Ex-Speaker Keifer, in a recent interview, expressed his opinion of the Democratic candidate, which, as might be expected, is not at all favorable. He said : "Cleveland is a very unfortunate candidate for his party. There is absolutely nothing of general or national character to be said for him, and he does not have the merit of being unknown. Be has no hold on the working classes, who constitutes large factor in the campaign/ It is remarkable what special aversion all the statesmen of the Keifer school entertain for Grover Cleveland. Mr. Dorsey, In his last interview, was even more withering in his denunciations than the ex-Bpeaker, Mr. Robeson is known to entertain a profound contempt for him. William Pitt Kellogg regards him as a weak man mentally, and, worst of all, as an Immoral man. Ex-Senator Grady, one of the political hucksters who have given Tammany such an unenviable reputation throughout the country, considers Cleveland unworthy of his support. Powell Clayton, who is now on the stump in Ohio for Blaine, looks upon him as a nonentity. The opinions of Tom Brady, Steve Elkins, and George E, Spencer are well known. On the other hand, however. Senator Bayard, of Delaware, finds very much in the character and career of Gov. Cleveland to admire, notwithstanding the unflattering verdict of the distinguished gentlemen above mentioned. In his recent speech at Brooklyn, Mr. Bayard said: “This is the leading influence in the character of Grover Cleveland as I discern it—not love of money, not to achieve success, nor arouse noisy admiration, but chiefly to perform his duty in that station of life to which it may please God to call him. He has done this alike in offices comparatively humble as well as in those of great distinction and power, for he has governed the Empire State and 5,506,000 of people honorably, honestly, and well for the past two years. As a son and brother he has done his duty; as a citizen he has done his duty; as a Sheriff he has done his duty: as Mayor of Buffalo he has done his duty; as Governor of the State ot New York he has done his duty; and, God willing, as President of the United States he will do his duty.” It must be admitted that in Mr. Bayard’scatalogue of Gov. Cleveland’s most notable qualities there is nothing which would commend the latter to the favorable consideration of Mr. Keifer or Mr. Robeson or Mr. Grady, but much to justify their aversion to him. Mr. Cleveland’s enemies in both political parties are men who have the best reasons for detesting him, but they are reasons which only strengthen him in the favor of honest men.—Chicago Times.

What a Contrast.

Three days before taking his seat in the House, John Quincy Adams wrote the tollowing letter: Philadelphia, 9th. I called upon Nicholas Biddle at the United States Bank and received two dividends of my bank stock, by an order on the branch bank at Washington. I left with Mr. Biddle my certificate of stock to be sold, and the proceeds to be remitted according to such directions as I may give. I told him that, as I might be called to take a part in public measures concerning the bank, and was favorable to it, I wished to divest myself of all personal interest in it. Thirty-eight years later James G. Blaine,' Speaker of the House of Representatives, wrote the following letter to Warren Fisher, Jr.: Augusta, Me., Nov. 18, 1869. Mr Dear Mb. Fibheb : It is quite evident to my mind that at the approaching session of Congress there will be an expansion of the currency to the amount of fifty to seventy-five millions of dollars. The form it will take, I think, will be an addition to the national bank circulation West and South. My object in writing is to ask in season if your friends would desire to establish a bank at Little Rook. It will be to some extent a matter of favoritism as to who gets the banks in the several localities, and it will be in my power to “cast an anchor to the windward” in your behalf, if you desire it. Please think over the matter and confer with Mr. Caldwell, and let me know your desires as soon as you reach any conclusion. There is, of course, no special hurry, but I thought I would suggest the matter in order that you might mature your thoughts in good time. It would be well to determine the amount to which you might wish to go. I suppose it might be practicable to secure a $560,000 bank; but in that locality you would hardly wish to go so deep. But they are very profitable institutions—say $256,600. Yours, very truly, J. G. Blaine. Warren Fisher, Jr., Esq. Imagine James G. Blaine divesting himself of personal interest in an enterprise because he might be called to take a part in public measures affecting it! And then imagine John Quincy Adams using his official position to “cast an anchor to the windward” in the interest of his associates in speculative enterprises. The one was an honest statesman; the other is simply a political jobber.

Chinese Proverbs.

"Secrets will leak.”— Blaine, in House of Representatives. “Burn this letter.”— Blaine to Fisker. “Public office is a public trust”— Governor Cleveland. “Wherever concealment is desirable, avoidance Is advisable.”— Blaine, in House of Representatives. “No one will ever know from me that I have disposed of a single dollar in Maine.”— Blaine to Fisher. “If there had been anything to conceal about it, I should not have touched it."— Blaine, in House of Representatives. “I am immeasurably worse off than if I had never touched the Fort Smith matter.”—Blaine to Fisher. “I do not feel that I shall prove a deadhead in the enterprise it 1 once embark in it”—Blaine to Fisher. “Owing to your political position, you were able to work off all your bonds at a very high price.”— Fisher to Blaine.

Why Conkling Can’t Support Blaine.

Pray give my compliments to Mr. Blaine and tell him I am not engaged in criminal practice.—Roscoe Conkling. It is my deliberate opinion that Mr. Blaine acts as the attorney of Jay Gould. Whenever Mr. Thurman and I have set* tied upon legislation to bring the Pacific Railroads to terms of equity with tbe Government, up has jumped James G. Blaine, musket in hand, from behind the breastworks of Gould’s lobby, to fire in our back.— Senator George F. Edmunds, of Vermont. It would indeed be deplorable if the young men of this nation should be informed by this election that the people of the United States condone the offenses proved against James G. Blaine. The moral effect would be very depressing should they be told by his election that they can lie, defraud, become demagogues, bribe givers and takers, and still not forfeit the public confidence. — Bishop Huntington. If Cleveland was a good enough man for Mr. Blaine’s friends to make Governor of New York, perhaps some Repub* Means may think he is a good manto make President.— Roscoe Conkling. “Blaine is an important man for us to have feel all right toward us.”— Caldwell to Fisher.

BLAINE’S CROOKED RECORD.

As Pictured by the “Original Blaine Organ,” Eight Yean Ago. Choice Extracts from the Chicago Tribune—To Be Continued. BIAINB'B CROOKED RECORD IX CONGRESS. Do the Republicans give full weight to the consequences upon the success of the Republican party which may result from the furious onslaughts upon the personal and official record of Mr. Blaine? It should be borne in mind that these charges are not produced or presented by the Democratic party; they have been prepared in advance, ana fortified with circumstantial evidence by the rivals or the friends of the rivvals of Mr. Blaine—viz., Conkling and Morton. They have succeeded in establishing the no longer deniable fact that for a long series of years while Mr. Blaine has been in Congress and while Speaker he has been an extensive dealer in the various forms of wild-oat railroad investment, acting for himself and for the corporations and tor brokers. * * • • We believe the success of the Republican party in the present election of vital importance to all the great interests of the American people, and we consider that the party cannot jeopardize the interests of the country and its own success by nominating a candidate so overwhelmed with accusations preferred by Republicans, that from first to last the party must act on the defensive as to the personal Integrity of its candidate. The country is extremely sensitive, and justly so, as to the interference of the great railway corporations with the legislation of Congress. There are now before Congress, In various forms, applications for governmental aid in the form of grants and bonds amounting to several hundred millions of dollars, besides a permanent addition to the payments for interest. It is undeniable that all these railroad speculators regard Mr. Blaine's probable election with extreme favor, and their advocacy of him will have an immensely damaging effect upon public sentiment. His record on this railroad subsidy business has already been extensively published by his Republican competitors. He entered Congress in December, 1863. At that session the Pacific Railroad king proposed the great fraud by which the security of the Government, held for its previous grants of $64,000,(i0<j of bonds, with thirty years’ interest, was changed from a first to a second mortgage on the roads. Mr. Washbwme, of Illinois, thoroughly exposed this fraud, and moved to strike ont the section making the change. Mr. Blaine voted with the majority against striking out, and the mortgage of the United States, for principal and interest, amounting to over $100,000,000, became utterly valueless. Mr. Blaine voted for the bill ana supported it The Government granted 50.000.000 acres of land to the Northern Pacific Railroad Company, for which Mr. Blaine voted, and worked to pass it. On the bill to grant $69,000,000 of bonds to Jay Cooke’s Northern Pacific Railroad, when the vote was taken, Mr. Blaine arose and said that he was paired off in favpr of the scheme against Mr. Thomas, of Maryland, who, if present, would vote against it, and in that case, he would vote for it. The bill was defeated through the personal opposition ot E. B. Washburne, John Wentworth and J. F. Farnsworth, of Illinois, who linked upon it as a gigantic swindle on the national treasury. Mr. Blaine has supported, generally, all the proposed legislation asked for by the railroad companies, though during the six years he served as Speaker his name does not appear on the lists of recorded votes, because Speakers sre only required to vote on a tie.— Chicago Tribune, June 3, 1876. BLAINE'S WILD-CAT SPECULATIONS. However he [Blaine] may be able to get out of this trouble, it is perfect nonsense to talk now of making him the Republican candidate for President. The party cannot afford to be placed on the defensive, and go through the campaign explaining, denying, and defending the wild-cat railroad stock speculations of anybody. Mr. Blaine is smart enough to see that he would be disastrously beaten and his party probably ruined.— Chicago Tribune, June 4, 1876. A JOBBER IN WILD k -CAT STOCKS. After the Quincy Whig cools off a little it will perceive the fatal outcome of a campaign spent in defense of the right of a Presidential candidate to be a jobber in wild-cat stocks, option bonds, and preferential scrip.’— Chicago Tribune, June 6, 1876. MB. BLAINE'S UGLY BECOBD. But to nominate a candidate for President with a record extending over several yean ot official life as Speaker of the House, and directly exercising an influence on legislation, being engaged in peddling bonds, options, scrip, securities, and obligations- of speculative railroads, and writing letters bolstering their credit, is assuming a risk of success which, being unnecessary, is an aot of folly. Is the Republican party prepared to forego all other questions, drop all other issues, and make the campaign on the railroad speculations and operations of Mr. Blaine? bas the Republican party no other mission than to vindicate Mr. Blaine against the assaults of Mr. Conkling and Mr. Morton and against his own record?— Chicago Tribune, June 5, 1876.

CAMPAIGN NOTES.

“I want you to send me a letter such as the inclosed draft. • * * It will be a favor I shall never forget. ♦ * * Re. gard this letter as strictly confidential. Do not show it to any one. This draft is in the hands of my clerk, who is as trustworthy as any man can be. * * * Bum this letter."— Blaine to Fisher. In Bloomington the German Democratic vote has been comparatively small, and such a thing as a German Democratic organization was not known there. Now there is a German Cleveland and Hendricks club numbering over 750 voters. All of them formerly voted the Republican ticket. —Bloomington (ZZI.) dispatch. A weekly journal at Pittsburg, called the Commoner, conducted solely by colored politicians, states that a secret movement is on on foot among the negro voters of Allegheny County to join hands with the Democrats. Colored men who were interviewed by the newspaper named generally agreed that the step should have been taken years ago. Gen. Rosecrans has returned from a tour of the soldiers’ homes of the country as the head of the Congressional committee looking into their condition. His visit through the country has given him excellent opportunities of observation, and he says that in the Northwest the Germans are flocking to Cleveland, and he has no doubt of his election.— Washington telegram. All my information, personal and official, through conversations, correspondence, and the press, regarding not only the city and. State of New York, but the whole country, and especially the sections where the num-{ ber of German citizens is large, makes me! absolutely sure of the election of Cleveland. — Oswald Ottendorfer, of the Newi York Staats-Zeitung,

Hon. George H. Monroe, better known to newspaper readers through his famous political letters signed “Templeton,” has resigned his position as editor on the Boston Saturday Evening Gazette, after thirteen years and a half of service. The resignation was simply because Mr. Monroe does not believe Blaine to be worthy of support, and, therefore, rather than write for Blaine he has resigned. The Sunday Regulator, which is the recognized organ of the working people in the manufacturing city of Cohoes, has just come out for Cleveland. In an editorial it gives its preference for Cleveland because he if a better man in a moral sense than Blaine, because he is the most true and honest friend of the workingman, and because it believes he would be the firmer friend of Ireland and the Irish people.— New York telegram. Mr. James McHale, of Pittston, Pa., writes as follows to John Devoy, the editor of the Irish Nation: “I firmly believe that Cleveland and Hendricks will get the votes of althonest Irishmen, all true friends of Ireland, and all genuine Catholics who, under no circumstances, will follow you, the ■ editor of the Irish Nation, into the Republican camp to vote for James Gillespie Blaine, ex-leader of Know-nothings, and the apostate son of a pious Catholic mother.”

INDIANA STATE NEWS.

—There are 735 pupil* in the Frankfort schools, an increase of forty-eight. —The wife of Stephen BuiEngame, of Milan, committed suicide by jumping into a cistern. Acute insanity was the cause. —James Show!, the young man stabbed by Albert Severs, near Boonville, last week, has died from his injuries. Severs is still at large. —A fatal disease has attacked a number of horses in the vicinity of Union City. They die in about twenty-four hours after being attacked. f —Thomas Sheren, for fmty years a prominent merchant of Cincinnati, died at his residence in Greensburg, a few days ago, at the age of 75 years. —A boiler explosion neirly demo'ished the flouring mill of Empron & Callender, at Vincennes, and fatally injured Thomas Childras, the engineer. —About four weeks ago Miss Mary J. Utterback, who lived six miles south of Russiaville, Howard County, was bitten by a weasel, which resulted in her death a few days since. —John C. S. Harrison, of Indianapolis, paid into court $95,448, and was released from further liability on his receivership. It is understood that the ciminal proceedings will not be pushed. —The Indiana penitentiary at Michigan City has 691 inmates, and is wholly selfsupporting. The earnings for the past three months were $27,136, the contractors paying 50 to 62 cents per day for labor. —While a circus was exhibiting at Madison, a woman claiming to be the wife of C. L. Paney arose in the tent and shot at the woman traveling with him. The shot missed its aim, but created great excitement. —As John Gray, a prominent citizen of Jackson Township, Cass County, was engaged in pulling out stumps, the horses started up, pulling the stump over, crashing him in such a manner ns to cause his death in a few hours. He was a pioneer settler of the county and highly respected. —George W. Lawrence, formerly a banker in North Manchester, escaped from the Insane Asylum at Indianapolis last month,, and was captured in Gasconade County, Missouri, a reward of SSOO having been offered for him. It transpires that he secured employment as traveling salesmen for a St. Louis house, and was successfully conducting business. —Miss Mattie Sloan, residing near English, shot and killed her mother. Miss Sloan was handling a revolver which she thought was not loaded, when the weapon was, by some means, discharged, the contents striking her mother, who had just entered the room, passing through her right hand and lodging in her left breast, causing instant death. —The annual report of the State Board of Agriculture is out. The improvement within the State during the year has been greater than in any previous year in its history. Fourteen thousand five hundred miles of tile were laid, and millions of dollars have been invested in open ditches. The increased value of lands thereby ig approximately $2,306,000, and the increase in value of agricultural products as a result from drainage $1,000,000 annually. Thq total products of the State show a footing of $317,431,878. —About 3,500 people witnessed the firemen’s tournament at Bourbon. Companies from Bourbon, Bremen, Warsaw, and Plymouth competed. In the hook and ladder contest, to run 150 yards and have a man climb to the top of a twenty-foot ladder, the first prize was awarded to Bremen; time, 251 seconds. In the sweepstakes hook and ladder, Bourbon took the prize; time, 23 J seconds. In the hose contest the Wide-Awakes, of Plymouth, captured both first prize and sweepstakes; time, 44 j and 45 seconds, respectively. —A genius with a love for the experimental is building a queer craft on the Wabash, at Covington, which he is pleased to call a water wagon. He has twelve empty coal oil barrels in a framework, three on either side, and connected with rods and cranks. In the rear of the boat is a paddlewheel, and to this is a rod which connects with the one to which the barrels are fastened, so that when the wheel is turned the barrels will also revolve. The boat is about 10x15 feet, and the builder claims that one man can run it up or down stream. —The encampment at Mishawaka, and the unveiling of the soldiers and sailors* monument, are events long to be remembered. The monument stands, including the statue, thirty-two feet high, being nearly twice as high as the Morton monument at Indianapolis. The base is ten feet square. The two lower pieces are rough ashlar, the shaft and figure above be'ng white bronze. The statue is an infantryman with arms at rest. —The engineer in charge of the improvement on Wabash and White Rivers has reported to the chief engineer the progress of* the work in the year ending June 30, 1884. The work at Little Chain, on the Wabash, has so far progressed, although not complete, that ordinary vessels can navigate at all stages of water; it will require $200,000 additional to finish the plans. On White River work was commenced to Kelly’s ripple. which has been greatly improved. About $65,000 more is needed to make the river channel what it should be. —The Purdue University class now contains sixty-five young men and women, the largest number known in the history of the institution. The institution is somewhat hampered by lack of money. —Lucy Brooks, charged with attempting to burn a house at Metamora, some time ago, has been sentenced to two years’ imprisonment in the female reformatory. . Henry C. Buddenbaum was killed in a runaway accident at Indianapolis. __