Democratic Sentinel, Volume 8, Number 36, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 3 October 1884 — Page 3

JAMES G. BLAINE.

■ Calcium Light of Calm logic Thrown Upon His I Unsavory Record. l/icted by His Own Words and I Writing of Deliberate I Falsehoods. Hrattooed Man Fittingly Compared I to the English Gift-Taker, ■ Lord Bacon. Ike’s Political Record Exhibited in the Fullness of Its ■ Corruption. «sarnest and Eloquent Plea fop ■ Official and National ■ Honor. jHirl gclmrz’s Great Detroit Speech. assert that the Republican party has a man for the Presidency untit for iff rage- of honest citizens—and I measure —of course I shall have to prove the ■m the next place, and in doing so shall ■to go through a somewhat lengthy and story. The only excuse I have for this ■t the Republican press of the country has, whole, been very careful In keeping its Hn in blissful ignorance of the reasons li actuated us in taking the position we did. ■ undoubtedly have heard of letters. But I venture Stay that until yesterday, when series of them were published, you Sot learned from a Republican editor wiiat ■rst series was. Let me say, then, as a mat- ■ fact, that Mr. Blaine, the Republican ■nee for the Presidency, belongs to that ■of politicians who represent the principle ■in public life as much must be made as can And in trying to prove that fact I ■ not call witnesses to the stand who are his ■le3, not Democrats, not men who desire to ■>t him, not men who have the least hostility toward him; but 1 shall call to the ■i only one witness, a friend of his, a Re■can, a man who most ardently desires his ■ion; a man who has a friendlier feeling to ■Uaine than anybody else, and that is Mr. ■to himself. ■1876 certain rumors arose of the Union PaBRailroad Company having purchased a lot ■ttle Rock and Fort Smith bonds, and hav■ald therefor the sum of $64,000. That lot ■nds, it was said, was worth in the mar■t that time only something like $L5,000 or K)0. The rumor was that those bonds had bougdt from Mr. Blaine, and that the ■JO, had passed into his hands; and that, inRich as they represented a sum vastly larger R the real value of the bonds, it might have ■ supposed that, for the pecuniary favor R by the Union Pacific Railroad to Mr. Rie. Mr. Blaine had done some other kind of Br to the Union Pacific Railroad. The accuBn seemed so serious to him that, on the Rday of April, 1876, he arose in his seat in Blouse of Representatives and made an exBation, in the course of which he asserted in Hirst place that the story of the $64,000 was Brue; and in the second place, that his ownBiome Little Rock bonds was entirely harm- ■ because the Little Rock Railroad had absoBy nothing to do with the Government and Kress of the United States; and thirdly, that ■> did own any, he had paid the full mar- ■ price for them, like anybody else. ■ this explanation passed at the time, with Bb people at least, as perfectly sufficient, but ■ others it did not pass, and they insisted Hi further investigation. The investigaK went on, and in the course of that in■gation a gentleman by the name of Fisher ■ summoned as a witness, who brought with I a man who had been his confidential book■>er, named James Mulligan; and then, as ■i as those two gentlemen appeared upon ■stage the interest in the case began to be■e lively. It was at once rumored that Mr. ■ligan had imttortaut testimony. As soon as ■Arrived in Washington Mr. Blaine called ■a him and asked him about it, and Mr.

||Hiiffan informed him that indeed he had letters that were of exceeding great in|Hst, whereupon, as Mr. Mulligan described SB scene, Mr. l laine piteously implored iiiin ■Hurrender those letters to him, telling him if became public they would ruin him for BH speaking even of suicide, and appealing to 8H in the name of his wife and his six chil§H>. and linally suggested something about a in foreign parts that would be at disposal of Mr. Mulligan. The next day stated that all that Mr. Mulligan had abtmt his imploring him, being on his anti speaking of ruin and suicide, was He fancy, but as to the consulship, there was He truth in that, only he had made the re|H'k as a joke. One thing, however, was not and that was this, that Mr. Blaine had Mr. Mulligan if he would not surrender He letters to him, at least to permit him Hook at them. Mr. Mulligan permitted upon the promise of Mr. Blaine that as as he had looked at them he would return Ha to Mr. Mulligan, and so he did. There[H'n Mr. Blaine wanted to look at them once Mr. Mulligan put them Into his hands |Hin, and then Mr. Blaine said: "These letters IHfng to me, and not to Mr. Mulligan,” and put Hm into his pocket and walked off. jH‘ut this story, having been flashed over the H>le country by the telegraph, and created »immense sensatjon, Mr. Blaine found that Hir all further concealment of those letters iHald be sure political death, and so he brought jHin forward blm'Self In the House of Repre|Htatlvee, not in order as to date and subject, jumbled them up in such a way that noHly could make head or tail out of them, but they appeared in the papers and people IHdd look at them and could put them in order, ■v began to be understood.' Hiet us see what they were. And here I will that I shall select only one set of them, beHtse that set is representative. I intend to go ■p very great detail, and they will teach you, of Mr. Blaine’s own mouth and pen, what Hid of a public character Mr. Blaine is. Hphe first one of Mr. Blaine’s letters that I am ■og to read to yon is as follows: H. Augusta, June 29..1869. Hi Deae Mb. Fishes : I thank you for the arHle from Mr. Lewis. It is good in itself, and Hi do good. He writes like a man of large iuHligence and comprehension. Your offer to Hfnlt me to a participation in the new railroad ■ierprise is in every respect as generous as I ■lid expect or desire. 1 thank you very sinH'ely for it, and in this connection I wish to ■ike a suggestion of a somewhat selfish charH:er. It is this: You spoke of Mr. Caldwell’s ■er to dispose of a share of his interest to me. ■he really desires to do so I wish he would ■ike the proposition definite, so that I could How just what to deDend upon. Perhaps if he ■its till the full development of the ent*--Hlse he may grow reluctant to part with the ■are; and I do not by this mean airy distrust of ■in. Ido not feel that I shall prove a deadHad in the enterprise if I once embark in it. I various channels In which I know I can be ■efuL Very hastily and sincerely your friend, H James G. Blaine. ■in three days after he wrote another letter. ■ Augusta, Me. , July 2,1869. ■My Deak Mr. Fisheb: Yon ask me if I am ■tisfied with the offer you make me of a share ■ your new railroad enterprise. Of course, I ■ l more than satisfied with the terms vou offer; ■think it is a most liberal proposition. If I ■isitate at all it is from considerations in noway ■nnected with the character of the offer. Your ■>eral mode of dealing with me in all our busi■)sb transactions of the past eight years has ■>t passed without my full appreciation. What ■wrote on the 29th was intended to bring Cald■ell to a definite proposition. That was all. I ■> to Boston by the same train that carries this ■tter, and will call at your office at 12 m. If ■in don’t happen to be in, no matter; don’t put ■iurself to any trouble about it. Yours, ■_' J. G. Blaine. ■ln order to amve at a full understanding of ■lose letters it is first necessary f o inquire who ■r. Fisher and Mr. Caldwell on the one hand ■3d Mr. Blaine on tne otner hand were. Fisher ■id Caldwell were two business men living in B oston, who were, at that time, engaged in a ■lilroad enterprise, building the Little Rock and Bort Smith Railroaid in Arkansas—very respectable men, I suppose. On the other hand, Mr. ■ laine was not exactly what might be called a Business man. At any rate, he had no visible Business except that of a politician, although lat seemed to he a business of various cnannels f usefulness In his case. But aaa politiclen he ccupied a very high station. He was Speaker f the House of Representatives. Who is the Speaker of the House of Representfcives? He is by all odds, next to the President f the United States, the most powerful officer f the Government of this republic. In fact, in is influence upon the legislation of the country .e is infinitely more powerful than the Presi,ent himself; for it is the Speaker who comoses as he pleases those committees in which he principal business of the House is prepared, nd, in a certain sense, it may be said, in which ■he principal business of the House is done. He an make, for instance, the Committees on Pubic Lands and that on Railroads favorable to the

railroads or unfavorable to the railroads. He can favor a member of Congress, by giving him important positions upon committees, or he can punish him by giving him insignificant positions there. He also presides over the deliberations of the House. He is the man who recognizes those members who want to speak or make a motion, or introduce a resolution or a bilk He may look at them or he may look past them, ss that it depends in a great measure upon him whether a man is to speak or to introduce a resolution not. Therefore, the Speaker exercises vast power over the legislative action of the House, and it was said truthfully that whenever the Speaker is decidedly hostile to a bill, that bill has comparatively small chance of passing. On the other hand, when the Speaker wants to pass that bill, sometimes it has very unexpected and very powerful help. It must be evident to every one of you that a man of such a vast power should, above all things, have a just sense of his resfibrisibility; that he who exercises so influence ovfer the legislation of the country should well understand that he should not only be a man above reproach, but clearly a man above all suspicion; that his character for impartiality and justice should not be second to that of the Chief Justice of the United States. Now, here we see this powerful officer, this Speaker of the House of Representatives, engaged in correspondence with the jcontrolling men of a railroad enterprise, and that enterprise being a land grant road—that is to say, a road which had to receive a large donation of public lands from the Government of the United States, and was, therefore, in its and its value to a certain extent, subject to the control and action of the Government of the United States, and notably of the Congress of the United States. In other words, Mr. Blaine was in correspondence with the chief of a railroad enterprise whose interests were, in a great measure, subject to the action of the very House over whioh Mr. Blaine presided as Speaker. Here we see that Speaker thanking that railroad man for an extremely liberal Interest in the new railroad enterprise he had yielded to him; and not only that, after having thanked him so gushingly that Speaker asked for more, saying to him, while you have been very liberal to me, still there is your associate, Mr. Caldwell, and I want to have a share of his interest, too. And not only that, but saying in the same breath. I want to have a share of his interest, too, and I am not going to be a deadhead either in the enterprise if I once engage in it, as I know various channels in which I know I can make myself useful. Thus wrote Speaker Blaine to the controlling man of a land grant railroad enterprise. But It appears that the interest he demanded, that share of Mr. Caldwell’s, was not as quickly forthcoming as Mr. Blaine desired. He had to wait about three months, and even then it did not come. Meanwhile the Speaker of the House of Kepresentatives, who thought when he asked for a share in a railroad enterprise he ought to have it quickly, became a little impatient, and perhaps it may have occurred to him that it would be wise to stir up this sluggish intellect of Mr. Caldwell by writing a new series of letters, which he did, and I am going to read them to you now. The following letter is addressed to Mr. Fisher; Augusta, Oct. 4, 1869. Mx Dear Sir : I spoke to you a short time ago about a point of interest to your railroad company that occurred at the last session of Congress. It was on the last night of the session, when the bill renewing the land grant to the State of Arkansas for the Little Rock Road was reached, and Julian, of Indiana, Chairman of the Public Lands Committee, and by right entitled to the floor, attempted to put in the bill, as an amendment, the Fremont El Paso scheme —a scheme probably wellknown to Mr. Caldwell. The House was thin, and the lobby In the Fremont interest had the thing set up, and Julian's amendment was likely to prevail if brought to a vote. Roots and other members from Arkansas, who were doing their best for their own bill, to which there seemed to be no objection, were In despair, for it was well known that the Senate was hostile to the Fremont scheme, and if the Arkansas bill had gone back to the Senate with Julian’s amendment, the whole thing would have gone on the table and slept the sleep of death. In this dilemma Roots came to me to know what he could do under the rules, for, he said, it was vital to his constituents that the bill should pass. I told him that Julian’s amendment was entirely out of order, because not germane; but he had not sufficient confidence in his knowledge of the rules to make the point, but he said Gen. Logan was opposed to the Fremont scheme and would probably make the point. I sent my page to Gen. Logan with the suggestion, and he at once made the point. I could not do otherwise than sustain it, and so the bill was freed from the mischievous amendment moved by Julian and at once passed without objection. At that time I had never seen Mr. Caldwell, but you can tell him that, without knowing it, I did him a great favor. Sincerely yours, Jams 3 G. Blaine. But lest that one letter should not be sufficient to quicken the intelligence of the two railroad men Mr. Blaine wrote the second letter on the same day: Augusta, Me., Oct. 4.1869. Mx Dear Mr. Fisher: Find inclosed contracts of the parties named in my letter of yesterday. The remaining contracts will be completed as rapidly as circumstances will permit. I inclose yon a part of the Congressional G[obe of April 9, containing the point to which Preferred at some length in my previous letter of to-day. You will find it of interest to read it over and see what a narrow escape your bill made on that last night of the season. Of course it was my plain duty to make the ruling when the point was once raised. If the Arkansas men had not, however, happened to come to me when at their wits’ ends and in despair, the bill would, undoubtedly, have been lost, or at least postponed lor a year. I tnought the point would interest both you and Caldwell, though occurring before either of you engaged in the enterprise. I beg yon to understand that I thoroughly appreciate the courtesy with which you have treated me in this railroad matter, but your conduct toward me in business matters has always been marked by unbounded liberality in past years, and of course I have naturally come to the conclnsion to expect the same of you now. Yon urge me to make as much as I fairlv can out of the arrangement into which we have entered. It is natural that 1 should do my utmost to this end. lam bothered by only one thing, and that is the indefinite arrangements with Mr. Caldwell. lam anxious to acquire the interest he has promised me, but I do not get a definite understanding with him as I have with you. I <shall he in Boston in a few days, and shall then have an opportunity to talk matters over with you. lam disposed to think that whatever I do with Mr. Caldwell must really be done through you. Kind regards to Mrs. Fisher. Sincerely, j. G. Blaine. Now. then, what does it all mean? Here is a Speaker of the House of Representatives, the second office in power of this great Government of ours, not only accepting a valuable interest in a railroad enterprise,the value of which is subject to the action of the same body over which he presides, but asking for more, and ndt only asking for more, but saying if he is once engaged in the enterprise that he is not going to be a deadhead, but he knows various channels in.which he can make himself useful; but not only that, pointing directly to a favor he has already once conferred upon that same enterprise by the exercise of his power as Speaker, thereby indicating that he is the man who has the power to give such favors; and if he has done so once he could do so again. Is not that it? Now, my fellow-citizens, I will ask any Republican here before me, be he never so enthusiastic a friend of Mr. Blaine, let him tell me now and say whether, as a candid man. he can find any other explanation of these letters. 1 wait for an answer. Why, certainly, there is none. But now I ask yon, citizens of the United States, solemnly, what does it mean when a n an who presides over a legislative body, and wields in the body tremendous influence, accepts a valuable interest in an enterprise subject to the action of that body, asks for more, and to enforce his demand points to an exercise of his power by which he has already once conferred a favor upon that enterprise, what does that mean? It means that he carries his official power to market, to trade upon it for his pecuniary advantage. It means that he offers that great constitutional power which he possesses for prostitution. That Mr. Blaine has done. That he has done it is shown, not by the testimony of his enemies, not by newspaper men, not by bad rumor, but by words coming out of his own pen, which we have solemnly to recognize as his. That is not all. I spoke of the declaration he made in the Honse of Representatives, on the 24th of April, 1876, before this investigation which brought out the Mulligan letters took place, in which he had said that, in the first place, he had nothing to do with the Union Pacific $64,000, and his holding the Little Rock bonds was an entirely honest matter. Let us see what he then said. He said: "As to the question of propriety involved in a member of Congress holding an investment of this kind, it must be remembered that the lands were granted to the State of Arkansas and not the railroad company, and that the company derived its life, franchise and value wholly from the State, and to the State the company is amenable and answerable, and not in any sense to Congress.” Why did'Mr. Blaine make that declaration? He had to admit that he held an interest in that road, although yon will see directly that he did not admit all, and by making this declaration he wanted to persuade the House and the country that it was perfectly proper for him, as Speaker of the House of Representatives, to own that interest, just as innocent and harmless as It was for him to own city lots in Angnsta where he lives. He went on to snv that that land grant road hbd nothing at all to do with

! the Government of the United States, and that ! its value wa< not in any way subject to the action | of that Govenment, and especially not to the | action of Congress. One might suppose that a man who had been Speaker of the House of Representatives, when addressing that body over which he had presided, would at least feel it incumbent upon him to tell something like the truth. What was the case in this inst&noe? Was it true that the Little Rock Company was not subject as to its value to the action of the Congress of the United States? It was so far from being true that there were three acts of Congress which bote directly npon the value of that very line. I suppose that you have landgrant railroads in this State, and yon know that, although the grants were nominally made to the State, still in most of the bills by which the grants were made the lines were designated for the benefit of which they were made; so tfiat really the State was not at liberty when the grant was made for one line to transfer it to another without- action of Congress authorizing it to do so. So it waa in the case of this road. The grant was made to the State of Arkansas for the benefit of a line of road which exactly corresponds with the Little Rock and Fort Smith Railway. Secondly, in that very letter of Oct. 4, in which Mr. Blaine points to a favor which he had done for the Little Rock Road, he allvfdes to an act which had then passed, without the passage of which the Little Rock Road would have lost its land grant, the fact being this, that the act so passed was an act to extend the time for the Little Rock and Fort Smith Railroad Company to complete the first section of twenty miles of said road, which meant that the land grant for the benefit of that road was to be kept alive by an act of Congress, and so it was. Thirdly, while Mr. Blaine was Speaker another act was passed for the benefit of that road, by relieving it of a certain restriction concerning the sale of the granted land. Thus we see Mr. Blaine standing before the House of Representatives, knowing that all these acts directly bearing upon the value of that road had been passed by Congress, two of them while he was Speaker, and without a blush upon his cheek said it was proper for him to hold an interest in the road like this, for it is amenable and answerable only to the State, and In no sense whatever to the Congress of the United States. In saying that he told an untruth. Of course he knew that it was an untruth when he said it, and we know, of course, he said it for the purpose of deceiving those who listened to it. Now, my Republican friends before me who intend to vote for Blaine, let me put to you a simple question. How do you call it when a man tells an untruth, knowing it to be an untruth, for tho purpose of deceiving those who listen to it? How do you call that in ordinary life? ("A lie.”] I should think you did. But I am sorry to say that was not thie only time that Mr. Blaine did that which you have just designated with so homely; so ’ pointed, and yet so truthful a designation. In the same speech he said as follows: "In common with hundreds of other people In New England, and other parts of the country, I bought some of those bonds, namely the Little Rock bonds, not a very large amount, paying for them at precisely the same rate that others paid. I never heard, and Ido not believe that the Little Rock Company, which I know is controlled by honorable men, have parted with the bonds to any person except at the regular price fixed for their sale. Instead of receiving bonds of the T little Rock and Fort Smith Road as a gratuity, I never had one except at the regular market price.” While Mr. Blaine said that, he knew that a contract was in existence, a copy of which I have here in my hand, and which I might read to you if it were not too long —he knew that a contract was in existence in accordance with which SIBO,OOO of land grant bonds were to pass to him, and *32,800 of first mortgage bonds, not in consideration of payment for thorn of money, but in consideration of certain friends of Mr. Blaine buying other bonds from that companv and their paying for them. Thus the $130,000 of land grant bonds and the $82,500 of first mortgage bonds were given to Mr. Blaine without his paying a single cent. And 'he knew more than that? He knew, what afterward came to light, that there was a memorandum book in existence, written in his own hand-writing, showing that he actually received $130,000 in bonds and also $15,150 in money, without his ever paying a single red cent for the whole thing. Now, my friends, here again we find the great Speaker of the House of Representatives, unblushingly, with that brilliant audacity which is said to be one of his characteristic features, telling the House of Representatives something that was not true, knowing it to be untrue, for the purpose of deceiving Congress and the 44,000,000 of American citizens whom he has always been so fond of taking into his confidence. How do you call that again? [A voice, “A lie.”] Precisely. Now I call npon my Republican friends once more, those enthusiastic admirers of Mr. Blaine, who intend to stick their ballots into the ballot-box for him, to tell me whether they can deny the facts that I have just stated. I wait for an answer. Can they deny that every word I have said is born out by the official records of the United States, for there yon will find it all? No man can deny it. But my story is not at an end. What did Mr. Blaine do before the investigating committee, as often he was hard pressed and the question came a little too near his skin? He protested against every inquiry into his private business. He said: Ido not want to have my private affairs handled that way. Ido not want to have my private business investigated. What was this private business? Why, it was the transactions that had passed between the Speaker of the House of Representatives and certain railroad men whose enterprises were subject to the action of the very House over which Mr. Blaine presided; and he protested against inquiry into these things. My fellow citizens, I said to you that the Speaker of the House of Representatives, next to the President and next to the Chief Justice of the United States, or perhaps as much as either of ’ them, should be jealous of his good name, should see to it, not only that no dishonor attach to him, but that even the shadow of suspicion should not touch him. Yet we see this great officer of the Government, not crying out whenever his good name was impeached, when his integrity was seriously questioned: “Here are my bank accounts; here are my papers; here are my letters; here my keys; here my check books, and my friends and my enemies may search every comer, and whenever you find a suspicious circumstance so much the better, for I am not only willing, I am eager to explain it all, for I must explain it to keep my good name.” No, not that; but he said: “Gentlemen, I protest against inquiring into my private business.” That a blush of shame did not rise to his cheeks when he said it is, unfortunately, a fact. But I ask you. as American citizens, when you look at that scene, a Speaker of the House of Representatives, his integrity seriously questioned, standing before an investigating committee and holding out his hands and protesting against ah inquiry into his private business, does not the blush of shame rise to the cheek of every American citizen before me? There may be perhaps a banker in this assembly. Let me ask him, if he discovered that his cashier was in correspondence with some speculating firm, a customer of the bank, if that cashier had written letters to the firm ask ing to be admitted to a share in their speculations, had said that he would not be a deadhead in the enterprise, and had pointed to an incident in which, as cashier of the bank, he had done them a great favor, securing them a loan which the Board of Directors might have been unwilling to grant them, when the President of the bank asked that cashier to let him look into his private affairs, and the cashier said you shall not Inquire into my private affairs, what would the President of the bank do? He would take that cashier by the nape of the neck and fling him out of the bank in the twinkling of an eye; wouldn’t he? And now, my fellow-citizens, you are going to do what? To elect a man who has done woise than that, in a position far higher than that of a cashier of a bank, to elect that man President of the United States? Let me sum np the facts so they do not escape your attention. The Speaker of the House not only accepting a valuable Interest in an enterprise subject to the government of the Honse, not only asking for more but saying he sees various channels in which he can be useful, not only saying that but {Minting to an exercise of his official power as Speaker to show how he has already been usetuL That Speaker then, after a rumor has gone forth that he has been, as he knows, lying in the most bare-faced and unblushing mammr to the very House over which he has presicß, and not only that, when his integrity is officially impugned, and he stands before a committee of inquiry, protesting against an Investigation of his private affairs; and this man, during his long period in Congress, getting rich without a visible regular business. This, I say again, gentlemen, this is the man whom you are to elect President of the United States. Now, what do they say about him? For a long time they ignored the charges. Then, when the charges were put at them so that they could no longer be Ignored, they said, “Well, after all, may be it was a little hasty, not so cautious as it onght to have been, but then there was no great harm in it” What is the standard we apply to public virtue? There was a President of the United States once whose name was John Quincy Adams. He was a stockholder in the Bank of the United States. The Bank of the United States was connected with the Government, and subject to its action in many respects. When John Quincy Adams was on his way to Washington to take charge of the Presidential office, wnat did he do? He quietly went to Philadelphia, to the Bank of the United States and sold his stock. And then he wrote down in his diary, which did not come out until after hisvleath, "J sold that stock so as to relieve myself of interests the possession of which might have biased my judgment in the exercise of my official power. That was the standard of official honor in the United

States once. What is it now? A case like that of Mr. Blaine, to be sure, does not stand alone ia the history of the world. There was once one of the most illustrious men of an illustrious age. whose name we all know. It was Lord Francis Bicou, a great philosopher, a great writer, a great statesman, a great jurist He was Lord Chancellor of the English Kingdom. He had obtained the hightst office within iho reach of an English subject. He was accused of corruption in the execution of his judicial lowers. What had he done? He hadn’t taken bribes Indore he rendered decisions? By no means. It was not shown that he had rendered any decisions that were wrong. All that was shown was that he had accepted presents after he had rendered decisions, and had done scarcely anything for those presents except in some cases perhaps to expedite the case. The House of Lords, before which Lord Francis Bacon was tried, found that there was corruption, and Lord Francis Bacon was sentenced to prison in the Tower and a heavy fine put on him, which was afterward released by the grace of the King; and he was at once ejected from his high office. There was one of the most illustrious men of all times—a great philosopher, writer, statesman, and jurist. Hfe had accepted presents after having rendered decisions from parties concerned. That man was therefore convicted of corruption, and the House of Lords virtually said: “Be he never so great a man, never so attractive and charming a writer, never so luminous a philosopher, never so great a benefactor to mankind, yet fie is corrupt, and he can no longer judge in Kngland.” Is that standard right? Is that rule correct? Certainly it is. And now should we make a man who has done far worse than Lord Francis Bacon did. President of the United States? Let me say to yon, my fellow-citizens, the question is not merely whether Mr. Blaine’s administration, if he l>e elected, be a little more or a little less honest and corrupt. The question is far greater than that. It is whether his election —the mere fact of his election—will not mean that the people of the United States care nothing for official honor; that we open the way to corrupt men to the highest honors of the republic, even to the Presidency of the United States. The question is, what effect certain decisions of the American people will have upon the thought of this republic from generation to generation. Hark, you, my lellow-citizens, tho Presidency is the highest honor in the land. The bestowal of the Presidency npon any man means public approval of his conduct. It meaqs that what that man has done is, in the opinion of the American people, on the whole right and good; that if he has made any mistakes those mistakes are, after all, of comparatively little consequence; that In the opinion of the people that man is fit to serve as a model to all the other public men of the United States; that if they do as he has done they may see the way to the highest honors of the republic. And now, my fellow-citterns, I ask you what will that model teach in this case? It will teach that what Mr. Blaine has done every public man in the republic may do with impunity. In other woids it will say, "Be on the make and you can have pelf and honor at the same time.” Yes, it will be as if you were to assemble all the young men of the country around you to deliver them a lesson, and as If you spoke to them thus; “My young friends: "When you are grown np and go into publio life, and when you become members of Congress, and even Speakers of the House of Representatives, ttien. mark you, use every opportunity that you can to turn an honest penny. And yon need not be very squeamish about it, either. Look at the example of Mr. Blaine, whom we have made President of the United States. Look around and see whether there is not some good paying enterprise that is in some wav subject to the power which yon wield. You may write, for instance, to the President, or a la' go owner of stock, or a controlling man of a land-grant railroad and say to him that you ask for au interest In that railroad, and a good big one, too; and that you know you would not be a deadhead in it, and that you see various chances in which you are convinced you can make yourself usetnl. And mind. If that railroad man does not understand it, then {>oint out some favor you have done him, and he will readily see. He will readily see that If you could do it once you can do it again. And, my young friends, if these things should como out, and you should be hauled over the coals for that, then we advise you to lie to the best of your ability. And if you are brought before an investigating committee, never hesitate to tell that investigating committee, with all the indignation at your command, that you do not want to have your private affairs inquired into. And when all this comes out and is debated by the people and every man knows it, then you will still have a first-class chance of being regarded as a magnetic statesman, and of being elected to the Presidency of the United States." That, my fellow-citizens, is the teaching which the election of Mr. Blaine will demonstrate to the young men of this and coming generations. Have you considered what that means? I beg of you to look around a little at our social condition. How many newspapers can vou take up without finding in them some case of embezzlement or defalcation? How many weeks In the year does it happen that you do not hear of some bank cashier or some bank President having helped himself to the funds of the bank and then run awav to Canada?—a thing which has happened so frequently that the population of the British provinces seems to have ncre&sed thereby very much. Tills s a very serious thing. How many cases of embezzlement and fraud oocur in private as well as in public station? How great is the number of men who manage, in trust, other people’s funds, and treat them as if they were their own and worse? What is the cause of all this? It is the insatiate, irregular, impetuous greed of flten, the desire to become rich without steady work, which has especially eaten into our young people, and which, from year to year and from day to day, seems to become more unscrupulous? Io it hot so? What more? Look at the great corporations of this land. I am sure there is not an individual among you who has not at some time or other spoken, or at least thought, of the tremendous liowers which now and then they have exercised over our Congress and our Governors, our Legislatures, and even our courts of justice. Is it not so? [A voice—"Yes.”J And when yon look at this, I ask you, do you not sometimes feel an Instinctive fear creeping over you that we are moving in a very dangerous direction? And now, my fellow citizens, consider that on top of all this we are asked to elect a man President of the United States who is the very embodiment of the principle, “Make what can be made." Have you considered, I ask you again, what that means under present circumstances? And if you have not considered it, is it not the highest time that you should think before you act? Do you not hear every day now railings and scoffs at ns? Do yon not hear us called Pharisee* and saints, and what for? Simply because we want to maintain that standard once more of public honor and public fconduct which was laid down by old John Quincy Adams. Simply because we have thought and do think that a public man ought not to be without a high degroe of Integrity and without a high sense of public honor. My fellow-citizens, do you know what it means when the people of a republic begin to ridicule and rail at those who set up a high standard of public honor and mean to abide by it? Woe to the republic that drifts In a channel like that. And there, my fellow-citizens, are we. I repeat it; it is not one single corrupt administration that I am afraid of, but whatl warn yon against is that by this election you might do something that would result in the utter demoralization of the public cause. Do you not know that it is the favorite cry of all those who want to exense corruption to say "They all do It.” Have you not heard that time and again? Ahl my fellow citizens, I tell yon if they really did all do It then It would be high time to put this republic into liquidation, and at point a receiver as soon as we could. If they did all do it, then the immigration we have from Europe had better cea«e, and we had better think of going hack to the old countries where they do not all do it. lint no, my fellow citizens. It is not true. They do not all do it. There are left in public life honest men, thank God! There are two classes of honest men: Those who are honest because they cannot help being honest, because the principle Is born In them and they have only to act out their own natures to maintain their integritv, and a second class consisting of those who are kept in the traces of honesty by the pressure of public opinion. I tell yon, my fellow citizens; that those who are honest in public life need the support of public opinion, and not to be abandoned by it. Yon can very easily turn over all that we have of public affairs—the whole Government with all Its branches—to tbe scoundrels In the land. Then very soon, my fellow citizens, the honest men will Me crowded ont, those who are only half honest will become perfect scoundrels, and the scoundrels will make themselves as comfortable as possible. And bow do you declare that tbe people of the United States do no longer care for honesty? By Just electing a man who has done those things which this evening I have proved to you out of his own month. As soon as that is done, then you make up your minds to it that the Government of the United States will become a mere machinery for robbing people; that political parties will be nothing but bands of public robbers, trying to take the opportunities for robbing the people from one another; that our legislation will by and by be nothing but a mere purchase and sale. Yoii all know that there is something of that, but that it is done in secret, and only now and then. But you set this example: you once declare that the people of the United States care nothing for public honesty, and that purchase and sale will go on in open daylight. Notonly because the money kings of the great corporations want it, but because the blackmailers in the legislative bodies will insist upon .being bought. And, my fellow-citizens, do you know what purchased legislation is, what bought law is? Bonght law is not the poor man’s law, not the laboring man’s law, for he cannot pay for it. It is not the peo-

£le’s law, for the people will not pay for it. onght law is a monopolist’s law, is the money king’s law, is the swindler’s law. Is the blackmailer's law, and finally it is the public robber's law. Now, my fellow citizens, I ask you to consider whether this is not the direction in which we are drifting, and whether it is not the highest time to call halt ? And yet we are coolly asked to elect a man President of the United States, the fact of who-e election will mean the decisive plunge. Therefore i oonsider there is no question in this campaign at all but the question of public honesty; that all other questions are subordinate to it; that we need not talk abont the tariff, or public improvements, or this, that, and the other thing; but that this one thing swallows them all. I say that the supreme necessity Is that the people of the United States protest against the iniquity which is now ui>on us. The people of tho United States must declare that no political party, be it never so glorious, never so great, never so dear to our hearts, shall have the least chance of success as soon as it nominates a candidate for the highest office of the Government whose record fs not clean, and that it must be defeated on that very issue. Now, one - thing is certain. That is, that the name of the next President of the United States will be either James G. Blaine or it will be Grover Cleveland. According to the course of reasoning which I have had the honor to lay before you, the only thing that I would ask of a Democratic candidate should be that he be an honest man. And what I know of Grover Cleveland In that respect fully fills the bill. lam an inhabitant of the State of New York, of which Mr. Cleveland has been for two years the Governor. We know him, therefore, and we can speak from experience. We know him as an honest man, and who not only possesses that kind of honesty which keeps np his own integrity, but which is also the cause of honesty in other. We know him as an honest man, honest enough not only to make other honest men his friends, but also to make rascals his enemies. If you elect hint President of the United States the meaning of that election will be dear even to the dullest understanding. It will be as If the American people proclaimed to all the nations of the world that the Americans are au honest people, mean to remain an honest people, and are determined to have an honest government. It means a proclamation to all political parties, those now existing and those to come, that be a party nover so gieat, never so glorious, never so intimately interwoven with the finest passages of the country’s history, never so dear to our hearts—if that party nominates a candidate whose election means popular approval of corruption, that party must go down upon that very Issue. This lesson, my fellow oitlzens, will he a salutary one, and it Is a noceasary one. It ia necessary now. And why? I appeal to mv old ReSublioan frionds, to the old anti-slavery men ere before me. Let them remember 1856 and iB6O when we all rose up. Tbe slave power had stretched out its hand for the purpose of establishing its ascendency in tho government of this republic forever. We rose up to re-establish the fundamental condition of human society, which is freedom. Wo have an equally great cause now, anti one which demands equally necessary service. For now corruption stretches out its hand to grasp the prestige of national approval in the Presidential eleetlon. We are called upon to re-establish that fundamental condition of good government, which is honesty. We have now to tight tho decisive battle of honest government. And I say to you, If we choose, our publio weal may be surrendered to the ourrupt tendencies of our times for generations to come; hut if we win, no political {tarty as long as wo live, and our children and our children’s children live, will dare again to nominate a man for the l’resldenoy of tho United States whose hands are not clean. And therefore I say to you, the duties of the year 1884 are as great as the duties of 1860 were. And if we fulfill them, then perhaps even the nomination of a man like Blaine may have served a good purpose; for it may have furnished the decisive opportunity for introducing a new era of honest government in the American Republic.

DEMOCRACY TO THE NATION.

Address of the Democratic Party to the People of the United States. A Frank Appeal for Pecuniary Assistance in the Pending' , Struggle. To the People of the United States : The National Democratic party of the United States has pledged itself to purify the administration of public affairs from corruption; to manage the Government with economy; to enforce the execution of the laws, and to reduce taxation to the lowest limit consistent with just proteotion to American labor and capital, and with the preservation of the faith which the nation has pledged to its creditors and pensioners. The open record of the man whom it has named as its candidate for the Presidency has been accepted by the thousands of Independent Republicans in every State as an absolute guarantee that, if he is elected, all these pledges will he exactly fulfilled, and that under his administration good government will be asserted. To secure these results, all goodtcltizens must unito in defeating the Republican candidate for President. His history and political methods make it certain that his administration wonld be stained by gross abuses, by official misconduct, and wanton expenditure of the public money, and wonld he marked by an Increase of taxation which would blight the honest industry of oar people. Against us, and against these honorable Republicans who, for the sake of good government, have made common cause with us, notable combinations have been made. They are chiefly made up of four classes: 1. An army of officeholders, who, by choice or compulsion, are now giving to Republican committees, as part of the campaign fund of that party, moneys paid to such officers out of the publio treasury for services due to the people of the United States. 2. Organized bodies of men who, having secured by corrupt means the imposition of duties which are in excess of all sums needed for the wants of the Government and for the protection of American labor and capital, and having thus gained enormous wealth, are willing to pay largely to the Republican campaign fund for the promise of their continuance and increase of suen duties, which constitue a system of bounties to monopolies under the false pretense of protection to American industry. 3. A host of unscrupulous contractors and jobbers who have grown rich upon public plunder, and are ready to pay tithes of what they have acquired in order to avoid all risk of being called to account for the evil methods by which th ir wealth has been gained. 4. Corporations which, having spoiled the public lands by aid of corrupt agencies in the Republican party, Imlieve they will be compelled to give up their ill-gotten gains if that party is driven from power, and are therefore willing to keep it in place by giving It a percentage of their unrighteous profits. This committee has not troops of officeholders at its command. It will not agree to sell the future legislation of Congress for money paid now Into its party treasury. It will not promise immunity to thieves. It will not contract to uphold any corrupt bargain heretofore made by the Republican party with any corporation for all the wealth which such corporation can offer. It appeals to the people against one and all of these opponents thus corruptly banded together against the friends of good government. The number of all these opponents is small, but their wealth is great, and it will be unscrupulously used. An active and vigorous campaign must be made against them. Their I aid advocates must be met and defeated i - <.c>ate upon the platform and in discussion n the newspapers. The organization of all win are opposed to them must bo perfected in every State, city, and county in the land. Money is needed to do this honest work. Yonr committee, refusing to adopt the .methods by which the Republican party fills its treasury, calls upon all good citizens for the aid which it requires. It Invites and will welcome contributions from every honest man who Is opposed to the election of James G. Blaine as President. No contribution will be accounted too small. Wherever a bank, banker, or postal money-order office can be found, the means exist for placing at the dls*posal of the Treasurer of this committee individual or collective contributions in aid of the great cause In which we are engaged, or money may be remitted to Charles J. Conda, Treasurer, at No. 11 West Twenty-fourth street. When victory Is achieved over the unscrupulous combination which is now endeavoring to thrust James G. Blaine into the Presidential office, the recorded list of such contributions will be a roll of honor such as no other party in this country has ever possessed. Our Opponents cannot be saved from disaster by forcing their unwilling candidate to speak to assemblages of the people. The man who wrote the Fisher letters will never be the choice of the people for the Presidency of the United States. Abthub P. Gobman Chairman Democratic National Executive Committee. New York, Sept. 22,1884. How any man can vote for Blaine and feel a conscientious scruple about Toting for Clereland on the ground of morality surpasses my conception, for 1 regard Blaine as one of the most corrupt men in pecuniary affairs that we eyer had iu our Government. —Henry Ward Beecher.

CAMPAIGN ECHOES.

Blaine In New York. (New York dispatch.) Mr. Blaine received a great ovation at tbe headquarters of tbe National Commute on Fifth avenne. Fifth avenue, from Twcntysketh to Twenty-ninth street, was crowded with fifteen thousand people long before nine o'clock, the hour appointed for Mr. Blaine's introduction. A platform had been erected in front of the parlor windows of the headquarters, and it was tastefully decorated with flags. A band of music played many lively airs, and electric lights ana fireworks lit up the scene. The enthusiasm of tbe crowd was extraordinary. Mr. Blaine, stepping to the ft ont of the platform, said; “To be received by the city of New York is indeed an honor: to Be received by such a magnificent demonstration as that which I see before me touches me deeply, moves me deeply, and calls for the most sincere and heartfelt thanks. Your great emporium, this city of New York, represents in its growth and grandeur the United States of America, Jt is not merely the chief municipality of the United States; it is the commercial metropolis of the continent, and I conceive it to bo ono of thmehief honors of my life to be thus welcomed to its hearty hospitality. I renew to you and impress upon you the gratitude I feel—the thankfulness I offer for all that you tender me.” I Shouts of "Yon are welcome!" and continued cheers.] Mr. Blaine was followed into his parlors by rounds of cheers When he trad disappeared, Emery A. Storrs, of Chicago, United States Senator Hawley, and other gentlemen made abort addresses. A delegation of forty members of the Union League Club of New York called on Mr. Blaine and presented him with an address declaring that the question of questions before the people was: “Shall the American idea of a tariff for the protection of American labor and Industries be maintained as the settled policy of the United States?” The members pledged their hearty support to Mr. Blaineafor his stand on this question. Mr. Blaine briefly and eloquently returned thanks to tho deputation for their courtesy and support. Mr. Blaino left Now York for Philadelphia at 6:3u W. m., accompanied by a large party of Sromiaent Republicans. The train stopped at ewatk, Trenton, Rahway, Clinton, and other points, where Mr. Blaine briefly addressed the people who turned out to greet him. The party reached Philadelphia otter midnight. Hendricks at Hamilton. IHnmilton (O.) telegram.] The Democrats held one of the largest m eetlngs tb-day and to-night ever held in this county. The crowd present was estimated at from twentv-flvo to iorty thousand. A large number came from Indiana. The chief Interest was the appearance of Mr. Hendricks. 'The other tweakers present were Allen G. Thurman. Gov. lloadly, and Durbin Ward. Letters of regret were sent by Gov. Cleveland and Senator Payne. Mr. Hendricks was introduced bv cx-Senator Thurman, and commenced by saying that he had before him au article written for the Commercial liatelle , and copied very extensively by Republican papers, to tho elTeot that in 1803 a club was fotmed at what waa called the Stone House, In Ht. Clnlr Township, this county, by about seventy persons, who wore disloyal to the U nlon, called the Vullandigham Club, and that be (Hendricks) was Invited and came to St. Clair Township and helped form the club, "1 wish to say,” ho continued, “that I nover knew there was a house called tho nor a St. Clair Township, until I saw it in this article. I only refor to this as an examplo of the multltudo of false statements tho Republican press has put in circulation about tho Democratic candidates. A lie nover hurts a man; It Is tho truth that hurts." Mr. Hendricks then turned to other toptes, first arguing that it was time for a change in the administration, even if there was no rcandal in the present administration, lie repeated his argument on this point used in other addresses, and in the main devoted his time to tho same line followed In other places. The meeting was very enthusiastic, and, by reason of Its great size, much enthusiasm existed at times, rendering It difficult to hear what was said.

John B. Gougli Speaks for St. John. [Boston dispatch.J Fellow citizens, 1 am no politician, and I am not going to make a political speech. For fortytwo years I have beou fighting this liquor trade —against the- trade that robbed me of seven of the best years of my life. 1 have long voted the Republican ticket, hoping alwaysfpr help in my contest in the Republican party. Bht wo have been expecting something from that party in vain, and now, when they have treated the most respectful appeal from the most respectable men in this countrv with silent contempt, I say It is time to leave off trusting and to express our opinion of the party. [Applause.] I do not believe in compromises of any sort, nor have I believed In them at any time in my career. I have fought the drink traffic right straight through, and I want Prohibitionists to show an uncompromising front to that traffic. [‘‘Hear! ” “Hearl"] We are fighting a tremendous evil, and we must make sacrifices if they become necessary. But there must be no compromise with the enemy. You must stand to your principles. They talk about protection, but we temperance people have no protection whatever. [Cheers.] We want protection from the liquor traffic for the widow and tho orphan and the children. [Applause.l That is why 1 changed my politlos, and If I live until Clio first Tuesday in November I shall give my vote for the Prohibitory candidate. [Cheers.) With political parties and with demagogic methods of argument and abuse we have nothing to do. 1 believe that free whisky In the United Btutos and Benjamin Butler’s teachings would bring übout a bloody revolution in this country in less than flvo years, and I pray God to give us good men to rule over us. I have defined my position, and with God’s help I will stick to it the remainder of my life. [Loud cheers.] Logan In Ohio. [Youngstown (Ohio) special.] Gen. Logan was given an ovation In this city. Fully fifty thousand people from Eastern Ohio and Western Pennsylvania were present. All. the Blaine and Logan clubs within a radius of sixty miles participated. Thousands of dollars were extended In decorations, the city presenting a most attractive appearance. At noon a parade took place, all the industries of the etty and Mahoning Valley being represented. Ten thousand people were In lino, the procession occupying nearly two hours in passing a given point. Gen. Logan was escorted to the fairgrounds, where he addressed an audience of 20,000, speaking for two hours on the political issues of the campaign. He was followed by Gen. Noyes and Private Dalzeil. Leaving Youngstown, Gen. Logan went to Alliance, where he addressed an audience pt 7,000 people. He afterward spoke to large audiences at Akron and Canton. Butler in Massachusetts. [Lowell (Mass.) telegram.] The first ratification meeting under tbe'aus£lces of the people’s Party was held this evenlg. It was one of the largest political gatherings In this city for many years. Gen. Butler In his speech said: “The tariff, laid by the RcSublican party, was laid during the war, and as not been substantially changed since. That is unfertuate. But when we do change it, we want to see to it that it is changed in the way I indicate—that is best to promote and foster American labor.” (Boston dispatch.] The People’s party opened its campaign at Lynn with a reoeption to ana two immense rallies. The Senator Grady spoke at the Music Hall. ThSfotmer, in the course of bis remarks, said there weretaoro bad men in the Republican party than in the Democratic. The latter had only elected one President in twenty years, and then he had not the courage to take his seat. He advised bis hearers to vote with the People s party for three or four years, and if that did them no good then they could return to the old parties. Tho General closed by saying that when he saw the sorrow of the poor ana lowly at the funeral of Wendell Phillips he had said: “What greater reward can any man have?" He afterward addressed an audience at the Coliseum. T" Belford Will Hot Bolt. [Denver (Col.) dispatch.] There Is no truth in the statement that Congressman Belford intends to run as an Independent candidate for Congress with the indorsement es the Greenback party of this State. He did send to Washington for certain Democratic documents, but bis purpose was not to use any material they might contain against the Republican party. Jones Resigns. [New York telegram.] George O. Jones has resigned the Chairmanship of the Greenback State Committee of New York. He says the campaign is intended to entrap honest workingmen into a scheme to defeat Cleveland. This leaves the Butler party without organization In any of the rural counties of the State. Spain has lost one of its most popular dramatic authors in Senor Garcia Gutierres, who died at Madrid. He wrote the play from which Verdi drew “II Trovatore.” The personal estate of the late Eishop Matthew Simpson is valued at $!J3,083,