Democratic Sentinel, Volume 8, Number 35, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 26 September 1884 — Two Speak and Two Parties. [ARTICLE]

Two Speak and Two Parties.

The Cincinnati commercial Gazettee says: ‘With every disposition to accomodate Mr. Blaine, who would like every Republican newspaper in the land to reSroduce the last batch of I ulligan letters, we are still of the opinion that they are not worth the space they would occupy in our columns.’ This opinion seems to be shared by most of the Blaine editors throughout the counts y. With a single exception, Mr Blaine’s newspaper organs have refused to print the new Mulligan letters in full, despite his expressed wish that they should do so. This is most unkind, especially as Mr. Blaine insists that the letters contain nothing that is inconsistent with the most scrupulous honor and integrity. The New York Tribune, his organ in chief, printed but thirteen of the twenty letters, suppressing seven which were absolutely necessary to a complete understanding of the case—among them all referring to the Little Rock na tional bank scheme, and that of Fisher Referring-to BLiine’s sale of bonds to Tom Scott The Tribune, however, did better than the Journal, ot Boston, which printed only ninn of the letters, givihg misleading ‘summaries” of the others in its own words. Singularly enough, the judgement of The Journal coincided with that of the Tribune as to the letters which it was wise to suppress. The GlobeDemocrat, of St. Louis, which a few weeks ago denounced Mr. Blaine for ‘cohabiting with corruption,’ has not printed a line of the new letters, which like the Commer- j cial Gazette, it evidently con- 1 eiders not worth the space they would occupy. It is really sad that the republican candidate should have to depend exclusively upon the Democratic and Independent press to give his ‘vindication’ to the world. But it may be possible, after all, that his expressed desire for the publication of these letters in full was purely for effect, and that an intimation was conveyed to his organs that he wan not te he taken in earnest. The only other hypothesis upon which the course of his organs can be explained is that they realise the damaging nature of the letters, and feel that they know better than Mr. Blaine the danger which their circulation will involve.

One laborous defender of Mr. Blame against the evidence of Mr. Blaine asserts that ‘Mr. Blaine consracted with him [Caldwell, Fisher, Roots, et al.] for the purchase of a certain block of their securities at precisely the same rate which others paid Hence no favor was show to Blaine.’ If this is a true statement, what it requires ns to believe is that a negotiation between Mr. Speaker and Dear Fisher running through a period of four months was necessary to enable the former to effect the purchase of a block of securities which any other capitalist could have purchased in four minutes, without the aid of an intermediary. And that is not ail it requires us to believe. It requires us to believe that when, in the letter of June 27, 1869, Mr. Speaker urged Dear Fisher to induce Mr. Caldwell to make a definite proposition to admit him into the speculation, and, {is an in entive to that end, said he did not feel that he should ‘prove a deadhead in the enterprise,’ and added ; ‘I see various channels In which I know I can he useful’ he (Mr. Speaker) was only trying to persuade Caldwell to sell him a certain block of securities on the same terms that he would have sold the same securities to a capitalist who was not speaker of the house!

It requires us to believe that the proposition of Fisher, which Mr. Speaker said (July 2) he considered ‘a most liberal one,’ was merely a proposition to let Mr. Speaker have a block of railway bonds at the same price and terms that the company would gladly have accepted from any other man for the same bonds! It requires us to believe that Caldwell refused to let Mr. Speaker have the said bonds at the price and terms that they were offered to other capitalists, and persisted in that refusal during July, Augusta, and September, against all the persuasive diplomacy that Mr. Speaker could bring to bear upon him through the mediation of Fisher! It requires us to believe that Mr. Fisher’s letter of October 4, giving an account of his disinterested action in securing the Little Rock land-grab, ana saying to Fisher, ‘You can tell him [Caldwell] that, without knowing, I did him a great favor,’ was written only to in duce Caldwell, after three or four months refusal,.to sell Mr. Speake a block of bonds at ‘precisely the same rate that others paid!’ It requires us to believe that the obstinate Caldwell, after three or four months’ refusal to sell a block of bonds to Mr. Speaker at the same rate that others paid, yielded to Mr. Speaker’s irresistible account of that great favor and let him have the bonds at the same price he would have accented from any other man the instant he had offered it! It requires as to believe rather more than average h% man credulity can swallow Chicago Times.

(I'Yuiu the I„ I. o!t> Ktur.) James G. Blaine, Republican; Samuel J. Randall, Dem ocrat; each an acknowledged leader in liis party; both are conceded masters in the science ot parliamentary control. When Randall became Speaker, the lobby vanished from yV ashington like miasma under the rays of the rising sun. When Blaine closed an official term, he received his warmest and most appropriate compliments from the king of the lobby. How Blaine sold his great office, in order that through ill-gotten wealth he might attain one still greater, is known to all men. No man ever accused Randall of even the slightest favoritism, or thought of him otherwise than as the implacable foe to official venality, Blaine —extravagant in all things—lives in a place, and is miserable witn his ill-got-ton millions. Randall, frugal in private as in public life, enjoying a scant competency, acquired by unswerving industry. Each typifies, and is the legitimate product of the practices of his party. Which will thepeople endorse? the degradation of Blaine Republicanism, or the high honor of Democracy, of which Randall was the type as Sneaker and Cleveland as Mayor, Governor and Presidential candidate. Besides Randal the Democracy has elected two speakers since the 'Var, with equal opportunities and temptations to those of Blaine. How impossible to- imagine either of the three—Randall, Kerr, or Carlisle—in the disgraceful predicament as that in which Maine’s corruption has left him. Mr. Blaine’s New York organ says: His letter of April 16 is an honest man’s urgent plea for simple justice.’ Mr. Blaine himself, it will be observed, marked this letter ‘confidential,’ and enjoined Dear Mr. Fisher to ‘burn it.’