Democratic Sentinel, Volume 8, Number 33, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 12 September 1884 — COLD LEAD FOR BLAINE. [ARTICLE]

COLD LEAD FOR BLAINE.

Carl Schurz Rakes Him Thoroughly Fore and Alt. The “Plumed Knight’s” Unsavory Record —A Scathing Indictment. We reproduce below the salient points of Hon. Carl Schurz’s groat speech, delivered m the presence of a vast audience in the Brooklyn, Opera House: Fellow-Citizens : In obedienoe to the invitation with which I have been honored I stand here in behalf of Republicans opposing the Presidential candidates of the Republican party. Yon may well believe me when I say that it is no pleasure to me to enter upon a campaign like this. Bat a candid statement of our reasons for the step we have taken is due to those whose companionship in the pending contest we have left. It is therefore to Republicans that I address myself. I shall, of course, not waste any words upon politicians who follow the name of that party, right or wrong; but to the men of reason and conscience will I appeal, who loved their party for the good ends it was serving, and who were faithful to it in the same measure as it was faithful to the honor and the true Interests of the republic. Let them hear me and then decide whether the same fidelity will not irresistibly lead them where we stand now. Mr. Schurz, continuing, said that at the threshold he would have to meet a misapprehension of the motives of the Independents, and he desired it understood that it was not the fact that the Republican candidates were protectionists that gave dissatisfaction. Senator Edmunds was not a free trader, yet the Independents had fought for him in the convention. He continued: "Undoubtedly the tariff is an interesting and important subject; so is theenrrenoy; so is the bank question; so is the Mormon question; so are many others. At other times they might absorb our attention. Bat this tlmo the Republican National Convention has, with brutal directness, so that we must face it whether we will or not, forced upon the country another issue. which is infinitely more important, because it touches the vitality ot our institutions. It is the question of honesty in government. I say the Republican convention has forced it upon the country, not by platform declarations, but by nominating for the Presidency a man with a blemished publio record.” The record of Mr. Blaine was then exhaustively considered. The “My Dear Mr. Fisher” letters were read and dissected, to show that there could be no possible doubt that In the transactions of which they treat Mr. Blaine was guiltily interested. Mr. Schurz devoted more than half an hour to the inquiry into Mr. Blaine's course while Speaker of the House, and then proceeded, impressively: PUTTING IT IN A NUTSHELL. "I know there are, among those intending to vote for him, many estimable citizens. I ontreat them soberly to consider what it is they mean to do. I grant a man may speculate In railroad securities, if he does it honestly, without forfeiting hisjgood character. He may also dispose of Little Rock bonds or other securities among his neighbors and friends, and thereby earn a commission. A good many men make this a regular business, and as such it Is legitimate. Bat when a Speaker of the House of Representatives has taken favors of pecuniary value from railroad operators whose Interests are liable to be effected by Congressional legislation; and when that Speaker of the House, asking for more favors, has urged such request on the ground that he will not be a deadhead in the enterprise, and that he knows he can make himself useful in various channels; and when he has thereupon direotly pointed out his official power as a channel of usefulness; and when, attempting to explain his doings, he has on solemn occasions unblushingly said things known by him to be untrue; and when in an investigation into his official integrity he has, instead of voluntarily, freely and widely opening all the avenues of knowledge to prove his official purity, constantly and anxiously protested against any inquiry into his private business—when a Speaker of the House of Representative has done this, and then the American people, in full view of these facts, deliberately elect that man their President, I ask yon, soberly and candidly—and I hope you will ponder It well—do you not think that the American people in doing so will pat a disgrace upon themselves and upon the republic? And more. We may be never so lenient as to the private morals of public men; we may overlook never so readily delinquencies in private conduct, but when a public man has conspicuously betrayed and prostituted high official trust for pecuniary gain, and is then elevated by the people knowing this, to higher official trust and honor, dofyon not think that such a precedent and example will have a fearfully demoralizing and corrupting effect upon the public mind, and come home to ns in incalculable dishonor and disaster? If yon have not thought ot this, is it not time you should?

HOW WASHINGTON WOULD NOT HAVE WHITTEN. “How often have you had to read and to hear these days that as Mr. Blaine is pursued with charges and abuse so were Washington and Lincoln pursued, and that between these three there is really little difference. What a comparison? It is true Washington was called by his enemies a monarchist, and Lincoln a baboon. But we cannot learn that either of them found it necessary to defend himself against the imputation. If the friends of Mr. Blaine want to establish a real parallel between him and them they should carefully examine Washington’s and Lincoln’s private correspondence. Among Washington’s letters they would have to find one somewhat like this; “Hdqbs. of the Continental Abmt. “To W. W. Fisher, Esq.’, Army Contractor: “MxDeabMb. Fisheb— Your offer to admit me to a participation in your beef contract, is very generous. Aocept my thanks. But I want more. You spoke of your friend Caldwell, who has the flour contract, as willing to dispose of a share of his interest to me. I wish he would make the proposition definite. Tell him that I feel I shall not prove a deadhead in the enterFrise. ‘I see various channels in which I know can be useful, Sincerely your friend, “Geobge Washington." “P. S. —ln looking over my order book I find that when Mr. Caldwell delivered the last lot of flour there was some irregularity, which induced the Commissary of the army to refuse acceptance. I promptly cut the. red tape by ordering the Commissary to accept the delivery at once, so that I saved Mr. Caldwell much trouble in getting the flour passed and in obtaining his money. Thus, without knowing him, I did him a favor whicn must have been worth much to him. Let him hurry up his proposition to me. “G. W.” AND THEN LOOK ON THIS. “Mr. Blaine’s advocates loudly complain that Gov. Cleveland is not a statesman," continued Mr. Schurz, turning his attention to the Democratic nominee. “It must be admitted that he is not a statesman in the Blaine sense. If he were, it would be dangerous to vote for him. He has evidently not the genius to be all things to everybody. He is not magnetic enough to draw every rascal to his support. He will probably be cold enough to freeze every job out of the White House. He is not brilliant enough to cover the whole world with flighty schemes. But, unless I am much mistaken, he possesses very much of that kind of statesmanship which is now especially required.” and for which Mr. Blaine has conspicuously disqualified himself. And this is the statesmanship of honest and efficient administration. * * * Injustice we are bound to say that here is a man whose ideas of honest. Intelligent, and efficient administration are remarkable clear and correct, who has not only promised, but performed; whose performance, in fact, went ahead of the manifesto; who has proved himself to possess in an eminent degree the principal requisites of executive efflplency, which are incorruptible integrity, a clear head, a wellinformed mind, a devotion to duty, shrinking from no labor, a cool judgment, a high sense of official honor, a keen instinct of justice, and that rare courage which, whenever the public good requires, firmly resists not only the opposition of a hostile party, but, which is more difficult, the entreaties of party friends. You fear that another party coming into power will, in its eagerness to get possession of the offices, turn out the good men together with the bad, and you ask whether there is a man who. as President, would be strong enough to withstand the-pressure of his partisans. I admit Sou cannot find many strong enough to do this, ut lao not think I risk anything in saying that Mr Cleveland is one of the few. I should not be surprised If he were the strongest of them all. As to the higher spheres of statesmanship, it may be remembered that in every position of power assigned to him he has shown an ability to perform its duties beyond the expectations of his friends. And when he now says, as he did a week ago, in accepting the nomination, that he considers himself pledged to give to the people ’the utmost benefits of a pure and honest administration of national affairs,’ we only recall the fact that so far not one of his pledges has remained unfulfilled. Indeed, a man with just such a public record and just such qualities might be seen in the Presidential chair without alarm, whatever party name he may bear; for he needs only follow his own example in order to adopt from any party what is good, and to reject, even coming from his own pity, what is bad. He would be especially what the hour demands—the representative of courageous conscience in the administration of public affairs. BUT IT WAS NOT WHAT IT WAS. “Republicans,” exclaimed Mr. Schurz, as he drew to a dose, “I yield to none of you in pride of the spirit and the great achievements of the Republican party in the past. There are undoubtedly men before me who took an active

part in the great Republican cam naira of 18*0 I know you will feel your pulse grow quicker when you remember the joyous glow with which the enthusiastic consciousness of a noble cause piled our hearts; with what eagerness we went into the oonilict, having nothing to apologies few and nothing to conceal; with what affection and confidence we commended to the suffrage* of the people our standard-bearer, honest Abra. ham Lincoln. Remember how, under Republic can guidanoe, the American Union was washed clear of the stain of slavery and the great rebel Hon was vanquished, and Abraham Lincoln was borne once more on our shield with the same faith and the same affectionate confidence, for the trials of power had given to his honesty stiU more radiant luster. “And now, after twenty-four years of uninterrupted ascendency, what has the party come to? Look at It. The party of moral ideas, presenting as its great leader and representative a man whose unclean record it cannot deny and dare not face! Listen to its spokesmen! How they dodge and squirm around that record as something too hot to touoh—unfortunate attorneys, wretchedly troubled by the feeling that if they respect themselves they must take care not to become identified with the morals of their client! Watch them, how they use the tariff question as a great fig-leaf, Whioh they spread to make it cover and hide the crookedness of their standard- bearer! What a burning shame and disgrace this is! Pride of party, indeed! Those who are truly proud of the good the party has done will be too proud to consent to its degrading perversion into an instrument of evil. If the great party which abolished slavery and saved the republic is to serve as an instrument to poison the life of the same republic by crowning corruption with its highest honors, then the truly proud Republicans will wash their hands of it. “This is the cause of patriotism and national pride, and it says to every citizen of the republic: Do you want the world abroad to respect the American name? Then show them first that the American people respect themselves. The American people will show how they respect themselves by the choice they make for their highest honors. Ask yourselves, Americans, how this republic will stand in the esteem of mankind, and how its Influence will be upheld by the confidence of nations if the American people by a solemn vote proclaim to the world that official honor 1b to them a thing of indifference, and that they select their President from among those who have traded on high official trust to make money. And, In the face of all this, still the cry of ‘Party 1' Woe to the republic whose citizens think of party, aud nothing but party, when the honor of their country and the vitality of their Government are at stake.’