Democratic Sentinel, Volume 8, Number 33, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 12 September 1884 — MENACING TO PUBLIC MORALS. [ARTICLE]

MENACING TO PUBLIC MORALS.

Hon. Thad. C. Found, of Wisconsin, Repudiates Blaine and Espouses the Cause of Cleveland. He Writes a Letter in Which He Unmercifully Excoriates the “Plumed Knight.” [From the Madison (Wls.) Democrat.] Hon. Thaddeus C. Pound, of Chippewa Falls, Wis., has written the following latter to a personal friend, giving his reasons, as an Independent Republican, for opposing Mr. Blaine and supporting Grover Cleveland. Gov. Pound has been for years an unwavering leader in the Republican party, always supporting its entire tickets, and has been very prominent in its councils for twenty years. He was a leading member of the State Legislature in 1864, 1866, 1867, and 1869. He was elected Lieutenant Governor in 1869, and was in 1868 elected to Congress for the Eight District, then embracing over half the area of Wisconsin. He served three terms in Congress, taking a prominent part. He was Chairman of the Committee on Public Lands in the Forty-seventh Congress. At the end of his third term he voluntarily retired from public life to devotf) himself to private enterprise. His repudiation of Mr. Blaine proceeds from no personal grievance or disappointment, but from a firm conviction that the Republican nominee is not the man for the place. Mr. Pound has thousands of friends in Wisconsin, and is well known throughout the Northwest as a prominent Republican leader and thoroughly representative man: Milwaukee, Auar. 25. Gen. Ed F. Bryant, Madison. Mr Deab Sib: Your favor of the 23d Inst., asking an expression of my views of the political situation, is received. So many friends, of varied political bias, have addressed me in person and by letter touching my attitude on the Presidential question, that lam constrained to make a pretty full response to your kind inquiry, with permission to publish the same if you deem it wise to do so. After much earnest and solicitous deliberation, I deem it to be my duty, while abating naught of loyalty to the Republican party, but rather to promote its true purpose and strengthen it for future good work, to support the Democratic nominee, Gov. Cleveland, for President at the approaching election. My judgment disagrees with, and my conscience rebels against, the action of the Republican convention in the nomination of Mr. Blaine, and, without arrogating lor myself wisdom superior to a majority of representative Republicans, convened to voice the determination of my party, I am compelled to obey my own best judgment and sense of duty in that single and extraordinary instance. Being a life-long Republican and the recipient of many distinguished honors, State and national, it is due my politic associates, so often my cordial supporters, and myself that the reasons for departure from conventional co-operation be frankly stated.

No one will deny that the essential worth. If not the perpetuity of the republic, depends upon the maintenance of political and personal integrity, at well as prudence and justice In its legislative, judicial, and administrative branches. It is equally true that detection and correction of crookedness and infidelity In the executive braneh of our Government are most difficult, while long uninterrupted control is certain to invite abuse of power and opportunity. The Republican party has enjoyed nearly-twenty-four years of continuous administrative authority, and, while its history is resplendent with glorious achievements and hallowed by memories of unrivaled statesmanship, eatriotism, and prowess, there has crept into its uman machinery many grievous abuses and ailments, demanding correction and cure, which may or may not be accomplished by the party in which they are engendered. Happily, the work of purification and reform has been progressing most satisfactorily within our party, under the present Chief Magistrate; and with such eminent success as to command the unexampled approval of the press, the people, and our party, expressed through State Conventions, and by the Republican National Convention in the extraordinary declaration that "We believe his eminent services are entitled to and will receive the hearty approval of every citizen." What, then, does the party owe the country and itself? Manifestly, the continuance of the faithful servant. Common honesty and a decent recognition of fidelity and wisdom demand it. Little short of hypocrisy would deny it. But being denied, the alternate should be a man whose public life is a guaranty that the good work will go on. He should be the highest and best type of political integrity, statesmanship, and republican principles. Mr. Blaine is not such a man, but, in mv opinion, embodies most in American politics that is menacing topublic morals and integrity in government. With a long public career, mainly distinguished by a sorffiof declamatory and pugilistic statecraft, he is not the inspiration of a single valuable policy, or the author of an Important statute; but, on the contrary, has often suggested and supported unwise and bad, and opposed good legislation. With a record clouded by suspicion and accusation of jobbery and corruption undefended, he brings to us personal antagonisms which have torn and weakened our party in the past: invading the administration of the lamented Garfield with demands of personal vengeance so virulent as to Inflame the spirit of assassination, and culminating in the defeat of Judge Folger, and consequent election of Grover Cleveland Governor of the Empire State. Mr. Blaine’s friends justified their defection, which defeated a most excellent man, by the plea of fraud In one proxy at the State convention. Such excuse pales to whiteness when compared with the dishonorable methods employed to secure Mr. Blaine’s nomination. Here many delegates were treated as merchandise to be bartered for wine, money, or promise of position. The convention, instead of being a deliberative body, was converted into a howling pandemonium, overflowed by the worst elements of Chicago, admitted without tickets. But returning to the candidate. The acknowledged leader of his party at home (the Pine Tree, Prohibition State of Maine), he registers an ignominious defeat for his State, only four years ago, pending the Presidential campaign, so disheartening to our party’s cause that only the timely and stalwart efforts of Grant and Conkllng could have redeemed the field and secured Garfield’s election—a work soon rewarded by the gallant knight, when opportunity (as Garfield’s adviser) was given by

I dealing a cowardly blow from ambusn to his : old antagonise, Hosooe Conkling. Himself a speculator, enjoying a fortune too j great to have been acquired by honest industry, legitimate business enterprise, or his country’s i service at $5,000 a year, he sympathizes with and profits by speculatiYe, stock-jobbing, and gambling methods of acquiring wealth; met oda I which hare wrought ruin, disgrace, and busi- ; ness disasters beyond computation; schooled ! youth and persuaded middle age to avoid honest and useful industry; made suicide and insanity commonplace, unsettled values, placed the fruits of honest toil In the power cf the Goulds and Armours to bear down or bnll np the markets, as whim or interest may dictate; methods which recently gave us but an exaggerated illustration of their iniquitous consequences in the Grant «fe Ward $15,000,000 failure and robbery. Reference to Blaine’s Congressional record relating to subsidies, class legislation, corporate exactions, eto., will readily satisfy the honest inqnirer of his uniform support of monopolies and indifference to the common weal. Little wonder that he omits in his letter to refer to or explain the cause of the great disparity in the distribution of this marvelous increase of wealth accumulated during the period he chooses for comparison; that he fails to note the fact that one three-hundredth part of the $14,000,000,000 is held by one man, while others rank little below; and his own palatial residence, commanding a rental of SII,OOO a year, suggesting more than an average per capita of wealth. Little wonder that he is silent on the subject of interstate commerce, the regulation of which Is demanded by all producers and legitimate traders. Great corporate interests demand non-interference. It was a lame defense of his devotion to improved oivil service to cite the fact that during a prolonged public service he only advised the removal of “four persons." The expert observer will conclude that the true betterment of the service demanded the removal of ten times four. He should have emphasized his position by noting the fidelity with which a horde of relatives have been constantly fed at the public crib, notably the favorite “Brother Bob" drawing pay for another’s services. Nor will the citation of his pacific assurances to Mexico quite cover up hts South American policy and interference to protect the Landrau guano scheme. The death of his servant, Hurlbut, whom he feigned to rebuke, may serve to partially conceal the true inwardness of this affair, as did his garbled rendering of the Mulligan letters first mislead many charitable people touching the Little Rock bond job. The dlsingenousness of his letter of acceptance is further betrayed by its significant silence touching the events of the past three years. Bringing down his historic figures to the present would have revealed the fiction involved in his statements; would have shown a marvelous shrinkage in nominal values; would nave noted the downfall of business prosperity and business morals, and would have pictured as few can do so graphically as he, the furnace fires dying out, the wheels of factories standing still, wages reduced, beggary usurping the place of labor, bank and business failures, creditors and depositors wantonly defrauded, homes lost, and crookedness In public affairs. Mr. Blaine is objectionable, furthermore, for the company he keeps, “for the ’friends’ he has made.” Will the chief promoters of his nomination be his chief advisers if elected? There's the rub. I need mention no names, hut will suggest that the least objectionable of his best supporters are the Tribune's supporters of Greeley in 1872, and accusers of Blaine in 1876 and 1880, charging him with bribery and other penitentiary crimes. With no pronounced issues between the two great parties, we can safely afford to yield temporary executive control at this time to an honest man, though he be a Democrat. And, if grave questions of public policy were at issue, they cannot be determined by the Executive. This is the prerogative of Congress, the law- , making branch; heretofore, for a time and now, under Democratic control. It Is vastly more important to good government that the Republican party be restored to supremacy in Congress than that the administration of taw be intrusted to an unworthy partisan, surrounded by bad counsel. While Mr. Blaine is known to be unworthy, Gov. Cleveland has demonstrated his fitness and worthiness for the position by his fidelity, ability, and integrity in* the discharge of his executive duties as Mayor of Buffalo and Governor of the great State of New York, and, in my opinion, a>ei v large majority of intelligent and unprejudiced voters believe he should be elected. If one-half of the Republican voters who agree in this opinion have the courage of their convictions and vote conscientiously, he will be triumphantly elected. The scandals affecting the domestic lives of all candidates should be committed to the political ghouls and hyenas. While It is my fixed purpose to support Cleveland and Hendricks, it is no less my determination to support all fit and worthy nominees of the Republican party for county, State, and Congressional positions. Regretting and deprecating the conditions which compel what will be denominated a bolt, I remain, very truly,

THAD C. POUND.