Democratic Sentinel, Volume 8, Number 33, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 12 September 1884 — Page 3

GOV. HENDRICKS.

The Next Vice-President on the Political Issues of the Day. Cogent Seasons Why There Ought to Be a Change in the Control of Public Affairs. One hundred campaign speeches were delivered on Saturday, Aue. 30, in Indiana cities, where both parties formally opened the campaign Hon, Thomas A. Hendricks addressed a vast «pen-air assemblage at Indianapolis. He said: Fellow-citizens, I appreciate the privilege and the honor of addressing yon, and I recognize the duty of speaking, frankly and without concealment or exaggeration of any material fact or opinion. May I first ask your attention to the necessity and importance of revenue reform? 'The power to levy and collect taxes is among the highest and most responsible of the attributes of government. It ranks with the right and faculty of taking private property for public use, and with the right and power of transferring the citizen from the pursuits of private life to the duties and hazards of war. It takes from a man that which is Jds and appropriates It to public nse. It seizes upon the earnings of labor, aa well as upon the accumulations of capital To every man the inquiry is of personal concern, and the answer is of public conse--quence, how far may government go in the exercise of the power to tax the people. Freely and cheerfully we all answer there shall be no limitation nor restraint this side the absolute and entire maintenance of public authority, with all of its faculties and functions unimpaired. Whatever the Government can lawfully •do, and of right should do, the taxpayers will furnish the means to accomplish. Beyond this Is the province of private right,ito invade which Is usurpation. The Government economically administered shall be supported. Are you men from the farms, the shop , and the stores willing that any other rule should be adopted? May they take your money for uses not authorized by the Constitution, or not for the public welfare, or that it may be piled up in vaults to tempt the greed of the unscrupulous? When the war came taxation was necessarily and wrightfully increased. Large revenues were needed to supply and maintain great armies. But with the war and the expenditures consequent upon it there passed away the necessity for a war standard of taxation. Why. then, has such a standard been continued? The party that has held almost unbroken power for nineteen years of peace must respond to that inquiry. In his message/)! Dec. 4, 1882, President Arthur admonished Congress that at the prior session he had urged upon its attention “the Importance of relieving the industries and enterprise of unnecessary taxation.” In the same message he said that the people have been In substantial accord In the doctrine “that only such taxes onght to be levied as are necessary for a wise and economical administration of the Government.” The President continued: “Of late the public revenue's have far exceeded that limit.'and unless checked by appropriate legislation such excess will continue to increase from ■year to year. For the fiscal year ended June 80, 1881, the surplus revenue amounted to $100,000,•000. For the fiscal year ended on the 30th of June last the surplus was more than $145,000,000. ” What say you, my countrymen, did that showing not call for revenue reform? During that Congress the House was made positively Republican, largely by partisan' action. Not much Reed was given by it to the startling statement by the president of the enormous excess of the ■revenue. The modification of the internal-rev - ■ -onue system and of the tariff made on the March following left an excess of $85,000,000 of revenue. In his last annual report—3d of December last—the Secretary of the Treasury estimates the surplus for the current year at $85,000,000, and adds: So the question still presses, what legislation Is necessair to relieve the people of unnecessary taxes?” Tes, it is the question of $85,000,000 unnecessary taxes in one year. The accumulation is constant. In a speech recently made at Richmond, Mr. Calkins, the candidate for Governor, boasting of the achievements of his party, made the statement, which I adopt without examination, that “the Republican party found an empty treasury; now it has a surplus of $400,000,000.” That Is an enormous sum of money. More, t believe, than half the paper currency of the country. Estimating our population at •60,000,000, it is $8 for each man, woman, and •child. That great sum of money Res idle in the treasury. If it had been left with the people it would become the willing and active servant of labor. It would stimulate and strengthen old, -and develop new, enterprises. It would restore to the merchant his market and give the farmer good prices again. In the language of the Secretary of the Treasury: “The question atill presses, what legislation is neoessary to relieve the people of unnecessary taxes?” It Is the question of revenue reform. Solve this question, my countrymen, by reducing the taxes, and thus leaving the money not needed by the Government in the pockets of the people and in the channels of trade and commerce. The party :ln power will not give us this reform. As the years have rolled by with them in power, the machinery of law, inexorable in its action, has gone on collecting from the taxpayers in excess; hoarding and accumulating. The candidate Tor Governor boasts of the accumulation. In •contrast with the low taxes, and short revenue, and empty treasury of former days, the high rates and overflowing treasury of these times become, in the appreciation of himself and his political associates, the achievements of exalted statesmanship. Learning and argument are •exhausted in the political papers of these times, in support of high taxation, to the end and for the purpose of relieving favored classes from the competition of generous and liberal trade. Of course, revenue reform must come from other quarters. It can not come from the representatives of favored classes, who ask inequality in legislation that there may be unjust inequality In the profits of the varied pursuits of the people* May I ask your attention to the plan and principles of revenue reform to which the Democracy are pledged by the Chicago platform? Federal taxation shall not exceed the needs of the Government economically administered.” Do you approve that? If not, would you have the Government wastefnlly or corruptlv administered to make room and pretext for nigher taxes? “Federal taxation shall be exclusively for public purposes.” Would yon have it otherwise? If taxation can have for its object ether than public purposes, then what purposes? May the object and purposes be individual and private gain? Ido not question that it mav be, •and often is, an incident, that one man receives a greater benefit, or carries a greater burden than another because of a prescribed tax. If I buy an imported article with a duty upon it, 1 bear the burden of that duty. If you manufacture a like article, and sell it at an advance of price equal to the duty, then to that extent you are benefited. But the individnal benefit or burden is not the object or purpose of the law; it is but the necessary incident. Nor do I question that, in the adjustment of the details of a tariff law, the legislative mind and judgment may and will be Influenced, not only by considerations of general policy, but also by the probable effect of the measure ■upon the business interests of the country. It is in accordance with this sentiment that the Democratic party stands pledged in its platform “to revise tne tariff in a spirit of fairness to all interests,” and that "any ■change of law must be at every step regardful” of the labor and capital employed in the industries of the country, and that custom-house taxes shall bear “heaviest on articles of luxury and lightest on articles of necessity,” and that "“the necessary reduction in taxation can and must be effected without depriving American labor of the ability to compete successfully with foreign labor.” These principles of the platform are plainly written and early understood. They present The conservative purpose of the Democracy touching revenue reform. When expressed in the laws their beneficent influence will become active and universal. Lower taxes will signify lighter burdens upon the people; money returning to the channels of trade: enterprise restored and stimulated; renewed demand for the products of industry, and the consequent increased demand for labor and universal prosperity. If the $400,000,000 now locked up in the Treasury were restored to the channels of trade and commerce, who can doubt that labor would find employment and the manufacturer a market for his fabrics? May I ask you now to consider the question whether there ought not to be a change in the control and management of pubilo affairs? What other remedy for the correction of possible abuses have the citizens of a free republic? Even in England change is the remedy. When the Commons disapprove an important measure, or censure maladministration, the Cabinet, beaded by the Prime Minister, retire lrom office, and others in harmony with the will of the peoole succeed them. There are many valuable reforms that cannot be accomplished by a party that has been long in power. JCe an illustration, consider our army of office-holders, now above 110,000. Reform in the civil service requires its reduction, perhaps 80,000. It seems to be constantly Increasing. Who can check the evil, and discharge all who hold positions and receive pay without useful employment? Not the party that created the positions and appointed its favorites to fill them. That is impossible. It is hard for a party to reform itself. Party ties are difficult to break. Partisans stand by and protect each other. You have seen that even in courts and Juries. The partisan friend, at the same desk, will not become an informer. He will rather close the book, and it will remain dosed until investigation

shall place another at the desk. It Is nineteen years since the dose of the war—nearly five Presidential toms. During all that period the executive and administrative service of the country has been under the control and management of one party. Should it so continue? ■During the period I have mentioned the receipts and expenditures aggregate a sum so enormous that I find myself unable to express them in words or figures within ordinary comprehension. I will take for illustration the year ended June 30,1883. The receipts into the Treasury were above $398,000,000, and the ordinary expenditures were above $265,000,000, making the receipts and expenditures of one year $663,000,000. The record of the collections and payments is .found in thousands of volumes, and it was made by many thousands of men. They were of one party, and, as I have said, bound by strong party ties. Inexorable and cruel proscriptions excluded one-half the people from all participation in that work. We know enough to justify the suspicion of ways that are dark; but I do not choose to consider the exposures that have been made. I prefer rather to appeal to your judgment that a change is necessary, because in the management of business so large, so varied and so complicated, mismanagement and corruption were possible and probable. I believe that good policy and justice unite in demanding a change, and without it we need not hope for administrative reform. But I would not imitate the Republican party in its proscription of all but party adherents. I repeat what I formerly said; '“That I hope never again to see the cruel and remorseless proscription for political opinions which has disgraced the administration of the last eight years. Bad as the civil service now is, as all know, it has some men of tried integrity and proved ability. Snoh men, and such men only, should be retained in office; but no man should be retained on any consideration who has prostituted his office to the purpose of partisan intimidation or compnlsion, or who has furnished money to corrupt elections.” Not long since I made the acquaintance of Gov. Cleveland. I found him affable and conrteous, clear and distinct in his views, and strong and direct in the expression of his purposes. He seemed to me as free from concealment and tne arts of the demagogue as any man I know. As far as I could judge iu a single conversation, I thought him in a marked degree governed in his official life by his convictions of duty. You do not expect him to escape criticism upon his official life. That can hardly be the fortune of any candidate. Touching that I believe his motives have not been impnnged nor his honesty questioned. In respect to his private life, we will not accompany his defamers in their search for ground of accusation back of the overwhelming vindication by his neighbors in three political contests of extraordinary brilliancy and success. In concluding his speech, Mr. Hendricks made a personal appeal for support, saying: “I cannot express how earnestly I desire the vote of Indiana. Although I did not want the nomination, now that 1 have got it, the vote of Indiana is the desire of my heart."

MENACING TO PUBLIC MORALS.

Hon. Thad. C. Found, of Wisconsin, Repudiates Blaine and Espouses the Cause of Cleveland. He Writes a Letter in Which He Unmercifully Excoriates the “Plumed Knight.” [From the Madison (Wls.) Democrat.] Hon. Thaddeus C. Pound, of Chippewa Falls, Wis., has written the following latter to a personal friend, giving his reasons, as an Independent Republican, for opposing Mr. Blaine and supporting Grover Cleveland. Gov. Pound has been for years an unwavering leader in the Republican party, always supporting its entire tickets, and has been very prominent in its councils for twenty years. He was a leading member of the State Legislature in 1864, 1866, 1867, and 1869. He was elected Lieutenant Governor in 1869, and was in 1868 elected to Congress for the Eight District, then embracing over half the area of Wisconsin. He served three terms in Congress, taking a prominent part. He was Chairman of the Committee on Public Lands in the Forty-seventh Congress. At the end of his third term he voluntarily retired from public life to devotf) himself to private enterprise. His repudiation of Mr. Blaine proceeds from no personal grievance or disappointment, but from a firm conviction that the Republican nominee is not the man for the place. Mr. Pound has thousands of friends in Wisconsin, and is well known throughout the Northwest as a prominent Republican leader and thoroughly representative man: Milwaukee, Auar. 25. Gen. Ed F. Bryant, Madison. Mr Deab Sib: Your favor of the 23d Inst., asking an expression of my views of the political situation, is received. So many friends, of varied political bias, have addressed me in person and by letter touching my attitude on the Presidential question, that lam constrained to make a pretty full response to your kind inquiry, with permission to publish the same if you deem it wise to do so. After much earnest and solicitous deliberation, I deem it to be my duty, while abating naught of loyalty to the Republican party, but rather to promote its true purpose and strengthen it for future good work, to support the Democratic nominee, Gov. Cleveland, for President at the approaching election. My judgment disagrees with, and my conscience rebels against, the action of the Republican convention in the nomination of Mr. Blaine, and, without arrogating lor myself wisdom superior to a majority of representative Republicans, convened to voice the determination of my party, I am compelled to obey my own best judgment and sense of duty in that single and extraordinary instance. Being a life-long Republican and the recipient of many distinguished honors, State and national, it is due my politic associates, so often my cordial supporters, and myself that the reasons for departure from conventional co-operation be frankly stated.

No one will deny that the essential worth. If not the perpetuity of the republic, depends upon the maintenance of political and personal integrity, at well as prudence and justice In its legislative, judicial, and administrative branches. It is equally true that detection and correction of crookedness and infidelity In the executive braneh of our Government are most difficult, while long uninterrupted control is certain to invite abuse of power and opportunity. The Republican party has enjoyed nearly-twenty-four years of continuous administrative authority, and, while its history is resplendent with glorious achievements and hallowed by memories of unrivaled statesmanship, eatriotism, and prowess, there has crept into its uman machinery many grievous abuses and ailments, demanding correction and cure, which may or may not be accomplished by the party in which they are engendered. Happily, the work of purification and reform has been progressing most satisfactorily within our party, under the present Chief Magistrate; and with such eminent success as to command the unexampled approval of the press, the people, and our party, expressed through State Conventions, and by the Republican National Convention in the extraordinary declaration that "We believe his eminent services are entitled to and will receive the hearty approval of every citizen." What, then, does the party owe the country and itself? Manifestly, the continuance of the faithful servant. Common honesty and a decent recognition of fidelity and wisdom demand it. Little short of hypocrisy would deny it. But being denied, the alternate should be a man whose public life is a guaranty that the good work will go on. He should be the highest and best type of political integrity, statesmanship, and republican principles. Mr. Blaine is not such a man, but, in mv opinion, embodies most in American politics that is menacing topublic morals and integrity in government. With a long public career, mainly distinguished by a sorffiof declamatory and pugilistic statecraft, he is not the inspiration of a single valuable policy, or the author of an Important statute; but, on the contrary, has often suggested and supported unwise and bad, and opposed good legislation. With a record clouded by suspicion and accusation of jobbery and corruption undefended, he brings to us personal antagonisms which have torn and weakened our party in the past: invading the administration of the lamented Garfield with demands of personal vengeance so virulent as to Inflame the spirit of assassination, and culminating in the defeat of Judge Folger, and consequent election of Grover Cleveland Governor of the Empire State. Mr. Blaine’s friends justified their defection, which defeated a most excellent man, by the plea of fraud In one proxy at the State convention. Such excuse pales to whiteness when compared with the dishonorable methods employed to secure Mr. Blaine’s nomination. Here many delegates were treated as merchandise to be bartered for wine, money, or promise of position. The convention, instead of being a deliberative body, was converted into a howling pandemonium, overflowed by the worst elements of Chicago, admitted without tickets. But returning to the candidate. The acknowledged leader of his party at home (the Pine Tree, Prohibition State of Maine), he registers an ignominious defeat for his State, only four years ago, pending the Presidential campaign, so disheartening to our party’s cause that only the timely and stalwart efforts of Grant and Conkllng could have redeemed the field and secured Garfield’s election—a work soon rewarded by the gallant knight, when opportunity (as Garfield’s adviser) was given by

I dealing a cowardly blow from ambusn to his : old antagonise, Hosooe Conkling. Himself a speculator, enjoying a fortune too j great to have been acquired by honest industry, legitimate business enterprise, or his country’s i service at $5,000 a year, he sympathizes with and profits by speculatiYe, stock-jobbing, and gambling methods of acquiring wealth; met oda I which hare wrought ruin, disgrace, and busi- ; ness disasters beyond computation; schooled ! youth and persuaded middle age to avoid honest and useful industry; made suicide and insanity commonplace, unsettled values, placed the fruits of honest toil In the power cf the Goulds and Armours to bear down or bnll np the markets, as whim or interest may dictate; methods which recently gave us but an exaggerated illustration of their iniquitous consequences in the Grant «fe Ward $15,000,000 failure and robbery. Reference to Blaine’s Congressional record relating to subsidies, class legislation, corporate exactions, eto., will readily satisfy the honest inqnirer of his uniform support of monopolies and indifference to the common weal. Little wonder that he omits in his letter to refer to or explain the cause of the great disparity in the distribution of this marvelous increase of wealth accumulated during the period he chooses for comparison; that he fails to note the fact that one three-hundredth part of the $14,000,000,000 is held by one man, while others rank little below; and his own palatial residence, commanding a rental of SII,OOO a year, suggesting more than an average per capita of wealth. Little wonder that he is silent on the subject of interstate commerce, the regulation of which Is demanded by all producers and legitimate traders. Great corporate interests demand non-interference. It was a lame defense of his devotion to improved oivil service to cite the fact that during a prolonged public service he only advised the removal of “four persons." The expert observer will conclude that the true betterment of the service demanded the removal of ten times four. He should have emphasized his position by noting the fidelity with which a horde of relatives have been constantly fed at the public crib, notably the favorite “Brother Bob" drawing pay for another’s services. Nor will the citation of his pacific assurances to Mexico quite cover up hts South American policy and interference to protect the Landrau guano scheme. The death of his servant, Hurlbut, whom he feigned to rebuke, may serve to partially conceal the true inwardness of this affair, as did his garbled rendering of the Mulligan letters first mislead many charitable people touching the Little Rock bond job. The dlsingenousness of his letter of acceptance is further betrayed by its significant silence touching the events of the past three years. Bringing down his historic figures to the present would have revealed the fiction involved in his statements; would have shown a marvelous shrinkage in nominal values; would nave noted the downfall of business prosperity and business morals, and would have pictured as few can do so graphically as he, the furnace fires dying out, the wheels of factories standing still, wages reduced, beggary usurping the place of labor, bank and business failures, creditors and depositors wantonly defrauded, homes lost, and crookedness In public affairs. Mr. Blaine is objectionable, furthermore, for the company he keeps, “for the ’friends’ he has made.” Will the chief promoters of his nomination be his chief advisers if elected? There's the rub. I need mention no names, hut will suggest that the least objectionable of his best supporters are the Tribune's supporters of Greeley in 1872, and accusers of Blaine in 1876 and 1880, charging him with bribery and other penitentiary crimes. With no pronounced issues between the two great parties, we can safely afford to yield temporary executive control at this time to an honest man, though he be a Democrat. And, if grave questions of public policy were at issue, they cannot be determined by the Executive. This is the prerogative of Congress, the law- , making branch; heretofore, for a time and now, under Democratic control. It Is vastly more important to good government that the Republican party be restored to supremacy in Congress than that the administration of taw be intrusted to an unworthy partisan, surrounded by bad counsel. While Mr. Blaine is known to be unworthy, Gov. Cleveland has demonstrated his fitness and worthiness for the position by his fidelity, ability, and integrity in* the discharge of his executive duties as Mayor of Buffalo and Governor of the great State of New York, and, in my opinion, a>ei v large majority of intelligent and unprejudiced voters believe he should be elected. If one-half of the Republican voters who agree in this opinion have the courage of their convictions and vote conscientiously, he will be triumphantly elected. The scandals affecting the domestic lives of all candidates should be committed to the political ghouls and hyenas. While It is my fixed purpose to support Cleveland and Hendricks, it is no less my determination to support all fit and worthy nominees of the Republican party for county, State, and Congressional positions. Regretting and deprecating the conditions which compel what will be denominated a bolt, I remain, very truly,

M’SWEENEY TO BLAISE.

From “ Victoria’s Dungeon ” the Persecuted Irish Patriot Sends Word that He Is Amazed that Irish-Americans Should Support the Plumed Fraud. The following letter has been received by one of the employes of the Missouri Bepublican: Cabbow Cannon House, Aug. 10, 1884. My Deab Mb. Gallagheb: For the last month I was engaged in almost a life and death struggle against the enemy. For the last five Sears I have been almost constantly fighting le worst landlords ever in Donegal—the landlords of this union. No coercion act would reach me, but at last they resorted to a new plan to drive me out of the country If possible. They brought an action for libel against me, laid its venue In Derry, selected twelve Orangemen to try the case, and of conrse the result was not for a moment doubtful. The Judge who tried the case declared that I had libeled the Government, and of conrse must be punished. The jury retired, and in two minutes brought in a verdict against me for £IOO and costs, which will amount to about £4OO. Thus they think they have silenced me in future. But lam not through with them yet. Enough on this subject, as vou will probably see a letter from me in the Irish-American papers in a few days. But tell me, is it possible that any number of our countrymen will vote the black Republican ticket? I cannot believe it possible in the face ot the treatment received by Irish-Americans abroad during Blaine’s administration. I will write a public letter soon on the subject, but in the meantime you are at full liberty to publish any letters of mine from “Victoria's dungeon.” 1 feel strongly, I assure you, on this subject, and, had it not been for the loss that I have just sustained here in my fight with the enemy, I certainly would have gone to the States to work against Blaine and his. party, armed with Lowell's original letter, to tell the story of my imprisonment and Republican sneers at my appeal for protection. Your friend,

THE MADIGAN CIRCULAR.

The Authorship of the Infamous Document Fixed Upon the Tattooed Candidate. [Augusta (Me.) telegram ] The Augusta New Ape prints affidavits from Daniel Buckley, CoL Morton, Oliver Otis, L. M. Robbins, and Thomas F. Murphy, all reputable and well-known citizens of this place, fixing upon James G. Blaine the sole authorship of the notorious Madigan circular, which he has time and again denied upon his word of honor. The Madigan circular was a Republican campaign document appealing to Protestant Democrats to rebuke the'r party for asking them to vote for James C. Madigan, a Roman Catholic candidate for Congress in the Fourth Maine District in 1875. Messrs. Otis and Robbins swear that they received from the Republican Campaign Committee a bundle of the Madigan circulars, with the request to distribute them among dissatisfied Democrats and Republicans, thus proving the falsity of the charge that Gov. Plaisted was the author of the circular. Daniel Buckley swears that he was In the employ of Blaine during the four years from 1873 to March, 1877; that in September, 1875, he found huge piles of the Madigan letters in Blaine’s library, and that they were done up in small packages and shipped away from Blaine’s house. Buckley savs he never meant to make public his knowledge of these facts, but when Blaine denied on his honor having anything to do with theoircular he determined to tell the truth. CoL Charles B. Morton swears that at the time Blaine issued the Madigan circular he (Morton) was employed in the express office in this place, and received packages of the circular fiom Blaine for transmission to many parts of the State. CoL Morton says some of the packages came to Mm broken, and he thus saw and read the ciroular. Thomas Murphy swears that he is a printer, and worked, in Blaine’s Kennebec Journal offioe; that the circulars were printed in that office, and that the compositor who set up the circular told him that the manuscript was in the handwriting of Blaine’s private secretary, with which both were familiar. Db. Sntdeb, of St. Paul, an intimate friend of Hon. S. S. Cox, of New York, has received a letter from the latter nnder date of Aug. 29, which savs: “We have them here on the hip, and I believe nothing can now stop the incoming tide for Cleveland. You can say for me that it so looks now, and that it seems to me inevitable."

THAD C. POUND.

D. McSWEENEY.

COLD LEAD FOR BLAINE.

Carl Schurz Rakes Him Thoroughly Fore and Alt. The “Plumed Knight’s” Unsavory Record —A Scathing Indictment. We reproduce below the salient points of Hon. Carl Schurz’s groat speech, delivered m the presence of a vast audience in the Brooklyn, Opera House: Fellow-Citizens : In obedienoe to the invitation with which I have been honored I stand here in behalf of Republicans opposing the Presidential candidates of the Republican party. Yon may well believe me when I say that it is no pleasure to me to enter upon a campaign like this. Bat a candid statement of our reasons for the step we have taken is due to those whose companionship in the pending contest we have left. It is therefore to Republicans that I address myself. I shall, of course, not waste any words upon politicians who follow the name of that party, right or wrong; but to the men of reason and conscience will I appeal, who loved their party for the good ends it was serving, and who were faithful to it in the same measure as it was faithful to the honor and the true Interests of the republic. Let them hear me and then decide whether the same fidelity will not irresistibly lead them where we stand now. Mr. Schurz, continuing, said that at the threshold he would have to meet a misapprehension of the motives of the Independents, and he desired it understood that it was not the fact that the Republican candidates were protectionists that gave dissatisfaction. Senator Edmunds was not a free trader, yet the Independents had fought for him in the convention. He continued: "Undoubtedly the tariff is an interesting and important subject; so is theenrrenoy; so is the bank question; so is the Mormon question; so are many others. At other times they might absorb our attention. Bat this tlmo the Republican National Convention has, with brutal directness, so that we must face it whether we will or not, forced upon the country another issue. which is infinitely more important, because it touches the vitality ot our institutions. It is the question of honesty in government. I say the Republican convention has forced it upon the country, not by platform declarations, but by nominating for the Presidency a man with a blemished publio record.” The record of Mr. Blaine was then exhaustively considered. The “My Dear Mr. Fisher” letters were read and dissected, to show that there could be no possible doubt that In the transactions of which they treat Mr. Blaine was guiltily interested. Mr. Schurz devoted more than half an hour to the inquiry into Mr. Blaine's course while Speaker of the House, and then proceeded, impressively: PUTTING IT IN A NUTSHELL. "I know there are, among those intending to vote for him, many estimable citizens. I ontreat them soberly to consider what it is they mean to do. I grant a man may speculate In railroad securities, if he does it honestly, without forfeiting hisjgood character. He may also dispose of Little Rock bonds or other securities among his neighbors and friends, and thereby earn a commission. A good many men make this a regular business, and as such it Is legitimate. Bat when a Speaker of the House of Representatives has taken favors of pecuniary value from railroad operators whose Interests are liable to be effected by Congressional legislation; and when that Speaker of the House, asking for more favors, has urged such request on the ground that he will not be a deadhead in the enterprise, and that he knows he can make himself useful in various channels; and when he has thereupon direotly pointed out his official power as a channel of usefulness; and when, attempting to explain his doings, he has on solemn occasions unblushingly said things known by him to be untrue; and when in an investigation into his official integrity he has, instead of voluntarily, freely and widely opening all the avenues of knowledge to prove his official purity, constantly and anxiously protested against any inquiry into his private business—when a Speaker of the House of Representative has done this, and then the American people, in full view of these facts, deliberately elect that man their President, I ask yon, soberly and candidly—and I hope you will ponder It well—do you not think that the American people in doing so will pat a disgrace upon themselves and upon the republic? And more. We may be never so lenient as to the private morals of public men; we may overlook never so readily delinquencies in private conduct, but when a public man has conspicuously betrayed and prostituted high official trust for pecuniary gain, and is then elevated by the people knowing this, to higher official trust and honor, dofyon not think that such a precedent and example will have a fearfully demoralizing and corrupting effect upon the public mind, and come home to ns in incalculable dishonor and disaster? If yon have not thought ot this, is it not time you should?

HOW WASHINGTON WOULD NOT HAVE WHITTEN. “How often have you had to read and to hear these days that as Mr. Blaine is pursued with charges and abuse so were Washington and Lincoln pursued, and that between these three there is really little difference. What a comparison? It is true Washington was called by his enemies a monarchist, and Lincoln a baboon. But we cannot learn that either of them found it necessary to defend himself against the imputation. If the friends of Mr. Blaine want to establish a real parallel between him and them they should carefully examine Washington’s and Lincoln’s private correspondence. Among Washington’s letters they would have to find one somewhat like this; “Hdqbs. of the Continental Abmt. “To W. W. Fisher, Esq.’, Army Contractor: “MxDeabMb. Fisheb— Your offer to admit me to a participation in your beef contract, is very generous. Aocept my thanks. But I want more. You spoke of your friend Caldwell, who has the flour contract, as willing to dispose of a share of his interest to me. I wish he would make the proposition definite. Tell him that I feel I shall not prove a deadhead in the enterFrise. ‘I see various channels in which I know can be useful, Sincerely your friend, “Geobge Washington." “P. S. —ln looking over my order book I find that when Mr. Caldwell delivered the last lot of flour there was some irregularity, which induced the Commissary of the army to refuse acceptance. I promptly cut the. red tape by ordering the Commissary to accept the delivery at once, so that I saved Mr. Caldwell much trouble in getting the flour passed and in obtaining his money. Thus, without knowing him, I did him a favor whicn must have been worth much to him. Let him hurry up his proposition to me. “G. W.” AND THEN LOOK ON THIS. “Mr. Blaine’s advocates loudly complain that Gov. Cleveland is not a statesman," continued Mr. Schurz, turning his attention to the Democratic nominee. “It must be admitted that he is not a statesman in the Blaine sense. If he were, it would be dangerous to vote for him. He has evidently not the genius to be all things to everybody. He is not magnetic enough to draw every rascal to his support. He will probably be cold enough to freeze every job out of the White House. He is not brilliant enough to cover the whole world with flighty schemes. But, unless I am much mistaken, he possesses very much of that kind of statesmanship which is now especially required.” and for which Mr. Blaine has conspicuously disqualified himself. And this is the statesmanship of honest and efficient administration. * * * Injustice we are bound to say that here is a man whose ideas of honest. Intelligent, and efficient administration are remarkable clear and correct, who has not only promised, but performed; whose performance, in fact, went ahead of the manifesto; who has proved himself to possess in an eminent degree the principal requisites of executive efflplency, which are incorruptible integrity, a clear head, a wellinformed mind, a devotion to duty, shrinking from no labor, a cool judgment, a high sense of official honor, a keen instinct of justice, and that rare courage which, whenever the public good requires, firmly resists not only the opposition of a hostile party, but, which is more difficult, the entreaties of party friends. You fear that another party coming into power will, in its eagerness to get possession of the offices, turn out the good men together with the bad, and you ask whether there is a man who. as President, would be strong enough to withstand the-pressure of his partisans. I admit Sou cannot find many strong enough to do this, ut lao not think I risk anything in saying that Mr Cleveland is one of the few. I should not be surprised If he were the strongest of them all. As to the higher spheres of statesmanship, it may be remembered that in every position of power assigned to him he has shown an ability to perform its duties beyond the expectations of his friends. And when he now says, as he did a week ago, in accepting the nomination, that he considers himself pledged to give to the people ’the utmost benefits of a pure and honest administration of national affairs,’ we only recall the fact that so far not one of his pledges has remained unfulfilled. Indeed, a man with just such a public record and just such qualities might be seen in the Presidential chair without alarm, whatever party name he may bear; for he needs only follow his own example in order to adopt from any party what is good, and to reject, even coming from his own pity, what is bad. He would be especially what the hour demands—the representative of courageous conscience in the administration of public affairs. BUT IT WAS NOT WHAT IT WAS. “Republicans,” exclaimed Mr. Schurz, as he drew to a dose, “I yield to none of you in pride of the spirit and the great achievements of the Republican party in the past. There are undoubtedly men before me who took an active

part in the great Republican cam naira of 18*0 I know you will feel your pulse grow quicker when you remember the joyous glow with which the enthusiastic consciousness of a noble cause piled our hearts; with what eagerness we went into the oonilict, having nothing to apologies few and nothing to conceal; with what affection and confidence we commended to the suffrage* of the people our standard-bearer, honest Abra. ham Lincoln. Remember how, under Republic can guidanoe, the American Union was washed clear of the stain of slavery and the great rebel Hon was vanquished, and Abraham Lincoln was borne once more on our shield with the same faith and the same affectionate confidence, for the trials of power had given to his honesty stiU more radiant luster. “And now, after twenty-four years of uninterrupted ascendency, what has the party come to? Look at It. The party of moral ideas, presenting as its great leader and representative a man whose unclean record it cannot deny and dare not face! Listen to its spokesmen! How they dodge and squirm around that record as something too hot to touoh—unfortunate attorneys, wretchedly troubled by the feeling that if they respect themselves they must take care not to become identified with the morals of their client! Watch them, how they use the tariff question as a great fig-leaf, Whioh they spread to make it cover and hide the crookedness of their standard- bearer! What a burning shame and disgrace this is! Pride of party, indeed! Those who are truly proud of the good the party has done will be too proud to consent to its degrading perversion into an instrument of evil. If the great party which abolished slavery and saved the republic is to serve as an instrument to poison the life of the same republic by crowning corruption with its highest honors, then the truly proud Republicans will wash their hands of it. “This is the cause of patriotism and national pride, and it says to every citizen of the republic: Do you want the world abroad to respect the American name? Then show them first that the American people respect themselves. The American people will show how they respect themselves by the choice they make for their highest honors. Ask yourselves, Americans, how this republic will stand in the esteem of mankind, and how its Influence will be upheld by the confidence of nations if the American people by a solemn vote proclaim to the world that official honor 1b to them a thing of indifference, and that they select their President from among those who have traded on high official trust to make money. And, In the face of all this, still the cry of ‘Party 1' Woe to the republic whose citizens think of party, aud nothing but party, when the honor of their country and the vitality of their Government are at stake.’

GETTING WEARY OF BLAINE.

Republicans Discuss the Advisability of His Early Withdrawal. [Washington special) Mnoh regret Is being openly expressed In Republican circles that President Arthur was not nominated at Chicago, even on the part of gentlemen who, while not especially inimical to Arthur, nevertheless believed that Blaine would be the stronger candidate. They are now ready to admit that they have been deceived in the extent of the enthusiasm which Blaine’s managers so confidently predicted would be aroused throughout the country. They say now that they are beginning to see through the shrewd devices of the Blaine managers atChioago, by whioh it was made to appear that one universal hosanna would resound from Maine to California in favor of Blaine. The particular point which seems to trouble these gentlemen is the fact that the business men of the country hold (Hoof from Blaine. It was said at the outset of the anteconvention canvass that the business men were not to be fooled with the silly cry that Blaine’s idea of a vigorous foreign policy would have tbe effect of unsettling values or alleniitlng a single member of this class from Blaine's support, and so the Maine statesman received the nomination. But something seems to be holding these business men back. Not a dollar is being subscribed in Wall street, and by the great manufacturers of Pennsylvania and New England, where four years ago $500,000 was had for the mere asking. There is a feeling among Republicans here that'Blalne’s defeat is almost certain, unless something at present unforeseen should happen to stem the tide that is unmistakably sotting in for Cleveland; and there is also a feeling that the only thing calculated to check the tide would be the withdrawal of Blaine and the substitution of Arthur or some other good man who can command a united Republican support

Maine Laboring Men for Cleveland.

Representatives of the labor reform clubs of the United States, which assembled with Club No. 1, of Maine, in this city on Tuesday last, have issued an address to laborers, in whioh they state that, “Believing it to be for the interest of the laboring men to oast their votes as intelligently and with a proper knowledge of the views of the different candidates as far as they directly or Indirectly affect the laboring classes, we candidly and impartially examined the record and past official lives of the different candidates, without party prejudices, with only an honest desire of getting the tacts, and as a result of sush examination we pledge ourselves to do all that is possible to forward the election of Grover Cleveland to the Presidency, as best for the true interest of the laboring people."— Biddeford (Me.) dispatch.

Blaine’s Love for Irishmen.

When in private Jife, Grover Cleveland defended, without a fee, the Fenian raiders of 1866, and when Mayor of Buffalo he presided at a meeting to remonstrate against the imprisonment of Irish-Amerioan citizens in England. He appointed more Irish - Americans to responsible offices than any of his predecessors. Blaine’s love for Ireland and Irishmen was attested by his Know* Nothingism in 1856, his distribution (if not actual authorship) of the Madigan circular in 1875, and his inactivity as Secretary of State while McSweeney was lingering in jail.

Why Edmunds Is Not on the Stump.

It is my deliberate opinion that Mr. Blaine acts as - the attorney of Jay Gould. Whenever Mr. Thurman and I have settled upon legislation to bring the Pacific railroads to terms of equity with the Government, up has jumped James G. Blaine, musket in hand, from behind the breastworks of Gould’s lobby to fire in our backs. —Senator George F. Edmunds, of Vermont.

Campaign Notes.

As an example of the change of sentiment in Wisconsin, a correspondent of the Chicago Times at Whitewater states that ninety-eight Republicans in that city have deolared for Cleveland. D. T. Linegab, a representative Democrat of Southern Illinois, states that fully 75 per cent, of the German citizens of Cairo are openly at work for Cleveland, while not five Irishmen have changed their political faith. A few days ago it was asserted that Mr. Samuel J. Randall was so much disgusted with Cleveland's letter of acceptance that he would take no part in the campaign. Mr. Randall has written a letter to correct this preposterous statement, in which he says that he most heartily approves the Cleveland letter, and that he shall make speeches during the oanvass. The Republican lies ’ack adhesive qualities. Mb. BiiAiNE's rapid accumulation of wealth, while supposably serving his country as a “brilliant statesman,” has frequently been attributed by his friends to lucky investments in Pennsylvania coal lands. To learn just how far these investments have been instrumental in building up the plumed knight’s fortune, the Pittsburgh Post has been investigating his Pennsylvania coal property. It finds that these lands are assessed at a valuation of $76,710, that they are comparatively unproductive, but as worked would give him an income of $460 a year. Depmab (Iowa) dispatch to the Chicago Times: “A dispute arose on passenger tram No. 1, last Friday evening, between Elk River Junction and Delmar Junction, lowa, relative to the strength of the different Presidential candidates, and in order to settle the matter it was decided to select one Cleveland man and one Blaine man to make a thorough canvass of the train. The vote resulted as follows: Cleveland. 39; Blaine, 27; St. John, 2; Butler, 1; doubtful, 1. Among the Cleveland supporters it was found that 11 had heretofore been Republicans,"

INDIANA STATE NEWS.

—A child was born at the Floyd County : Poor Asylum having five fingers and a : thumb on its right hand and six toes on its right foot. —Some miscreants broke into the seminan- at Vernon and destroyed books, pictures, and everything they could lay their hands on. —Weston P. Cary, residing at Pleasant* View, received a bite from some insect in the woods, causing swelling and delirium, which ended in his death. —Mr. Joseph Thompson and Miss Annie Pore, of Eatou, Delaware County, were to have been married a few mornings ago. The paities and guests assembled, but Annie was with an old lover, and refused to take part in the ceremony. —Jerome Q. Stratton, a criminal lawyer of Fort Wayne of much prominence, attempted suicide in his room by cutting his throat with a penknife. He did not succeed owing to the dullness of the instrument, and is considered out of danger. —George, alias “Dotsey" Watson, who was caught in the Madison City Hall on the morning of June 7 trying to open a safe in the Treasurer’s office, has been sentenced to two years in the penitentiary, and disfranchised for five years. —At a Sunday-school celebration at Hoorefleld, Switzerland County, two brothers named Coleman quarreled with two brothers named Higgins. John Coleman was shot and mortally wounded. His brother, James, was badly beaten with a slungshot. —Samuel Shipley, a farmer living a few miles northwest of Connersville, is the owner of a heifer ten months old that gave birth, a few days ago, to a healthy calf. As the period of inoubution in cattle is nine mouths, this is thought to bo the most astounding case of premature fecundity on record. —At Kokomo, when the wind was blowing, while Emma, the little 3-year-old daughter of O. V. Darby, was playing in the yard, a large ladder that hud been left standing against the house by the painters was blown down, and the little ohild’s bead and body passed between the rounds of the ladder without receiving a scratch. —John Griffin, a policeman, shot and killed Noah Wilson, a colored man, at Logansport. Griffin arrested Wilson for having interfered in a dispute between himself and another policeman. At the station the prisoner made some resistance, and Griffin emptied the contents of his own and a brother officer’s revolver into the prisoner’s body. —Herman Heitman started to walk on the Air-line traok from Duff, Dubois County, to Huntiugburg, While crossing tbe long trestle near Duff, a west-bound freight train entered the trestle. Ab there was no chance to get off he stepped to one side and laid down on the end of the trestle. He did pretty well until the caboose passed over, when something caught in the waistband of his pantaloons, leaving him as naked as when he came into the world. He also received a scratch on his back, but was otherwise unhurt, though it was a close call. —A strange gentleman went into the First Presbyterian Church, at Lafayette, recently, and was seen to drop a S2O gold piece into the plate. After service the pas-* tor called upon him • and thanked him for his generous contribution. A walk was proposed, and the financial status of the church inquired into. The gentleman lives in New York City, is a member of St. John’s Episcopal Church, and gave the pastor his name, telling him he would leave a letter at his hotel directed to him, but not to be opened till a prayer-meeting occurred some nights afterward. It contained a check on a New York bank for $250.

The Pay of Train Men.

So common is it to remark that railroad men, especially train employes, are poorly paid, that we have taken the trouble to ascertain the average salary paid per month to the men in the different branches of train service, selecting July, which was the dullest month in the year with the Indianapolis railroads. The pay-rolls of three different Indianapolis railroads—which are a fair criterion of other roads centering here—show that on one road the highest amount paid to any engineer was $117.25; the lowest, $97.35; on the second road, SIOB the highest, $97 the lowest; on the third road, SIOB the highest, $96.40 the lowest. All were paid on the trip, or mileage basis, as is the case with a majority of the roads of this country. The pay of the firemen ranged as follows: On road No. 1, highest $56.70, lowest $51.80; road No. 2, highest $56.35, lowest $51.20; road No. 3, highest $52.65, lowest $42.70. The ground is taken that firemen are practically apprentices. The brakemen were paid on road No. 1, the highest $56.80, lowest $50.40; road No. 2, highest $56.70, lowest SSO; road No. 3, highest $52.50; lowest $41.25. The pay of the conductors averaged as follows: Road No. 1, highest paid conductor $98.80, lowest $87.75; roadc No. 2, highest $97.50, lowest $86.10; road No. 3, highest $96.20, lowest $85.80. In every case trainmen when business is heavy can considerably increase their pay by making extra trips. Freight trainmen receive the largest pay per trip or mile, but are required to do more hours of service.—lndianapolis Journal.

—John Smith, of Jeffersonville, who was not a practical butcher, took a huge butcher knife to cut up a calf hanging on a hook. He cut so vigorously that he cut the calf in two, and as he did so his knife slipped and entered his abdomen, penetrating a couple of inches. He did not think the wound a serious one, and walked home.' Surgical attention was given him, but he died of internal hemorrhage. —Lafayette is preparing to establish a zoological garden.