Democratic Sentinel, Volume 8, Number 28, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 8 August 1884 — Page 3

WHY HE VETOED IT.

Seasons Given by Governor Cleveland for Disapproving the Five Cent Fare Bill Existing Contracts and Constitutional Requirements Ignored by the General Assembly. Hm Measure Intended to Benefit Only People of Some Means and Considerable Leisure. Workingmen Biding on W L" Boads at Fire Cent Pares—The Clamor Baised by Designing Politicians. Otow York speciaLl Since Ooremor Cleveland was first spoken of so prominently as a candidate for the Presidency, certain of his official acts have been brought up by his enemies to create prejudices against him. Now that he is actually the rtominee of his party it will be the more necessary for his opponents to suppress some and falsify other truths in regard to the acts of his administration as Governor of the Empire State. His veto of Assembly bill No. 58, commonly known as the * Elevated Bailroad Five Cent Fare Bill," in March, 1883, is the act which has been most prominently urged against him ■during the oampaign to influence the laboring classes. It is safe to predict, however, that none of his opponents will dare to state in detail the reasons which the Governor gave for his veto, or mention all the circumstances under which it was proposed to reduce the faxes on £he New York elevated roads to five cents. The bill forbade the collection of more than five rents fare between the Battery and Harlem on any elevated railroad. For the past two . years, by an aot of the Legislature, the railroads have been compelled during six hours of the day, from 5:30 a. m. to 8:30 a. m., and from 5:30 ,p. m. to 8:30 p. m., to carry passengers for 5 cents, and these hours were specially fixed to accommodate the laboring classes duting the hours for their going to and from work. This bill was to make the fare 5 cents all day long, and was confessedly gotten up and urged by Wall street people who were “bearing" the Elevated Railroad stocks, although a popular agitation was cleverly worked up to aid their scheme. Impressed with its importance, and, aware of the public interest which it had excited, the Governor exercised the greatest •care and made most diligent inquiry into the measure before rendering his decision, which he gave, finally, in a veto message, setting forth his vrews with great fullness. “I am convinced," he said, “that in all cases the share which falls upon the Executive regarding the legislation of the State should ibe in no manner evaded, but fairly met by the expression of his carefully guarded and unbiased judgment. In his conclusions ho may err, but if he has fairly and honestly acted, he has performed his duty and has given to the people of the State his best endeavors." Then, in justification of his veto, he gave a history of the elevated road 3 and dhe agreements made between them, and the State and city of New York. In 1875 an act was passed, known as the rapid transit act, creating a Board of Commissioners (to be appointed by the Mayor of New York Oity) with power to regulate various matters in connection with the elevated roads. The Board was appointed, and they made a special agreement with the company that it should charge for any distance less than five miles not more than ten cents, and not more than two cents for each additional mile or fract'oa of a mile. It was further •agreed that tae company should, between 5:30 and 8:30 in the morning and evening, run what was known as “commission” trains, for the benefit of workingmen going to or coming from their work, on which not more than five cents fare should be charged from the Battery to Fifty-ninth street, and no more than seven cents from the Battery to Harlem. It was still further agreed that when the net increase of the road, after all •expenditures, taxes and charges were paid, should amount to a dividend of 10 per cent, on the capital stock of the company, then, or within six months thereafter, the company should run trains at all hours of the Aay at reduced rates. These agreements were reported by the Board of Commissioners to the Mayor, and, in the fall of 1875, they were approved by the Board of Aidermen. The New York Elevated Kailway •Company thereupon completed its road to Harlem, a distance of ten miles. “The bill before me,” said the Governor, “provides that, notwithstanding all the statutes that have been passed, and all that has been done thereunder, passengers shall be carried the whole length of this road for 5 cents, a sum much less than is provided for in any of such statutes or stipulated in the proceedings of the Commissioners. I am of the opinion that in the legislative proceedings which I have detailed, and in the fact that pursuant thereto the road of the company was constructed and finished, there exists a contract in favor of this company which is protected by that clause in the Constitution of the United States which prohibits the passage of a law by any State impairing the obligation of contract.” The Governor wont on so say that, even if this view of the case were incorrect, section thirty-three of the general railroad act provided that the Legislature may, when any railroad shall be opened for use, from time to time, alter or reduce the .xates of freight, fare, or other profits upon said road, but the reduction shall not, Without the consent of the company, be so great as to bring the profits on the invested capital to less than 10 per cent, per annum, and this reduction shall not be made except upon an examination by the State Engineer and Surveyor and Comptroller, showing that in the year then last past the net income of the company from .all sources shall have exceeded an annual income of 10 per cent, on the capital actually expended. “Even if the Slate has the power,” continued the Governor, “to reduce the rates of fare upon these roads, it has agreed not to do so except under certain oiroumstauces, and after a certain examination. I am not satisfied that these circumstances exist, and it is conceded that no Buoh examination has been made. The constitutional objections which I have suggested to the bill under consideration are net I think, removed by the claim that the proposed legislation is in the nature of an alteration of the charters of these companies, and that this is permitted by the State •Constitution and by the provisions of some of th? laws to which I have referred I suppose that, while the charters of corporation* may be altered or repealed, it must be done in subordination to the Constitution of the United States, the supreme law of the land. This leads to the conclusion that ihe alteration of a charter can not be made the pretext for a law which impairs the obligation of contracts.” In addition to these reasons Gov. Cleveland said that to arbitrarily reduce the fares under the circumstances existing would be * brenoh of faith on the pait of the State and a betrayal of confidence which the Sta e had invited. For many years rapid tran it yras th™ great need of the people of New YAxk Oily. The Legislature, appreciating

the situation, passed statute after statute encouraging schemes which promised a solution of the pn blem. Capitalists were induced to in vest their money .and rapid transit had but Lately become an accomplished fact, but much of the risk and burden attending the maintenance of the roads was yet unknown and threatening. In conclusion the Governor said : “We have especially in our keeping the honor and faith of a great State, and we should see to it that no suspicion attaches, through any act of ours, to the fair fame of the con mon wealth. Th? State should not only be strictly just but scrupulously fair.”

WHAT HE’S DONE.

Grover Cleveland’s Record an Open Book for the Inquiring Multitude. Six Important Labor Measures Signed and Two Little Jokers Vetoed by the Governor. The Contract Labor, Tenement House, Cigar, and Hat Bills Among the Number Approved. The Car-Drivers' Bill a Delusion and a Sure, ami the Lien Daw a Palpable Fraud. [New York telegram.] In refusing to sign what was known as the “ Car-Drivers' bill, limiting the hours of labor of street-car drivers and conductors to twelve hours for a day’s work. Gov. Cleveland put his reasons on record. While the bill made twelve hours a day’s work for drivers and conductors, it did not in any way prohibit the makiug of a contract between the corporations and its employes requiring any number of hours' work. The Governor called attention to this point, and further remarked in his brief veto message on the bill that it was plain that if the men worked fewer hours the proposed law did not acd could aot prevent a reduction in their pay. He concluded his objection by saying, “I can not think that this bill is in the interest of the workingmen.” The fact that the bill did not prevent the making of contracts between the companies and men whereby the latter, by the exercise of pressure, could be induced to waive their rights and agree to work any number of hours, practically made the bill powerless to benefit the drivers and conductors. Even if the companies had not chosen that course to prevent the law from going into operation, supposing Gov. Cleveland had signed the bill, there was nothing in it to prevent the men’s wages from being materially reduced. The pay of a driver on a Harlem line is, say, $2 per day. The round trip from the Bridge to the City Hall and back takes three hours and twenty minutes. Five round trips occupy between sixteen and seventeen hours, constituting the average day’s work. These five round trips aveiage 40 cents per trip. If the Governor had signed that bill the company would have divided up the pay into tiips, and, without reducing the rate of wages, have paid 40 cents per trip. Three and a half round trips woutd have consumed the twelve hours to which his day’s work would have been limited, and for this service he would have received only $1.40. To make his full $2 he would still have been compelled to make five trips, which would have required him to work over hours. That this would have been the practical operation of the bill, had it become a law, the strike on the cross-town line of street cars in this city on Saturday last is most convincing proof. The men on the cross-town lines are paid by the trip, being allowed the princely sum of 14 cents per trip. The trips, it seems, have been lessened in distance, whereupon the company promptly cut the men down in pay, the cut being in exact proportion to the time the men would otherwise have gained by the shorter trip. A strike was the result. The only effect the shortening of the number of working hours could have had on the employes of those lines would have been to lessen the number of times they could eirn fourteen cents. Would the company have increased the pay per trip in order to make up the deficiency? Gov. Cleveland saw that this bill, alleged to be in the interest of the poorly paid ear-drivers and conductors, was of practical benefit only to the car companies: therefore, he vetoed it. The mechanics’ lien till, as it was introduced in the Legislature, was intended to give machanics power to secure their wages by the means of liens. Before it obtained final passage it was so amended th it its original purpose was either obscured or lost. It was for the reason that it was utterly worthless to accomplish the object intended that the Governor condemned it. In his veto message he said: “This bill, in distinct terms, repeals a number of mechanics’ lien laws, including one especially applicable to New York. It gives all parties having claims four months after performance of work or furnishing of material to file a lien. It allows, on proceedings to force the lien, the same costs as in foreclosure cases. This would be quite onerous, and, I think, should not be allowed.” The clause of the bill allowing four months for the filing of liens for the performance of work or furnishing of material practically destroyed all chanoe of the workingman’s getting his money. It put the bills of all parties having claims on an equal footing, thus destroying the original purpose of the law, which was to make the mechanic’s claim for wages a preferred one. The clause allowing the same costs on proceedings to enforce the l ; en as in the foreclosure of mortgages rendered it impossible for a mechanic to collect a small claim. It wa3 palpably a scheme to make increased lawyers’ fees and to diminish the protection given the mechanic. The worst feature about the bill, however, was the clause repealing existing mechanics’ lien laws, some of which were far more advantageous to the workingman th m the new law. Mr. Thayer, of Troy, President of the New York State Workingmen's Association, sa'd recently that Gov. Cleveland acted wisely and with the interest of the woikingmen in view when he defeated the mechanics’ lien bill.

Gov. Cleveland’s Simple Habits.

Gov. Cleveland has distinguished himself since he has been Chief Magistrate of the the Empire State by the simplicity of his habits. An Albany letter, referring to the fact, says: “The Governor, it must be understood, has such Democratic tastes, or such ordinary inclinations, that he does not keep a carriage. He is the first Governor who has occupied the preset t magnificent mansion, with its great stable facilities, who keeps neither conoh nor horses. Tilden had a splendid stud, and the old gentleman was as accomplished a horseman as Gen. Grant He had several turnouts, but left them for his househo d to use, always preferrii gto saddle B a lestone. Gov. Robinson had a very modest turr o it, although his son Dave occasionally spread himself. Gov. Cornell had an ostentatious equipage,

with shining liveries, coachee, footman, and tiger, and a Cornell crest on the panels. But onr Democratic Governor makes no preter sions either to the coach er the crest" Here we have the character of a man outlined—Demociatio to .h • core. There is no ambition for vulgar display, but in all thiugs setting an example of economy as against profligacy, of simplicity ns against ostentation and parade. Such me a are reformers, and everywhere, when in office, exert their influence in favor of Democratic simplicity and against aristocratic display.

BLAINE’S LETTERS.

He Writes to Fisher in Bedard to Little Bock and Fort Smith. •*1 I»o TS'ot Feel that I Shall Prove a Deadhead.” As there is a general interest in Mr. Blaine just now in consequence of his nomination for the Presidency, the following charming effusions from his versatile pen are given in their entirety. They are especially interesting from the fact that Mr. Blaine showed in them that he has an eye to business, and was not above making a nimble penny out of the Speakership, over and above the salary pertaining to the office. The letters were written in regard to stock in the Little Rock and Foi-t Smith Railroad and addressed to Warren Fisher, a railroad capitalist and millionaire, of Boston. The following is the first of the series: Augusta, June 29,1809. My Dear Mb. Fishes : I thank you tor the article from Mr. lewis. It Is good in itself and will do good. He wii es lkc a man of large intelligence and comprehension. Your offer to admit mo io a participation in the new railroad enterprise is in every respect as generous as I could expect or desire. I thank you very sincerely for it, and in ihis connection I wish to make a suggestion of a somewhat selfish character. You spoke of Mr. Caldwell disposing of a share ot his interest to me. It he really designs to do so, I w sh he’would make ihe proposition definite, so that 1 could know what to depend on. Perhaps if he waits till the full development of the enterprise, he might grow reluctant to part with his share; and 1 do not by this mean uny distrust of him. I do not feel that I shall prove a deadhead in the enterprise if I once embark in it. I see various chances in which I know I can be useful. Very hastily and sincerely your friend. J. G. BLAINE. Mr. Fisher, India street, Boston. The second letter expresses Mr. Blaine’s appreciation of Mr. Fisher’s “ liberal mode of dealing ” and satisfaction with his offers, in relation to the railroad enterprise. But Mr. Blaine is not so well pleased with the treatment of one of Mr. Fisher’s associates, Mr. Joseph Caldwell: Augusta, July 2,1869. My Dear Mr. Fisher: You ask me if I am satisfied with the offer yon made of a share in your new railroad. Of coursp, I am more than satisfied with the terms of the oiler. I think it a most liberal proposition. It 1 hesitated at all, it is from considerations in no way connect'd with the character of the offer. Your liberal mode of dealing with me in ail onr business transactions of the past eight years has no, passed without my full appreciation. Vs hat I wrote yon on the '29th was intended to bring Caldwell to a definite proposition, that was all. I go to Boston by the same train that carries this letter, and will call at your office to-morrow at 12 m. If you don’t happen to be in, no matter. Don’t put yourself to any trouble a bout it. Youra J. G. B. \V. Fisher, Jr. Two days after Mr. Blaine concluded that it was necessary Mr. Caldwell be reminded how useful as Speaker he had been in preventing the railroad from losing the land grant. Caldwell was evidently selfish and did not wish to lot Mr. Blaine in. Hence this letter: [Personal.] Augusta, Me.. Oct. 4, 1869. My Dear Sib: I spoke to you a sho t time ago about a point of interest to your railroad company that occurred at the last session of Congress. It was on the last night of the session, when the bill renewing the land grant of the State of Aikansas for the Little Kook Road was reached, and Julian of Indiana, Chairman of the Public Landß Committee, and by right entitled to the floor, attempted to put on the bill as an amendment the Fremont, El Paso scheme—a scheme probably well known to Mr. Caldwell. The House was thin and the lobby in the Fremont Interest had the thing all set up, and Julian’s amendment was likely to prevail if brought to a vote. Roots and ihe other members from Arkansas, who were doing their best for their own bill, to which there seem'd to be no objection, were in despair, for it was well known that the Senate was hostile to the Fremont bill, and if the Arkansas bill had gone to the Senate with Julian's amendment, the whole thing would have gone on the table and slept the sleep of death. In this dilemma Roots came to me, to know what oil earth he could do under the rilles, for he said it was vital to his constituents that the bill should pass. I told him that Julian's amendment was entirely out of order, because not germane; but he h.d not sufficient confidence in his knowle ,ge of the rules to make the point, but ho said Gen. Logan w&-< opposed to the Fremont scheme, and would probably make the point. I sent my page to Gen. Logan with the suggestion, and he at onoe made the point. I could not do otherwise than sus.a:u it, and so the bill was freed from the mischieveous amendment moved by Julian, and at once parsed without objectiou. et that time I had never seen Mr. Caldwell, but you can tell him that, without knowing it, I did him a great favor. Sincerely yours, J. G. Blaine. W. Fisher, Jr., 24 India street, Boston. It will be seen from the above letter Gen. Logan was mixed up in the business in some way, and was the instrument used by Blaine to bring before himself for decision a matter which he afterward used to his own advantage. Not content with the appeal in this letter, and fearful that Caldwell would still prove obstinate, on the same day Mr. Blaine wrote to the gentlemanly and appreciative Fisher another letter. This completes the story: AUGUBTA. Oct. 4,1869. My Dear Mr. Fisher: Find inclosed contracts of parties nam d in my letter of yesterday. The remaining contracts will be completed as rapidly as possible as circumstances will permit. I Inclose a part of the Congressional Globe ot April 9, containing the point to which I referred at some length in my previous letter of to-day. You will find it of interest to read it over and see what a narrow ercape your bill made on that last night of the session. Of courie it was m.v plain duty to make the ruling when the point was once ra sed. If the Arkansas men had not, however, hap;>ened to come to me when at their wits’ end and in despair, the bill would undoubtedly have been lost, or at least postponed for a year. 1 thong ht the point would interest both you i nd Caldwell, though occurring before either ot you engaged in the enterprise. I b g you to understand that I thoroughly appre ia e the courtesy wi n which-you have V eated me in this railroad matter, but your conduct toward me in bnsln ss matters has always been marked I y unbounded liberal ty in past years, and, of oonrse, I Lave naturally come to expect the same of you now. You urge ms to make as mnen as I fairly can out of the arrangement into which we have entered. It fs natural th&r. I should do my utmost to this end. lam bothered by only one thing, and that is t e indefinite arrangetn' nt with Mr. Caldwell. lam anxious to aoquiro the inter •• t he has promised me, but I do not ft t definite understanding with him as I have with you. I shall be in boston in a few days, and shall then have an op: ortunity to ta k matters over fn ly with you. lam disposed to think that whatever I do with Mr. Caldwell must reai v be done through you. Kind regards to Mrs. Fisher. Sincerely,

W. Fisher, Jr.

Wb would respectfully call the attention of nnti-monepo islg to the fact that the I National Cable Company, alias the Standard I Oil Comp nv. which is now tiying to seize a arg? number of streets in this city, is the ! corporation which fought, with might and ; mai l at Abiny last wi t-r to defeat th? I general surface railroad bill, and that in

signing that measure Got. Cleveland planted a blow ripht in the fare of the most gigantic and grasping monopoly this country has ever known. —Hew York Pmm' {.Rep.).

Utterances of the Reform Governor on the Decadence of American Shipping. His Ideas 'on the Accumulation of a “ Useless and Unnecessary Surplus.” It has been slated, says the Chicago Daily Telegram, as an argument against Cleveland that his views on national affairs are not known; that his reputation is local; and that, because he his never be-n connected with either the executive, legislative or judicial branches cf the Federal Government, he is a weak candidate. Experience does not justify this, as several of our best Presidents, notibly Lincoln, were never prominent in the affairs of the General Govemm< nt. It is also said that the views of Gov. Cleveland are not known, and it is intimated that on the great ques.’ious of national importance he has never b?en heard. This is not true, as to two of the leading questions filling the public eyo to-day. Upon the important question of the decadence of the American flag on the high seas, and upon the rectaetion of Federal taxation to an amount necessary for the nesda of tfie Government, he has uttered good Democratic seritiment which is worth reproducing, and which the Telegram recommends as worth reading. His last nnnual message, transmitted to the Legislature of the State of New York, Jan. 1. 1884, concludes as follows: Tire State of New York largely represents, within her borders, the d velopment of every interest which makes ana ion groat. Proud of her place as 1 ader in the community of States, she fully appreciates her intimat e relations to the prosperity of the country; and justly realizing the responsibility of her j o-ition, she recognizes, in her poll y and her laws, as ot first importance, the freedom of commerce from a 1 unnecessary restrictions. Her citizens have assumed the burden of maintaining, at their own oost and lree to commerce, the wa.eiway which they have built and through which the products of the great Wes: are transported iottie seaboard. At the suug stion of d nger sho hastens 1o save her northern forests, and thns preserve to commer, e her caua s und vessel-ladeu rivers. The State his become rcsi onsiblo for a Bureau of Immigration, which i ares for those who siek our shop s from other lands, adding to the nat on’s population and hasten ng to the development of its vast domain; while at the country’s gateway a quarantine, e- tabbshed by the State, protecis the na ion’s health. Surely this great Commonwealth, committed fully to the interests of commerce and nil that adds to a country's prosperity, may well inquire how her efforts and sacrifices have been answered; and she, of all the States, may urge that the interests thus by h r protect'd should by the greater Government, administered for all, bo fostered for the benefit of the American people. Fifty years ago a most distinguished foreigner, who visited this country and studied its condition and prospects, wrate: “When I con emplatc tho ardor with which Americans prosecute < ommerce, the advantage whi. h aids them and the success of their undertakings, I cannot help believing that they will one day become the first maritime power of the globe. They are bound to rule the seas as tire Romans were to conquer the world. * * * The Americans th-m -elven now transport to their own shores nine-tenths o; the European produce which they consume, und they also bring three-fourths of the exports of tho new world to the European consumers. The > hips of the United States fill the docks of Havre and Liverpool; while the number of English and French vessels which are ta be seon In New York is comparatively small." Wo turn to the actual results reached since these words weie wriiten, with disappointment. In 1«40 American vessels carried 82.9 percent of all our exports and imports: in I«!i0, 72.6; in 1860, 66.5; in 1870, 35. • ; in IS 0, 17.4; in 1882, 15.5. The citizen of New York, looking beyond his State and all her efforts in the interest of commerce and national growth, will naturally inquire concerning the causes of this decadence of American shipping. While he Biornly demands of tho home Government the exact limita ion of taxation by the needs of the State, ho will challenge the po icy that accumulates millions of useless and unnecessary surplus in the National Treasury, which has been not less a tax because it w s indii ectly but surely added to the cost of the people’s life. Let us anticipate a time when care fer tho people’s needs as they actually arise, and the application of rim dles as wrongs api ear, shall lead in the conduct of national affairs and let us un icrtake the business of legislation with the full determinat on that these principles shall guide ns in the performance of our duties as guardians of the interests of the State.

A Scorching Letter from Lincoln’s Attorney General. Blaine Pronounced "Unsafe” —No X’ersonal Magnetism Could Save Us from Being the Laughing Stock of the Civilized World. [Washington special.] The New York Herald prints, by permission of the gentleman of the city who received it, a private letter from ex-At-tomey General Speed, in which he repudiates both the Republican party’s plat-, form and its candidate for President. The Herald comments on the letter in an editorial almost a column in length, and is highly eulogistic of Mr. Speed, who, it declares, cannot be called a dude or a Pharisee, o. be answered with a flout or a gibe. The following is Mr. Speed’s letter: Louisville, Ky., June 18, 1884. My Dear Sir: I received your esteemed letter by due course of mail. The action of tho Chicago Convention has greatly (list, essed me. lam not at all puzzled as to voting, but grieved to bo under the necessity of failing to vote for the nominee of the Republican party. No party in any country in tee world has ever done so much for the good of mankind as the Republican party in this cr untry. IhiVe fondly hoped that the go- d it has done In the past was an earnest of its fnture. It is shocking to think such a party could put forth such a platform, but no more of that. 1 cannot vote for Blaine, and could not vote for him on any platform. The foreign relaticns of this oouiitry are pretty much in the hanus of the I’res dent. During the short time Mr. Blaine acted as Secretary of State, he exhibited such a view of internati nal law as makes me believe that should h be e.ccted President, if he would not plunge us into needless foreign difficulties, he would firing our diplomacy into disrepute, and make ns tho laughing-siock of the civilized world. No personal magnetism or brilliant sentences can compensate for snch a blunder. To v. te so hi n wool Ibe like voting against the peace and honor of my country, and I cannot do that, even at the bidding of the Republican party. Then his letter about the surplus revenue is monstrous. It showed him to be as unsafe in his views of the fra.i.ewor ; of our Government as he is in regard to International law. It is charitable to say tfic letter is the child of Ignorance, lor, It not, it is the child ot demagogy. Now, what can 1 do? May I tol l my arms and let the world wag? Must I voi e the Democratic ticket? Mu«t I join a thi d partv? As for ath rd i arty. 1 i« too late to organize one tor putting out an Independent ticket. The purpose of a third p• ty organ,ze I would be to defeat Blane. It wo ild of neo 'ssitv perish, whether Blane is elected or def a ted. and its m mbers fie Ike loose cogs in a n.ai h ne, able to do no rood, but oa abli Ot doing great evil. Should the D mocrais give the country a stntcsman and a tenth-man is thelria idldate,lti.l,ik we had bette vo e for him. I voted with the Democrats to k ll out tl.e rally and wickedness of the Known- things, and have never regreited 1% Po you see, my dear sir, i can not say w at I may do, but am pos tlve as to what I will not do. 1 am, most tiuiy your Men I,

J. G. BLAINE.

"I AM amply waiting," says John Kelly, “until I can get out of poitics the easiest wav.” With ihe whole Democratic party sitting on h in, John's only chance seems to be to hire a derrick and lift them ofl him.

CLEVELAND’S VIEWS.

A PARALYZER.

Gov. Cleveland Formally Notified of His Nomination. Appreciation of the Honor Bestowed Upon Him Fittingly Expressed. An Impressive Ceremony Witnessed by Distinguished People— The Addresses. The committee appointed by the Democratic National Convention to notify Got. Cleveland of his nomination, assembled at Albany, N. Y., on the 2‘Jth ult, and, together with the members of the National Committee, proceeded to the Executive Mansion, under escort of the Albany Phalanx. What followed is thus described by the Associated Press reporter: An immense concourse of people had assembled abovjt the Executive Mansion, und police wero stationed to prevent injurious trespass upon the grounds surrounding the residence. The guests were prompt in arriving, und when the members of the two committees were provide 1 for there was very little extra Hpace. The ceremony took place in th u-large, handsome main parlor or the mansion. The only attempt at adornment was seen in huge banks of flowers which rested upon the mantels of the parlor and the library. The ceremony was brief, but exceedingly impressive. The arrival of the committees in a body was the signal for a concentration in the main parlor. There the committee of notification took positions in the south end of the room, and the members of the National Committee in the north, A space was reserved in the center, and as soon as the preparations were completed the Governor entered through the main hallway, standing with his buck to the flowerbanked mantel. The lad.es of the parly stood near the Governor und at his left. His appoarance at the doorway was the signal for a hearty and spontaneous outburst of hand-clapping, which continued for several minutes. As soou us this had subsided, Col. W. F. Villas, of Wißoonsin, Chairman of the late Democra: io National Convention and of the notification committee, stepped slightly forward, and, addressing the Governor in a clear tone, nnd with marked enthusiasm, said: Grover Cleveland, Governor of tho State of New York: Those gentlemen, my associates here pre-ent, wnose voice 1 am honored wli.h the authority to u. ter, are a committee appointed by the National Democratic Convention, which recently assembled in Chicago, and charged with the cr.itolul dntyof acquainting you on.chilly und in that solemn and ceremonious mannor which the dignity and imj ortance of the communication demunds, with the Interesting roHutt of the convention's deliberations, already known to you thiough the ordinary channels of news. Sir, that a gust body, convened by direct delegation from tho Democratic people of the several States and Territories of the republic, and deliberating under the witness ot the greatest as embly of freemen ever gathered to such a conference, in forethought of the election wi.loh the constitution imposes upon them to make duriug the coming year, haa nominated you to the people of- these United Btates to be tuelr President for the next ensuing term of that great office, and with grave consideration of lts exalted resixinsibtlities lias confidently Invoked th-tr suffrages to invest you with its functions. Through this committee the convention's lllgh requirement is delivered that you accept tuai candidacy. The choice carries with it profound personal rcsjioct and admiration, but It has been in no manner the fruit' of these sentiments. The national Democracy seek a President not in compliment for what the man Is or as a reward tor w h it he has done, but In a fust expectation of whut ho will accomplish as the true servant of a free people tit for thoir lofty trust, always of momentous consequence. Tney conceive the public exigency to be now of transcendent imi-onance that a laborious reform in administration as well as in legislation is Imperatively necessary to the prosperity and honor of the republic, and tbut a competent Chief Mag.strat,*- must be one of unusual temp r and powe.'. They have observed wth uttent on your execution of the public trusts you have held, * special y of (hat with wh ill you are now so honorably invested. Tney plaoe their rel ance for the usefulness of the services they expert to exact for the benefit of th ) nation upon the evidence derived from the services you have per oriued for the State of New York. They lnvitfe the electors to such proof of character and comi et nee to justify thrir confidence that tn the nation, as heretofore in the bitat -, the publto business will be administered with commensurate intelligence and ability, with single-hearted hon isty and fidelity, and with a resolute and daring learlessness which no laotlou, no combination, no power of wealth, no mistaken clamor oan dismay or qualify. In tuo spirit of wisdom, and invoking the bo led lotion ot tho Divine Creator of man, wo ohal eugo from the sovereignty of this nation His words m commemoration and ratliication of ourcho'oe: “We.l done, tbon good and lalthlul servant: thou hast been fa thiul over a few things, 1 will make thee ruler over many things." In further fufnllment of our duty, the secretary will now present t e written communication signed by the committee. Col. Vilas was several times interrupted by applause. At the close of his remarks, Nicholas M. Prince, of Missouri, Secretary of the committee, read tho following formal address, prepared by the committee: New Yobk Citv. July 28 .—T0 the Hon. drover Cleveland, of New York— Sib: In accordance w.th a cost- m befitting the nature of the communication, the unders gned, representing the several Stat- s and Territo. ies ot the Un on, Were appointed a committee by the National Democratic Convention, which assembled at Chicago on the nth day of the pr sent month, to peiform tho pleasant office which by •this means we have the honor to exeouto, jpf inf .ruling you of your nomination as {the candidate of the Democratic party in tue ensuing elect on for the office of president of the Unit, d Btates. A declaration of the principles open which the Democracy go before the people, with a hope of establishing and maintaining them tn the Government, was made by the convention, and an engrossed < opy thereof is submitted In connection with ihis communication for yonr consideration. We trust that the approval of your judgment w.U follow an examination of this expression ot opinion and I olic.v, and upon the political cont oversy now made up we invite youraccep anee of the exalted leadeiship to which you have been chosen, ‘i he election of a President is an event of the utmost importance to the people of America. Prosperity, growth, happiness, peace, and liberty even may dep nd ui on its wise ordering. Yonr unanlmo s nomination is proof that the Democra y believe your election will most contribute to secure these objects. We assure you hat in the anxious responsibilities you must assume as a cun il ate you will hive the it aiAas . and cordial support of the friends of the cause you will repres n\ and that In the execution of the duties of the high o i co whi;h we confidently expect bom the wisdom ot the nation to be conferr. d upon you. you may securely rely tor approve g aid upon the patriotism, honor, and Intelligence of the free people. We have the honor to be, with ereat respect, W. F. Vila'', Pres den‘. Nicholas M. Beli , Secretary, An It e, committee Gov, C’eveland, who had stood moanwhile as nn intense listener, replied as follows: Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of the commit ee • Your formal announcement does not, of course, convey to me the fir t iniormatl»n of the result of tho convent'on held bv the Democracy of the nation; and yet, wh n I listen to your m si-age, I see abont me representatives from all parrs of the land of the great party which, claim ng to b • tho party of the p< oi le, asks hern to ln/,ri st to it the admlnistr tlou of the.r Government, and wiien I const er,; under tee inlnenco of the stern r ality which tue present s rroundtngi croi te, th't 1 have be n chosen to re ir< sent the plans, pnrposi s, and the p I icy f the D'-mocr tic p; rty. I am profoundly impressed by the sol mriity of the oe &s;a i and bv th ■ rearo P-ibllitl"'* of mv posh on. '1 hunch I gratefully aiq re late It, I do not at t is m nnent o< nrratuiate mys If upon the dist nguls.ie 1 honor vhi oh has b < ons rred upon m , liecause mv m*nd <s fn 1 of an anxious desire to 1 er orm w 11 the pa t whl h has b • n aligned to m\ Nor do lat his mom nt force that, the r.gois and In ere ts of m le tha . rsyi o 0 0 of mv fel ow~ci Den* »r involved in our e ortsti gain i emo rail snoro'dagy. Thi re ectlon present lo my mnd the < onsld rati, nwil h more than all othors g.ves to the action

JAMES SPEED.

THE NEXT PRESIDENT.

of my party, m convention assembled, it* most sob ran se ions aspect. The party and i s repres-ntativra ihit a-k to be lntru-ud, at the hands of the i eople. with the keep* g of i ll that concerns th.lr welf re and u>e r safety, s onld onlv ask it with the full apprioUtlon ox the acredn ss of the tr ist and wit i a Arm resolve to admin.ster it falibrn iy and well. 1 am a Democrat because 1 believe that this truth lies at the focndati n of true Democr .cy. I hare kept th ■ tal hbe ause I believe, it rightlv and fa ily ad mini tered and applied, tint Democra 1 ■ doetilues and measures w 11 Insure the ha piness, oou entment and prosperity of the people If, in the comeet upon which we now er.t T. we steadfastly hold to the underly ng principles of ear p rty creed, and at all times keep In view the people's good, we shall be strong, because we are true to ourselves, and because t ie pia n and indep ndent voters oi the land wills efc by th. ir suffrages to compass their release from | a ty tyranny where ihero should be aubmlas.on to the popular will, and their protection from t arty corrup ion where there shoal I bedevotio to the i eople's Interests These thoughts lend s consecration to our cause, and we go forth, no* merely to gain a partisa . advantage, but pledged to give to those who trust us the utmost be elite and an hone*t administra tor! of national affa rs. No higher purpose or motive can stimulate us to the supreme effort or urge us to con noons and earnest labor an 1 eff-ctive party organization, Let us not <ail In this, and wo may contdently hope to r ai> tho full rew trd of patriotic services well performed. I have thus called to mind some slmi le truths, nnd, trite though tuev are, it seems to mo we do well to dwell upon them at this Urns. I shall s on, I hope, signify lathe usu 1 formal manner my acceptance of the nom inatlon which has te in tendered to me. in the meantime, I gladly greet you all as 00-workers in a noble cau-e. The Governor spoke extemporaneously, and not without evidence of deep earnestness and feelingi He 6eemed to reilizo the weight ot responsibility which rested upon his shoulders a* the standardbearer of tho party. The address was not only a model of thought, but was delivered with rare grooo and effect. The congratulations ('nt were showered upon h m by the many distingui-hed leaders of the party at the o ose of the ceremonios were sincere and hearty. After some time spent in social interchanges the doors of the dining-room were swui g open and refreshments paitaken of.

TILDEN SENDS HIS LOVE.

Two Monster Ratification Meetings in Albany Addressed by Visiting Statesmen. Cheering Words from the Sage of Gramercy —Samuel J Randall Enlists for am Active Campaign. fwo large halls were packed with crowds to hear tho visiting politicians, says an Albany dispatch. Tho ratification meeting was one of the largest ever held in the city. At Music Hall District Attorney D. Cady Herrick read the following dispatch: Gbetstone. Yonkkbr, N. Y.. .Inly 29. To MAM-IN D KLAHANTY, lit HQ,, PkEHIDKNT Democbatjc Phalanx : 1 received la-t evening your Invitation to nttend tho meeting to be hold tills evcn.ng under tho auspices of the Albany Democratic Ph lanx, for tho purpose of ratifying tho nomination of Clevolund and Hondrioka. Although I cannot be present la portion with my old f lends in Alnany, on . hat Interesting occasion, 1 cordially co-opoiato with them Tn the support of the excellent t.cket nominated "by tho Democratic Natonal Conv nt on, and feel assured that in Its success at tho election, of which there is every promise, the countr. will aclil . easub tanl.ial victory for the cruse es good government. 8. J. Tilden. The reading of tins dispatch was followed by ohoer after cheer. It was fifteen minutes before order was restored. Col. W. F. Vilas was chonen Chairman. He said ho came to testify for the great West and its intense feeling of satisfuctloa and pleasure over the ticket nud platform, which is so heartfelt and sincore that the g ! ad news will be heard on eleo ion night that the Northwest joins with New York in favor of reform in tho administration of pub ic affairs. The chief speech of tho evening at this gathering was made by ex-Speaker ltandall. He said: My coming here Indicates that I am to be In the .orefront of the light. I stind ready to aid. as la as my Intellect and «aj unity extend, to socure the elcctlo t of the cand dates nominated by the Democratic National Convent on. Tho fraud of lain can now be proiierly punished. To elect a Democrat indicates that tho people are ready to right a groat public wrong. The principles of the D mo ratio t ar.y were asserted by the loun ler of tue party In ills nangurat He declared that to reduce to an economical basis the taxes of tho Government was me duty of the party. Labor should not Ikar unjust burdens, Tho Supremo Court must be taught that they cannot make laws. The r ghta ot American citizens unlawfully attacked must be defended. No alliance with foreign powers must be allowed. No foreign powers must be allowed to lnteitere with tho American Government or mod'lie In American affairs. I shall not deal in personalities. The parties and their principle are the r Issues. In Mr. Blaine's letter, and Gen. Logan's also. It is said that the Democratic party was not friendly to an American navy. Blnoe the war $lO ,oo ,o«0 has been expended on the navy. In the past ten years tho greatest enemy of the Amer.cam navy has b en tho admini tra ion at Washington. On the question o, theta-Iff I assert that the utterances of the Democratic platform are the most lnt Uigent and bus ne s-liko ever made by ah American convention Republicans concede that the present tariff needs reform. The Democrats go turihO", end indicate how it shall be done. They d> oJare that taxes shall be reduced so that the ocst of the foioign ar icle which comes Into the United Btates in competition, when hers, with the American product shall have that duty levied against it which will till up the gap between the cost of the inrelia article tn the for ign country to make it the equal ot tha Ainer oan article, and which will be so place# that the American laborer may not hare nis wages reduced, but shall have a tart of, not a moiety in, the profits of production. They talk, about the Republican t arty being the friend et the laboring man. Why, the Republican party has always been on the side of monopoly and corporations, and against the workingman. At the Leland Opera House ax-Governor. Walker presided, and Congressman P. A. Collins, of Boston, and Joseph Pulitzer, of New York, addressed the meeting. All the speaker laid special stress on the necessity of administrative reform. Mr. Collins, after showing that Gov. Cleveland was not, as charged, the slave of monopolies, the enemy of 1 .bor, and the foe of the Irish and the Catholics, said: Those of ns who spring from the Irish race are here to stay. Whatever our Irish affiliations may be In American politics, we are Amai leans, pure and simple. We ask nothing on aooount of one race or creed, and submit to i o slight or injury on aocountof either. We are merged la this great nationality sharing the burdens ahd blessing* of the freest people on earth. All wo ask la equality. The man who takes eae ot demands more is no true Amaru an Those who seek to make uaacamori g tl .es, seeking to use American political means to other than American ends, a e merely Inverting KnowNcthlnglsm. and playing upon the .mpulses «f m n for their own i-e.tlsh purpose Whl< h ' f the parties will give ns the best administration? Under which wi 1 the country be moat prosperous at home and respected abroad? Jhe Re üblican party mil t ta id on Its record. Under its ] raoti e we have a reign of < orruption, speculation, aw n lies, panto , st ikes, myriads of idle iianda, labor sixty cents a day in layered Penney vania; our comm roe ha* left the ieas; our diplomacy long since degenerated inte fiunkvyiam; our citizens lio in foreign dungeons with mt redress. James G. Bla no is the fit cand da e fo~ that party. We preter the party that never trailed the American Hag n the duat at home or abroad; the party that stood by the farmer and workingman ana not men poly; the party ot local self-gove nmenr, Individual liberty, pare and economical adminia.ration. It is true, as Mr. Blaine says, that the oountry was very prosperous between 1860 and 1880. It is also true that Mr. Blaine was very prosperous during the same Seriod. It is ui.de stood, however, that ir. Blaine's prosperity was not due to the tariff. A Cleveland club of 100 members bae been form'd at Har an, lowa it being the first Demoo atio club ever organized ia. Shelby County.