Democratic Sentinel, Volume 8, Number 21, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 20 June 1884 — BLAINE’S RECORD. [ARTICLE]

BLAINE’S RECORD.

Charges the Kennebec Man Will Be Compelled to Answer. Always far the Corporations and Always Against the People. A Blustering Demagogue, a Corrupt Lobbyist, and a Pandering Trimmer. Some time previous to the meeting of the National Republican Convention at Chicago, the Daily News, of that city, published a history covering many points in the political career of the “magnetic and aggressive” Maine man, and urging that it was the part of wisdom for the Republicans to nominate a candidate for the Presidency whose record would not need to be explained, denied, or defended throughout the entire campaign. The following extracts are taken from the Daily News article. His Debut in Washington as a Lobbyist. In one of the first letters read by Mr. Blaine in his celebrated theatrical display on the floors of Congress, June 5, 1876, was one which disclosed his questionable connection with some rifle contracts in 1861. Two years before his election to Congreess he appeared in Washington as the agent of the Spencer Rifle Company, saw Cameron, the Secretary of War, and secured the purchase by the Government of 20,009 stadn of arms. This episode in his career is thus spoken of in an editorial in the Chicago Tribune, June 8, 1876.:

“In regard to the Spencer rifle contract, it appears that Blaine, before he entered Congress, entered into a bargain for making a sale to tire Government through Simon Cameron, then Secretary of War, and that he assisted in securing legislation favorable to the gun company, enabling them to escape paying taxes on the arms, after he became a member of Congress. It also appears from his own letters that he took SIO,OOO worth of Spencer rifle stock, for which he gave Fisher his note; that as late as 1872 this note had not been paid, but, in a letter to Fisher in that year, Blaine claimed that the dividends, running through all these years, and embracing his entire Congressional career, had canceled the note, yielded him some thousands of dollars cash, and left Fisher indebted to him some thousands more. It seems that Blaine admits, then, in his own letters that he received the stock without paying cash for it, and that he drew dividends on that stock all the time he was in Congress, and while he was assisting the company in securing legislation to avoid paying their taxes.” Blaine and the Credit Mobiller Frauds. From the time that Mr. Blaine entered Congress he appears to have had a tender side toward all sorts es speculative legislation. It may have been the infirmity of his personal magnetism. His record on railway subsidies would have to be explained, In view of such statements as the following in the Chicago Tribune of June 3,1876:

He entered Congress in December, 1863. At that session the Pacific Bailroad ring proposed the great fraud by which the security to the Government held fo> its previous grants of $64,000,000 of bonds with thirty years’ interest was changed from a first to a second mortgage on the road. Mr. Washburns, of Illinois, thoroughly exposed th s fraujd, and moved to strike out the section making the change. Mr. Blaine voted with the majority against striking out, and the mortgage of the United States, for principal and interest, amounting to over 3100,000,000, became utterly valueless. Mr. Blaine voted for the bill and supported it. From the time of the vote to which this mention refers Mr. Blaine's enemies declare he was the unwavering friend of all railway legislation which sought corportUe advantage at the expense of the national treasury.

Mr. Blaine and Northern Pacific. It will be well for Mr. Blaine’s advocates to make themselves masters of the full details of his connection with the Northern Pacific transaction referred to in the following editorial of the Chicago Tribune, June 8, 1878: In regard to the Northern Pacific transaction, the letters admit that Mr. Blaine was anxious to transfer to Pisher and others a lot of the fictitious stock of that company for 825,000 cash, and gave a receipt therefor. In a letter dated July 3, 1872, about eighteen months after he bad receipted for the 825,000, Blaine writes to Fisher about a general settlement, and among other things says: “First, I am ready to fulfill the memorandum held by you in regard to the Northern Pacific Railroad, as I always have been. Presumably the memorandum referred to is the following: [Confidential.] Boston, Dec. 1, 1870.—Received of Warren Fisher, Jr., $25,000 in trust, in consideration of which I am to deliver to said Fisher properly authenticated certificates of an interest in the North Pacific Railway Company equivalent to one-eighth (H) part of one of the twenty-four (24) principal shares in which the franchise stock of said company are divided. Certificates to be in the name of Elisha Atkins. Witness my hand: J. G. Blaine.

It looks as though Mr. Blaine, for eighteen months at least, had the Northern Pacific Stock at his command. Whether It was not finally delivered because a more favorable «ale was negotiated in another quarter, or because Mr. Blaine at the last decided not to consummate the transaction which he himself had proposed and urged, is not explained. Before preparing their reply a perusal of the following may insure Mr. Blaine’s friends from falling into the pit of ignorance into which William. Walter Phelps tumbled: Augusta, Me., Nov. 25,1870. Mx Dear Mr. Fisher : A year ago and more I spoke to you about purchasing an interest in the Northern Pacific Railroad for yonrself and any you nrght choose to associate with yourself. The matter passed by without my beisg able to control it, and nothing more was said about it. Since then the Jay Cooke contract has been perfected, the additional legislation has been obtained, and 230 miles of the road are well-nigh completed, and the whole line will be pushed forward rapidly. By a stranee revolution of circumstances I am again able to control an interest, and if you desire it you can have it. The whole road is divided into twenty-four shares, of which Jay Cooke & Co. have twelve. The interest I speak of is one-half of one-twenty-fourth, or 1-122 of the entire franchise, being that proportion of the $81,000,000 of stock that are being divided as the road is built and a like proportion of the land company stock that is formed to take and dispose of the 62,000,000 acres of land covered by their grants as amended by the law of last session. The amount of stock which the 1-192 wonld have in the end would be about $425,000, and the number of acres of land it represents is nearly 275,000. The road is being built on the 7.30 bonds, $25,000 to the mile, which Jay Cooke takes at 90. Instead of mortgaging the land they make a stock company for its ownership, dividing it pro rata among the holders of the franchise. The whole thing can be had for $25,000, which is less than one-third of what some other sales of small interests have gone at. Ido not suppose you wonld care to invest the whole $25,000. I thought for a small flyer eight or ten of you in Boston mieht take it—s2,soo each. For $2,500 thus invested you would get ultimately $42,0 -0 stock and the avails of some 27000 acres of land. Five of you at $5,000 each would have a splendid thing of it. “The chance is a very rare one. I can’t touch it, but I obey my first and best impulse in offering it to you. “All such chances as this since Jay Cooke got the road have been accompanied with the obligation to take a large amount of the bonds at 90 and hold them not less than three years. I will be in Boston Tuesday noon, and will call upon you. Of course, if you don’t want it, let it pass. You will receive an Immediate issue of stock to a considerable amount, and certificates of land stock also. Of course, in conferring with others, keep my name quiet, mentioning it 'o no one unless to Mr. Caldwell. I write under the presumption that you have returned, but I have heard nothing. Yours truly, J. G. Blaine. Blaine and Little Rock and Fort Smith. The story of Mr. Blaine's relation to the Little Rook and Fort Smith Railway would engage the attention of his detractors. As told by the Chicago Tribune of June 8, 1878, it is as follows: In regard to the Little Rock and Fort Smith Railroad transaction, it seems that Mr. Blaine undertook to job or dispose of 8130,-

000 first-mortgage bonds for Mr. Fisher, riving along with them the same amount of “common stock” and the same amount of “preferred stock.'*" But Mr. Fisher delivered to Blaine for >IBO,OOC cash >162,500 in firstmortgage bonds, besides >IBO,OOO in landgrant bonds and the common and preferred stock aforesaid. [ln this way Blaine r<x?eived as a commission for selling >82,500 in firsts mortgage bonds >IBO,OOO in land-grant bonds, without paying auv money himself.] The letters already published make two or three references to the bonds due from Fisher to Blaine under this contract. The commission or gratuity received by Mr. Blaine in this transaction would appear to have come from his saving (while Speaker of the House) the bill which renewed the land grant to the Little Book Company attar it had lapsed. Me did this by ruling out, in his capacity as Speaker, the El Paso amendment tacked on by Julian, of Indiana, which would have defeated the original bill, had It gone to the Senate in that shape. Mr. Blaine was careful to point out his service in this matter in a letter to Fisher, dated Oct. 4, 1869, and asking the latter to tell Caldwell (who controlled the enterprise) that he (Blaine) had done him “a great favor.” Some months before, in a letter dated June 29. 1869, Blaine asked Fisher to get Caldwell to make him a definite proposition as to letting him have some interest in this railway enterprise, and added: “If I once embark in it I see various channels in which I know I can be useful." Some of the evidence in regard to this Interesting matter is from the pen of Mr, Blaine himself, and is contained in the following letters:

Augusta, June 29,1869. My Dear Mr. Fishes : I thank you for the article from Mr. Lewis. It is good in itself, and will do good. He writes like a man of large intelligence and comprehension. Your offer to admit me to a participation in the new railroad enterprise is in every respect as generous as I oould expect or desire. I thank you very sincerely for it, and in'this connection I wish to make a suggestion of a somewhat selfish character. It is this: You spoke of Mr. Caldwell's offer to dispose of a share of interest to me. If he really desires to do so, I wish he would make the proposition definite, so that I oould know just what to depend on. Perhaps if he waits till the full development of the enterprise he may grow reluctant to part with the share; and Ido not by this mean any distrust of him. I do not feel that I shall prove a deadhead iu the enterprise If I onoe embark in it I see various channels in which I know I can be useful. Very hastily and sincerely your friend, James G. Blaine. Mr. Fisher, India street, Boston. He returns to the subject a few days later: Augusta, Me., July 2, iB6O. My Dear Mr. Fisiieb: You ask me if I am satisfied with the offer you made me of a share in your new railroad enterprise? Of cotvse I am more than Satisfied with the terms of the offer. I think it a most liberal proposition. If I hesitate at all it is from considerations in no way connected with the character of the offer. Your liberal mode of dealing with me in all our business transactions of the past eight years has not passed without my full appreciation. What I wrote you on the 29th was intended to bring Caldwell to a definite proposition. That was all. Igo to Boston by the same train that carries this letter, and will call at your office at 12 m. If you don't happen to be in, no matter; don’t put yourself to any trouble about it. Yours, J. G. B. After waiting all summer for Caldwell to make a definite proposition he again wrote: Augusta. Me., oct. 4,1889. My Dear 8m: I spoke to you a short time ago about a point of Interest to your railroad company that occurred at the last session of Congress It was on the last night of the session, when the bill renewing the land grant to the State of Arkansas for the Little Hock Hoad was reached, by Julian, of Indiana, Cbaisman of the Public Lands Committee, and by right entitled to the floor, attempting to put in the bill, as an amendment, the Fremont El Paso scheme—a scheme probably well known to Mr. Caldwell. The house was thin, and the lobby in the Fremont interest had the thing all set up, and Julian’s amendment was likely to prevail if brought to a vote. Boot and the other members from Arkansas, who were doing their best for their own bill, to which there seemed to be no objection, were In despair, for it was well known that the Senate was hostile to the Fremont scheme, and if the Arkansas bill had gone back to the Senate with Julian's amendment, the whole thing would have gone on the table and slept the sleep of death. In this dilemma Root came to me to know what on earth he could do under the rnles, for, he said, it was vital to his constituents that the bill should pass. I told him that Julians amendment was entirely out of order, because not germane. But he had not sufficient confidence in his knowledge of the rules to make the point, but he said Gen. Logan was opposed to the Fremont scheme, and wonld probably make the point I sent my page to Gen. Logan with the suggestion, and he at onoe made the point. I could not do otherwise than sustain it, and so the bill was treed from the mischievous amendment moved by Julian, and at once passed without objection. At that time I had never seen Mr. Caldwell, but you can tell him that, without knowing it, I did him a great favor. Sincerely yours, James g. Blaine. W. Fish, Jr., Esq., 24 India street, Boston. So anxious was he at this period for a definite understanding that he could not let twenty-four hours elapse between letters:

Augusta, Me., Oct. 4,1899. My Dear Mb. Fisheb: Find inclosed contracts of the parties named in my letter of yesterday. The remaining contracts will be completed as rapidly as circumstances will permit. I inclose you a part of the Congregeionai Globe of April 9, containing the point to which I referred at some length In my previous letter of to-day. You will find It of interest to read it over and see what a narrow escape yorir bill made om that last night of the session. Of course it was my plain duty to make the ruling when the point was once raised. 11 the Arkansas men had not. however, happened to come to me when at their wits’ ends and in despair, the bill would undoubtedly have been lost, or at least postponed for a year. I thought the point would interest both you and Caldwell, though occurring before either of you engaged in the enterprise. I beg you to understand that I thoroughly appreciate the courtesy with which you have treated me in this railroad matter, but your conduct toward me in business matters has already been marked by unbounded liberality in past years, and of course I have naturally come to the conclusion to expect the same of you now. You urge me to make as much as I fairly can out of the arrangement into which we have entered. It is natural that I should do my utmost to this end. lam bothered by ot> y one thing, and that is definite and expressed arrangements with Mr. Caldwell. lam anxious to acquire the interest he has promised me. But I do not get a definite understanding with him as I have with you. I shall be in Boston in a few days, and shall have an opportunity to talk matters over fully with you. lam disposed to think that whatever I do with Mr. Caldwell must ready be done through you. Kind regards to Mrs. Fisher. Sincerely, J. G. Blaine. W. F., Jr., Esq.

Mr. Blaine and Tom Scott. When the dark appearances and inferences of Mr. Blaine's relations to Northern Pacific and Little Kock and Fort Smith bave been explained, the defenders of the plumed knight can turn their attention to the following which appeared in the Chicago Tribune June 8, 18'6: The Little Kock enterprise having proved disastrous, Mr. Blaine’s friends to whom he soid the bonds came back on him for the money, and Blaine felt himself under obligations to return it, or a part of it; to what extent he returned the money does not appear. But he made the point m a general settlement with Fisher that he bad lost money in this transaction, because he had been obliged to take back some <ff the bonds. Mulligan, who represented Fl-her in this settlement, replied that he understood from Mr. Atkins that Caidwell had relieved him (Blaine) of >75,000 of these bonds by getting Tom Scott to put them off on the Union Paciflio Company for >64,000 in cash. Mr. Ab kins is one of the Directors of the Union Pacific Company, and be has not yet explicitly denied Mulligan's statement. This source might also ex plain why Rollins, the Treasurer of the company, told Harrison, another Director, that Blaine was the beneficiary of the transaction—a statement which KoiAns, under oath, admitted that he hod made, but for which he has never given his authority. The fact that Tom Scott got the bonds from Caldwell, and even Ca dwell's recent telegram to Knott, that Tom Scott's version of the affair was correct, would not deny that Caldwell had taken them back from Blaine or Blaine's friends, to whom they had bsen sold, so that the >64,000 went to relieve Blaine. Mr. Blaine had taken many occasions to show Mr. Caldwell how much he owed to Blaine’s Congressional interference tn behalf of the scheme. Much light has been thrown on this subject since the Tribune'» editorial was written, but thus far it has never been beneficial to Mr. Blaine. Blaine and the Mulligan Letters. As a part of the ante-convention defense of Mr. Blaine it would be well for his apologists to give to the public the tcmalnaer of

the letters which Blaine seized from Mulligan, but refused to read to Congress. If there was nothing injurious to him in the portion suppressed, why were they suppressed, and why was not Mulligan allowed to pretent them to the House in his own way? Upon the manner in which Mr. Blaine became possessed of these letters, the Tribune of June 2, 1876, asys: Mulllaan says that after bls first day’s testimony Blaine sent for him and Fisher; that Fisher went, but that he (Mulligan) refused to go; that Blaine came to him and begged in the most pitiful terms for the letters in his possession, saying that he was a ruined man if he did not get them, almost going on his knees in grief and despair, and even threatening suicide: that he permitted Blaine to read the letters in the presence of Fisher and Atkins; that Blaine subsequently sought him out alone, asked to look at the letters again, and then refused to give them up. * * * The circumstances under which Blaine soughtout Mulligan, and the fact of his obtaining and withholding the letters which were in Mulligan's possession, give a strong color of truth to Mulligan's version of their interview. There is no denying that Bluine should not have sought an interview with Mulll an at all under the circumstances. But he was solicitous and persistent, first sending for Mulligan, then going to him and begging to read the letters, and subsequently, after Fisher and Atkins had gone, obtaining them and refusing to return them. Mulligan also says that Bluine, besides appealing to him in the most solemn and affecting manner, made him a promise of a consulship ff he would say nothing about the letters. This Blaine denies, as he does the assertion that he appealed to Mulligan so piteously and Imploringly os the latter describes. But it is hard to believe that Mulligan wonld manufacture a story of this kind, and the fact remains that Blaine went to him, obtained his letters, and refuses now to return them to Mulligan or give them to the committee. Blaine’s Foreign Policy in I.HTT, On July 4,1977, Mr. Blaine delivered aa oration at Woodstock, Conn., In whloli be criticised the then Mexican policy of our Government. The Government was at that time endeavoring to protect American citizens from outrages committed by persons dwelling upon Mexican soil, and to that end was pursuing the foreign outlaws beyond our own borders In order to effect their capture. MT. Blaine laid down three propositions as the basis of his remarks. First, that the Government was pursuing the outlaws beyond the Rio Grande and punish them, if necessary, upon Mexican soil; second, that there was a purpose to interfere with Mexico under the pretense of supporting a permanent government there; and third, that this would lead to a sort of protectorate over that country. He admitted that the “last two movements were not understood to have the assent and approval of the administration at Washington, those who were engineering the measure not having induced our authorities to go further than the step described in the first proposition’’ In the discussion of the first proposition Mr. Blaine declared that “a similar invasion of Canadian soil would produce war with Groat Britain In sixty days," and upon the other two he made a long argument against the annexation of Mexico. Two days utter this speech was delivered, Friday, July 6, the Chicago Tribune contained a long editorial criticism upon it. ■ It opened with the statement that “the anniversary of national independence is scarcely a proper occasion for the discussion of Government policy, and certainly not the time for utterances calculated to excite sectional animosity.’’ “If we conoedehis premises," says the T ibune, “ we may indorse his generalizations and conclusions: but the essence of his premises is false, and he has sounded a false alarm, merelyfor the purpose of making general observations, which can have no other effect than possibly that of creating some distrust of the administration without warrant.” The paper continues as follows: Mr. Blaine admits that the Government is committed only to the first of these propositions. It would have been fairer, therefore, If he had confined himself to the examination of this one subject, instead of which be devotes himself mainly to the theory of annexation, to which he confesses the Government is not committed and the majority of the people are opposed. Mr. Maine opposes the policy of pursuing the Mexican bandits across the border as aggressive and likely to bring about war. “A similar invasion of Canadian soil,’’ he adds, “would produce war with Great Br.taln in sixty days." Mr. Blaine has got this statement wrong sloe foremost. He should have said that, had Canada tolerated the same sort of brigandage and refused to suppress or punish the pillage of Americans through Maine, Nag Hampshire, New York, Michigan, and along the borders, the United States Government would long since have declared war against Great Britain, and probably by th s time would have controlled Canadian outlaws as inhabitants of Its own country. This Mexican brigandage has been threatening and depredating our borders for years. Protests have been In vain, and all the various Mexican Governments In succession have shown themselves powerless or indifferent. The United States Government has been patient to a degree where patience has ceased to be a virtue.

Blaine’s Opposition to the Force BIIL But while following Mr. Blaine's course tn regard to corporate and speculative legislation, let it not be forgotten that a tow political subjects received his attention which it may be well for bls friends to prepare explanations. It has been charged that Blaine’s course on the force bill would lose him many votes among the colored Republicans throughout the Union. Upon this subject C. A. Smith, an ex-member of the Alabama 1 egislature and Chairman of the Executive Committee of the National Association of Colored Men, in reply to the correspondent of the New York Ttmee, March 4, 1884, spoke as follows when asked what the negroes think of Blaine’s candidacy. They have no use for Blaine. His course on the force bill in the Forty-th’rd Congress (1874—51 will kill him. The colored people all remember that, and so do white Republicans in the South. The general scope of the force bill was to compel the Southern States to accord the negro his rights. Blaine made a fatal mistake when he opposed that bill, and I don’t see how 1 could vote for him If he were nominated. The defeat of the force bill had a very depressing e lect upon Republicans in the South. 1 was a member of the Alabama Legislature then. The Legislature remained in session six weeks longer than the time fixed by law. doing no work, d< awing pay, and awaiting the action of Congress on toe force bill. When t‘ie news of its defeat came one afternoon the Democratic legislators had a glorious drank, fixed up their affairs ne t day to suit, adjourned, called a constitutional convention, and adopted measures that make it impossible tor the Republicans ever to oatry the State. We regard Blaine’s opposition to the force bill as not arising from principle, but actuated by fears that the mea ure would help Gen. Grant in his canvass for a third term. Blaine and the Lobby. It is a truism of political life in Washington that no man who is the uncompromising, vigilant and energetic opponent of all kinds of jobs can become a favorite of the lobby. During his six years’service as Speaker Of the Home of Representatives Mr. Blaine had an op; ortun ty to incur the hostility or win the friendship of the lobby. It is not the purpose of this review to go into the details of his relation with the Washington lobby At the close of bis last term as Speaker ho did not reject or resent t :e public gift from the “King of the Lobby” of a silver cup presented in the pieronoo of the whole Republican House of Representatives. This cup bore the following insoriptlbn: * ; JACOBO G. BLAINE. : ; Persnnat popnll, gorentium moderator- : • iter designate virtutis, sapientiaeque ex- : ; pertoviro. D. D. D. • 8. W. Vestibuu Rex. : OALENDIS MARTH IV, 1875. • A few days later Mr. Sam Ward, whose death has just been recorded, the “Vcstibuli Rea,” or “King of the Lobby,” referring to Mr. Blaine’s services in the Speaker’s chair, said: “Our subject Blaine Is a live man. and has shown bimsetf a true one.” If tne lobby was not correct in its jud~ment of Mr. Blaine's friendship to it, wi 1 his friends explain how it was that Mr. Ward was able to sit down for days after making such an indooent presentation?