Democratic Sentinel, Volume 8, Number 19, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 6 June 1884 — EXTRACT FROM THE TARIFF SPEECH —OFHON. T. J. WOOD, OF IND. [ARTICLE]

EXTRACT FROM THE TARIFF SPEECH —OF—HON. T. J. WOOD, OF IND.

[Contlnuod from last week.] CLASS LKGISLATION. Protection, in substance and almost in form, is a subsidy granted to home industries. — i If Congress donated to the woolen industry 65 per cent, of the value of its annual product, and repeated the donation to all other protected industries, and ordered the same paid out of the public Treasury, it is difficult to see how it would be better or worse than to allow" them to collect the same amount stealthily f om the pockets of the leople by the protective system. 'i he only difference is he method of getting the money. The Government gets money from its people b\ direct taxation and dutfeson imports, substantially the same tiling. The mouop. lists extract money from the pockets of the people by indirect taxation. i he tax in one case is direct, or its equivalent, and in the other case the tax is indirect. In principle ' hey are one and the same thing, effect the same purpose, and differ only in the method of getting the money. Therefore protection is no more, no less, than the grant of a subsidy to certain classes, providing they shall collect the. money from the people in* stead of the Government. The subsidy is granted by Congress, with a roundabout way of collecting it, instead of taking it directly from the Treasury. he Government might as well pay it as to compel the people to pay it by law. ’»he distinction is small. We have one infant industry one hundred and twenty-four years old —the glass-bottle industry.— Congress by law gave it protection of 66 per cent., and this old infant cries for more. It compels the people to pay $6 per gross for bottles that can be imported for $3.60; and it employs Belgian workmen instead of Americans; yet it cries loudly for protection to pay American labor. Pardon me while I cite a few instances of class legislation. A tariff of 48.42 per cent, is levied upon earthen and glassware for the pecuniary benefit of a few manufacturers, and results in taxing 50,000,000 consumers over $14,000,000. Is this class legislation? An import duty of 40.79 per cent, is levied upon certain kinds of iron, steel, and othe* metal manufactures for the pecuniary benefit of the few engaged in that business, and 50,000,000 consumers are taxed over one hundred and twenty millions. L this class legislation? • here is an import duty of 18.37 per cent- on wooden wares, including lumber, for the benefit of a few persons engaged in’ that business, which results in despoiling 50,000,000 consumers of the enormous sum of forty-six millions and a half of money. Is this class legislation? Let me illustrate the abandoned wickedness of this system in another way: A citizen pays an average of $1.50] for the protection of the State and county; he pays sßfor the nominal protection of the Federal Government, and he lays 11 for the benefit of pro* £cted cln A family of ive persons pays for State and county purposes *7.50. For Federal protection, S4O; for favored classes, $55. The citizen, the ordinary family pay more to the protected classes by laws of Congress than they do to the county, State and Federal Government. Statistics show that the industries are worth over five billions of money, while all the farms and their improve

ments are worth ten billions. 1 he industries are worth over half as much as the whole farmland interest of this country, and still they demand high special privileges over everybody else. I appeal to the farmers to unite for their own interest, for it is time they spoke upon this subject. Stronger laws will be enacted in the near future to satisfy the'greed of the protected classes, that will yoke them down like the Hebrew children, and their appeals thereafter for fairness and justice will be scoffed at as mercilessly as the deorees of Pharaoh scourged these children of Israel. In 1883 the iron industry sold nearly twenty-three millions of iron and steel goods to English purchasers, '.'lie woolen industry sold nearly twentyseven millions of woil and woolen goods in England, and the leather manufacturers Bold nearly seven millions of their goods. These sales were made in the home of free trade, the home of so-called pauper labor. When our industries sell nearly sixty millions of manufactured goods in the home of free trade I have i o faith in their cry for labor, and I am convinced they can manufacture these goods as cheaply in this country as they are manufactured in England. England andiother countries have prospered more by the system of barter and exchange of the products of land and labor than by thepayment of metallic money. This system so largely prevailing in their vast commercial relations enables them to keep their metallic currency at home as solid bankable capital. (here is scarcely any limit to trade by a judicious system of exchange, but trade based upon metallic or other currency can not safely far exceed its volume in any country. It forces our currency out of the country. Importers carry away our gold; exchanges could keep it at home. The protective system destroys unlimited trade in exchanges ot commodities.— Our exports of farm and manufactured products call for payment in metallic currency. Commodities will not be taken because our duties stand against them.

It is clear that our foreign trade would grow to great prominence in the commercial relation s of the world which this great country is able to give if the protective system did not stand in the way. This unprocressive system out of the way, the system of exchanges would naturally follow, and this country vrould receive the gold and products of all countries in exchange for our farm and manufactured producis, and every industry wo’dmove with ceaseless activity, and labor would chant thechorusof hard times iio more. Attention is called to the high prices during the war and to their continuance thereafter for several years as proof that Protection had nothing to do with prices, that they are so much 1 >wer now than then, while the tariff remained unchanged. The answer to that is plain. There |was inflation in prices of goods, in real estate and everything else,which was due to the wide difference between the values of metallic and paper currency. After the period of resumption the prices of goods and real estate adjusted themselves to the specie basis, and there has j been no material change since, excluding spasmodic fluctuations. Mr. Chairman, I say with regret that the Republican party l in Congress has far Exceeded | my woist apprehensions in its | measureless subserviency to : the exactions of the monopoTist, and I view with alarm the j class legislation it holds up to the world. The favored class its policy has built up has

become so powerful for oppression that it boldly defies the people in Congress and out ot it- Sir, it is a conflict between right and wrong. This conflict will not cease until the rights of the people triumph. There is no middle ground between right and wrong. • hose who favor revenue reform will stand byffhe Democratic party; those who /favor monopoly must stand against it. The time has come. for this earnest contest. If revenue reform drives old Democrats out of the party, be it so; I can only say “.Farewell, old Democrats.” They ought not remain in the ranks ana stab its vital principles to death under coverjof Democracy. I do not want them to leave us—no, not (me; we need their power and experience in the great battle for reform. I ask them to sacrifice a fraction of their local interests and join the ranks of the old party in this glorious contest. Principle must no longer be sacrificed for policy. The people want to know where we stand; I will stand or fall for tariff reform. In this fight many gx>d Republicans will join our ranks. The Independent vote will bo with us. Here is my platform: An immediate adjustment of the tariff laws, so that none of the people shall be taxed for the purpose of protecting any ■class, and that no more revenue shall be raised from imports than is necessary for the support ofthe Government, economically administered, and the payment of all just obligations. This will satisfy the people all over this laud. I thank the House for its .kindness The Democrats in Congress are willing to give every dollar the country needs for legitimate expenses, but not a cent for Republican jobs for election purposes. Soft Coal Smoke. —■'VVomen'wiioiJTe Dear railroad tracks, or in the vicinity ■Of factories which -tram soft coal, may make clean clothes ilook as clean as'if grass-bleached by panring boiling water over them after they are washed, and letting them soak all night, scalding and rinsing them the next morning. The yellow tint is almost entirely removed by this process.