Democratic Sentinel, Volume 8, Number 18, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 30 May 1884 — Page 8

HON. T. J. WOOD’S SPEECH.

[Continued from Fiist Page.J

my conditions whatever. 1 -peak by the official reports vhen I declare that skilled laoor in Europe is paid as well is American labor, all things )onsidered;and when the manlfacturer says that he wants i tariff to pay labor and that le can not manufacture in his country as cheaply as in England on account of the ligh price of labor, mark it lown that he is untruthful. — 3ut I would give him the cost )f his labor in the tariff. J hat s more than the farmer gets. The average cost of labor is .71 per cent. of the manufactured article. The average ariff now is 42 per cent. Cut lown the tariff tax to 30 per ;ent. for the present. That jives him a large per centage )ver the cost of labor, and with hat he should be satisfied.— Any industry failing with the •ost )f labor donated to it night not survive. The promotion ists, when talking to aboring people, hold up the )oorly paid and pau >er labor ff Europe. \ v hen speaking to farmers they say: “Let us done now; we will soon com)ete among ourselves (which s not probable), then prices vill come down.” If prices lecrease by the promised com>etition among “ourselves,” hen what will they do about he wages ot the poor laborer, or whomflthey have appealed or protection to keep up pri;es so that they could payhim jood wages? The defense of protection is 'ounded upon deception of the People, and any cause that can lot exist without deceit to up10M it ought to go down. -Our Forking people are told that he laboring people of other ountries do not live so well as he American workmen. I hink that is true, but wliat is he , cause of it? The only •ountries in Europe whose inlabibints and resources are nougli like ours for comparion are Belgium, Denmark, Trance, Germany, Great Brit lin, Ireland, and the Netherlands. Their average populaion is two hundred and twen-y-seven to the square mile.— >ur population is fourteen to he square mile by the census f 1880. Making due allo\&nce for uninhabitable regions ixteen .to two hundred and wenty five is a fair compari-

on. Now, no man wants toffie told hat sixteen persons can live >etter off of a square mile of and than -two hundred and wenty-live can. Protection ate try to scare the farmers by tating that their 700,000 workaen will turn farmers and hen farm products will be , r orth nothing on account of verproduction. In the first lace, the industries are not - oing to stop. "Their workien will not leave them Our idustries are able to compete dth any others on the earth, will discuss this hereafter !ut if the workmen did turn irpiers the agricultural interit- would not be .effected Iveiy two or three years sev:al thousand emirant farmers come, scatter all 7er the land, and the farmlg interest is noi disturbed. The wages of the 700,000 optatives in the factories at a > >und figure, $lO per week,lsoo ir yean amounts to $350,000,X) per annum. I said the iople pay over *500,000,000 as * tribute by reason of proteoon. If the people paid these leratives to remain idle, they ",'ould save one or two hu.iii?ed millions annually. A large proportion of the iriff is taken out of the wagjof the workman. That may 3 strange but it is true. Many dustries manufacture notliig but cotton warp and yarn, nother industry manufact;es coloring-matter. There <e high duties upon warp and aril and coloring-matter here are many industries anufacturing cotton cloth .id other forms of cotton iods, and their owners buy e cotton warp and yarn or read am pay the duty thereu The uuty paid, or a prortion of it, if not all, comes tof the wages of the operives who make the cloth.— hy? Ii this instance (he irp ar.d yarn are equivalent raw material, and. the wag•of 1 abor are a! ways gauged i

by the cost of raw material If . the raw material is enhanced in price by high duties, then labor must be cut down, for the manufacturer will not cut down his profits. Again, one industry makes pig-iron, another buys the pig-iron, and pays the price with the duty added, and manufactures iron and steel blooms, on which high duties are also levied. — These blooms are purchased by the owner of another industry at Indianapolis, and he pays high duties on the price of the goods, and by the labor of his m3n manufactures from these biooms iron and steel goods of every description.— Here the iron and steel blooms are equivalent to raw material, and it is made expensive by high tariff duties, ihe increased cost of the raw material or its equivalents by high protective duties is taken out of the wages of the men. Our workman may get a small percentage more wages than is paid in England, but he works faster and more hours than the Englishman; so, in fact, he is no better paid than they are. Then protection takes a part of his wages back when he buys his groceries and his clothing, which the Englishman does not pay. I fail to see what advantage the English manufacturer has over the American. The chief

import from England is cotton and woolen goods. The English manufacturer buys our cotton and wool and imports them free of duty, and pays no more for them than our domestic manufactures pay. In other words, the American manufacturer buys wool and cotton at home tor the same price as the Englishman, and these home raw materials are chiefly used in the domestic manufacture of cotton and woolen goods. It is safe to say that our class and quality of -wool and cotton can not be purchased any cheaper in any other counti y, or the English manufacturer would not buy them here, but buy them cheaper els where,|if he could; so these gi it home raw materials cost tl American manufacturer i mor-e than they cost the Er ishman And here again the h ne market fails to consume our cot ton. The disadvantage is on the side of the Englishman.— He pays ,the charges of shipment to England and again pays the charges of shipment to New York of the manufact-

ured article. The American manufacturer has the advantage of the English manufacturer in the cost of these raw materials, when you include as part of the cost of them the expense of shipment to England and back again to our ports in manufactured form. I have shown there is no material increased cost of labor in the American industries; the only difference in the rate of wages arises from the fact that the American works more hours and does more work, and therefore earns the slight difference. American capital is abundant and offers as cheaply as English capital. Our manufacturing machinery is modern and better than any in Europe. Our labor is as skilled and better than that of any other country. Our home markets are equally as good. The per capita tax in England is *14.53. In the United States it is *12.8f. Our manufacturers have the advantage of the Englishman in the amount of taxation. If we had free trade our manufacturers could more than hold their own, and they kn it very well. Clearly, a moderate tariff will amply protect them. We want no tree trade, but reform in the tariff. Jhe first protective tariff was enacted in 1789. It provided for an average duty of 8i percent., to continue only seven years, to give “infant industries a start.”

Our fathers were not strong protectionists >he present tariff duties average nearly 48 per cent., and we" are nearly one hundred years from the economic times of the old “founders.” They had just passed through the baleful experience of the class favoritism of the English crown and were not wiling- to establish this hated principle in American institutions. They saw, as we will s<Je, that protection i is the worst foe to American i bor. There must be a market for the products of labor, or

it will suffer. Labor is of no value if its products can not be sold. Therefore laboring men are directly concerned in large markets for the sale of labor’s products. In this respect their interest is identi cal with that of the American farmer. England, France and Germany send the products of their laboring men all over the world for sale. When labor’s product sells the laboring man is kept employed. Soourmanufact rers should, like the farmer, seek the markets of the world. Protection will not allow them to do 1 his. Other nations say to America, “Take off the high charges you put upon our products and we will trade with you. We are not going to trade with you unless you will trade with us.” This situation is perfectly natural. In another way the interest of the laboring man is identical with that of the farmer. If our protective policy is continued we will lose the foreign markets for our surplus farm products, and as a consequence the farmer will stop producing any surplus.— The result will be dearer bread and meat at home, the life food for the laboring man. Protectionists advise less farmers and no surplus for foreign markets. Agriculture is the dominant business in America- Limit the great surplus, and you cannot avoid dear bread and meat to the non-producer, and this result would strike hard, very hard, at the wood, iron, and steel industries, for this business chiefly consumes the wood manufactures and the iron and steel goods. No surplus would also cut off the flow of millions of dollars of foreign gold and commodities to this country, and our channels of trade would lose a potent pow • er, and all business would recede into nairower circles. A full foreign trade is an element of national strength. 11 i s large and rapid exchanges of the world’s commodities, large consignments ooming in and equally large ones going out, ever enlivening the channels of trade to the invaluable benefit of labor and the producer.

A PROTECTIVE TARIFF IS UNCONSTITUTIONAL. Mr. fTiaiiiiiau, I oppose protection upon tlie ground th.U. it is class legislation. The Federal Constitution gives no power to Congress to favor one class of our people over all otuers. The only power it confers upon congress is to make laws to raise revenue. A greater power has been assumed, it is true, for the purpose of protection. This oflensive doctrine, carried to its legitimate end, transforms this government into a Darental institution scarcely less abhorrent than the repulsive governments of Eu» rope. The best minds tlmro are drawn to th» side of the prevailing government by official favoritism, which is the act of the government itself. Class favoritism is universal in all the old governments of the East, and it nas always been so. The founders of our government knew this well, and they put a limitation upon it in the constitution. The limitations are that duties shall be levied for revenue, not tor protection; and that the States of the Union shall not levy duties upon trade and commerce Tlye articles of confederation left the power to the States to leyy duties for any purpose, be it protection or revenue.— When the constitution was formed this general newer was tra isferred to the general government and limited to duties to raise sufficient revenue. A duty is essentially a tax. It is fixed aud levied by the law itself At least it is analogous or equivalent to a tax, and the legal rules governing taxation would apply to duties levied aud collected. It is settled by judicial decisions that a tax can not be levied and collected for any other than a public purpose. The principles discuss-.d in the tax cases leave the judicial mind little doubt that they would be applied to the question of duties levied aud collected if it should ever come bes fore the courts.s {ln the case of Loan Association vs. Topeka (20 Wallace, 663, 661, an 2 605) chief-justice Miller said:

["opy of Supreme gjourt decision.]; Of ail the powers conferred upon Gov erument that of taxation is most liable to abuse. Given a purpose or object for which taxa'ion may be lawfully tisid and the extent of its exercise is in its very nature unlimited. It is true that express limitations on the amount of tax to bp levied or the tilings to be taxed muy be imposed by constitution or statute, but iu most instances for which tax*' es are levied, as the support of the government, tli% prosecution of war, the national defeuso, any limitation Js unsafe, she entire resources of the people slic'd m some instances be at the disposal of Hie govern nivtii. Vi e p.., V er t-> tax is therefore the str,.V .„ ;t ]»ei adtug ol ail Ha* ;n.■. i-,i, goveiiituent, reaching directly or iaUireotiy to all classes of the people. . & was said by chief justice Marshall, in the case of Mc-ulloch vs. The Slate ol Maryland, that the power tc tax is the power to destroy. A striking instance of the truth the proposition is seen in the fact that the tax of 10 per) cent, imposed by the United Stateg on the circulation of all other banks th.au the national banks drove out of existence every fatafe hank of circulation within a year ! or two after its passage. Phis power can as readily he employed ugainst one class of individuals ns in favor of another, ! 80 as to ruin the one class and give mis ]invited wealth and prosperity to (he oth cif>u (iisie ao implied ot <

the uses for which the power may bo exercised. To lay with oue hand the power of the Ooveanment on tne property of the citizen, ani with the other to bestow it upon favored individuals to aid private enterprises and build up private fortunes, is none the less a robbery because it is done under the forms of law and is called taxation. This is uot legislation. Tt is a decre under legis'ative form . * * * We have established, we think beyond cavil, that there can be no lawful tax which is not laid for a pub-ie purpose. It is undoubtedly the duty ot the Legislature which imposes or authorizes municipalities to impose a tax to that it is uot to be used tor purposes of private interest instead of a public Use, and the courts can only be justified in interposing when a violation of this principle is clear and the reason for its interference cogent. And io deciding whelier in the given case the object for which Ihe taxes are assessed falls upon the one side or the other of this line, they must be governed mainly by the course and usage of the Government, the objects for which taxes have been customarily and by long course of legislation levied, what objects or purposes have been considered necessary to the support and for the proper use of the Government, whether State or mus nicipal. hateyer lawfully p ruins to this and is Sanctioned by time and the acquiesence of the people may well be held to belong to the public use and proper lor the maintenancejgot good government, though this may not be the only criterion of rightful taxation. But in tbe case before us, in which the towns are authorized to contribute aid by war ot taxation to any class of inauu facturers, there is no difficulty in holding that this is not such a public purpose as we have been comidering. If it,;be said . that a benefit results to tlie local public of a tofrn by establishing manufactures, the same may be aid oi any other busi ess or pursuit which employs capital' or labor. Ihe merchant, the mechanic, the inn-keeper, the banker, the builder, the steamboat owner are equally promoters o tbe public good, and equally deserving tbe aid of the citizens by forced contributions. No line can be drawn in favor of the manufac.urer which would rot open the coffers of the public treasury to the importunities of two-thirds of the business men of the city or town. This position is supported by other courts of the highest character. in the case of the inhabitants of Jay. 60 Maine. 124,fjis declared the same doctrine. In the case ot Lowell vs. city of Boston the supreme court of Massachusetts asserts the same rule. In the case of Jenkins vs. Anderson, 103 Massachusetts, 74, the same doctrine is fully recognized. The same principles are stated in Curtis vs. Whipple by supreme court of Wisconsin,

R. P. BENJAMIN, Having purchased the stand of F. L. Cotton, will keep constantly on hand a full and complety supply of Lumber, Lath, Shingles, windows. tofiS sli. Etc., HARD & SOFT GOAL. My stock has been bought for cash, and I can offer superor inducements to cash buyers. Please call before going elsewhere. Rensselaer Ind., Dec. 7,1883.

coWe would most respectfully announce that we now have a mplete line in new styles of FURN I'T U EX Pailoi and Chamber sets Cottage sets, Walnut and common beds, Mattresses and Springs, Book Cases, Ward robes, Bureaues, Marble and wood top stands and Tables, Easy Chairs Cane-seat and wood chairs, Kitchen furniture, Safes, <fec.— mmrmm, Carpets, Floor and Table cloths. Rugs, Ottomans, Foot-rests, \ i mdow-shades, Queensware, Table and Pocket cutlery Plated Spoons, and many Novelties on our COUNTER. Undietaking department Our Ur.derfrkir.g Per>:U t*, c „-. • u r ' - the best stoc It to be found ii : - conn! • [ ' of Burial 8A..:, JA, f, up. • ' ‘L <Y C/BnAV B n/%-,-<■ rr ... |. [.

24 Wisconsin, 350, and in the subsequent case of Whitney vs. Fond du Lac the same principle is considered and reaffirmed. The s e cases declare the doctrine to be that taxation can be imposed for public purposes only.fcjProtection means taxation for Individual purposes. It means taxation of all the people for favored classes. If this power exists in the constitution, then I submit It can not be withheld in any instance. If this power exists con gress has no discretion whatever | n the premises but to obey the constitu iopjami what is the logical result’ Ail that is necessary is for some person to start some business that does not pay, and of Itself never wilt pay, then come to congrass, command it t<> obey the constitution, get high protective duties imposed equivalent to a high lie-.r tn stop the world’s competition, and compel his t.eighb.es to pay him tribu'e. If the power to deal out protection exists it most De dealt out to all who may ask for it in any kind <>f business. 8 icli a enuslr-n-fiou' of the constitution destroys ihe verv object of t ii 3 G -verbment—equality of the citizen before the law. No reasonable being will hardly take this view of the Constitution.

Khcv.’n to Fen of Fame and Science ret Rtw.-Ps ALL IMPURITIES CFIHE BLo*n. ActaowlsSgod&Orani,Heaaai, sad Krfcat(vt CONSTIPATION, IWSPFPQIA known by irregular nn-e----u 1 v rt - r v in ) t.im T sour belching, wv’ieijt and tenderness at pit of stomach, despondevVv. j 11/CD Complaint, Biliousness. Malaria, C-.i-ls ! * Ln Fcrer, causing soreness in tack and rTS7 also bottom of ribs; weariness, irritability, tongue coated, skin yellow, hot and coid sensations,eyes dull,dry cough,stifled and obsti noted feeling, irregular pulse, bad colored sto.-h-APfiP! FYY Epilepsy,l*ar«sysls,diu uri *‘* A * tsight sound in ears, giddiness, confusion in head, nervousness, flashes of light before eyes, los3 of memory. Diseases of IVrwMer ami KIDNEYS urine darker light, rod der-i-ui; a burning, stinging,hearing down sensations, frequent desire to urinate, unwlnc. v inflamed eyes, dark circles, thirst. SMmpm*-» 04' HFAPT Bevere pains* fluttering or vv:.i r" r nc.y'tn I » heart, moro so on moving.quivliU ».*. 1 when lying on left side; out of breath on cr.ertioa. HE AD ACHE, evil” & lli-op-y is caused by watery fluid. Rltennni. tisin, de., by "rio acid in Mood. f'<> r t) orders by corrupt matter. Worn;-; ■ ij within. (ioftia by choking oi th; ’so - ' StVATKE’S by gen tie action, remove* the cause, making a permanent cure. Sent by vi» *1 it.t 25 cents bos of 3d Fills; 5 boxes. $4.00. (ill > stamps.) Address, l)B, SIVAYNK '' jbi)K, Pa, Sold by Dragging.

THE INDIANA STATE SENTINEL! & inmu at An uncompromising enemy of Mono polios ib whatever form appearing and especially to the spirit of subsidy & embolied m the present Tunvirr y.L e ™, THE BENTJNEL U i;‘-heLoS leading Democratic newspaper of the Bfate. Many new and approved feat ores have been introduced, making Bin all respects a u » 1110 Supekiok 8-Page 56 Column Paper: '

This Enlarged Edition will be furnish postage free, at ONE DOLLAR Market n'l anße * The Oimmeroial at. NPr wi?? Bof she Weekly Sum and Hhme ne° n \ Pl6te - 1,8 1 *riculiur• and Home Departments are in the be t feature^’ln W h‘ - he a d'stinguishit; teat ure. In a word, in its news its ectoriaL, literary, miseeliany, and in iu general reading, it shall not beVurDMrtl by any paper circulated itl tll e Sffite H W cir b o e ie part ]sro !hinV dB1)led 10 the tauii can afford to lhl » <UI « man in State rinellc ° ,T ltilout tlie Weekly SenDished thG Sma C ° Pt at which U * B fur ' sure^rh F^TINEL ’ in additi °n to ite supenority. is moreover an Indiana PaImiiinluf 1° aDd esi,ecial] y represents w s fi f 6818 ' poHtieal and other. ' ; ° t orc, p Paper wll, or can do, over rh g ; theref l ,re ' to preference over , he papers of other States, and we ask Democrats to bear this in mind, a id Selh-t Their Own State Pawse When they come to take up subscrip t.ons and make up clubs.

THE IMPENDING CONFLICT. The recenr elections have revealod political conditions which will, without nSf iwu ke t,ie Pro Biden tial election next fall the greatest political conflict of onr history. It is due to huthtosay that the conditions slr-wn are such that each p&vtv may reasonably ho'iove that it can succeed by a mighty effort. Here in Indiana, as hi ’76 and ’BO be enacted a mighty struggle. The corrupt party which has been for nearty a generation fattening U .„ HI gpollg and plunder, will go from its long poa* session of a Oanaan flowing with the milk and honey of spoils, only when ft uas exhausted ite utmost endeavors to stay jhe (Inrntry is no stranger to the character and variety of means brought into requisitions whero Republican monopolists, bosses and plunderers united* ly make an effort. Fellow Democrats, there are conditions upon which we may reasonably reckon a probable success. These conditions, and theyfare the only ones, are a united and great effort. Every SHOULDER TO THE WHEEL! ' Even now the conflict 1S in the air.— Ihe oentmel will contribute its best effort to the end of a grand Democratic viclorj’. Its work can be best done when a weekly visitor to every Democratic home hence we ask to become such a visitor’ and add that now is the time for everv Democrat in the State to subscribe for the Sentinel.

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