Democratic Sentinel, Volume 7, Number 32, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 7 September 1883 — MONEY INPOLITICS. [ARTICLE]
MONEY INPOLITICS.
The story of treachery, falsehood, cant, hypocrisy and ingratitude exposed by ex-Sena-tor Dorsey—himself a frank, fearless, plucky man—is revolting enough. But how Garfield and Foster cheated John Shermafi, who himself cheats everybody he deals with; how the Stalwarts were deceived; how James glayed double, and how Gareld’s brief career as President was foul with unclean intrigues, are matters of concern only to the politicians. What interests the public is the evidence supplied by the ex-Secretary of bie Republican National Committee of the use of money as a corrupting power in she election of a President of the United States, in the formation of a Cabinet and m appointments to the Supreme Court bench. Mr. Dorsey reiterates what he has before asserted, that $400,000 was spent to purchase 9 1 Indiana in 1880, that a big campaign fund”
was® the instrumentality by which New York was secured by the Republicans; that the position of Secretary of the Treasury was sold in advance to Le vi P. Morton, Chairman of the campaign Finance Com- ; mittee and personally a heavy subscriber, although he was afterwards put off with the French|Mission; and that SIOO,000 was contributed by “two of the greatest monopolists in New York, Jay Gould and C. P. Huntington,” in consideration of a pledge that “Stanley Matthews should go ai the earliest opportunity on the Supreme Court bench?’ What a record does this make up for the Republican Party! A President elected by the power of money. Cabinet offices sold in advance to a millionaire banker who subscribed to and raised the corruption fund. A seat on Hie bencn of the Supreme Court of the United States bartered away to monopolists vitally Interest- , ed in suits before the Court, for SIOO,OOO. The use of money as a purchasing power in elections is the great danger now threatening republican government. A republican government means the sovereignty of the popular will. An election controlled by money is not an election by the people. It puts in power men who represent the monopolists and corruptionists who'have elected them by unlawful and abhorrent methods.
Garfield was President, and his closest friends tells how he was made President by the corrupt use of money. Chester A. Arthur is President, and everybody knows that he managed every detail of the New York campaign in 1880. He persuaded Morton to give money toward the election and to become Chairman of the Finance Committee which raised the great corruption fund. Artliur controlled the expenditure of the money in this State. He directed the course of the “golden stream from Stevenson’s bank. He was the head of the New York machine — the chum of the ward strikers throughout the city. He enjoyed as Vice-President, he enjoys now as President, the fruits of the fund raised by the sale of Cabinet offices and Supreme Court Judgeships. Stanley Mathews sits on the Supreme Court bench. He owes his high office to money. In the Senate of the United States are men who owe their positions to purchase. Their millions and not their merits made them Senators. . Was Woodpulp Mille.’feelected by honest means the choice of the people of New York? Let the trial of the indicted “Lo” Sessions, if it ever comes off, furnish the reply.— Palmer, Sabin, Fair, Tabor, Bowen, Hill—were they chosen for their ability, their representative character, their experience in legislation, or are they Senators of the United States because they purchased the offices with their suddenly acquired money? This terrible evil of the purchasing power of money is felt to-day m all offices, and, unfortunately in all parties. The question: How much assessment can a man afford to pay? is now the important one in elections. No one is thoughtof for office, in most cases, unless he is rich enough to stand the enormous expense of a campaign, and, unfortunately, many do not resist the temptation of doing all they can to reimburse themselves after they get into power. Ex-Senator Dorsey’s disclosures may be prompted by revenge or by indignation at the ingratitude of those he has served; but he is entitled to credit for having by his plain i speaking pointed out the evil i and opened the eyes of the , people to the methods of the • parry which hasjso long held on to power.—N. Y. World.
