Democratic Sentinel, Volume 7, Number 29, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 17 August 1883 — DORSEY AGAIN. [ARTICLE]

DORSEY AGAIN.

He Repeats the Story that Two High Offices Were Bought by Monopolists. Loyalty to Grant Alone Stood in the Way of Conkling’s Nomination at Chicago. If Any One Denies It, Dorsey Says He Will Prove He Was Offered a Cabinet Position. The New York Sun prints a lengthy interview with ex-Senator Ehrsey, held at his home in Mountain Spring Ranch, New Mexiea He says he was surprised at the publication of his so-called “Revelations,” recently published, and that he neither wrote nor inspired the article. He is always ready to be responsible for whatever he says, and when he goes into print, he added, he will do so over his own name. Furthermore, he wished to deny the article in question because there was so much in it complimentary to himself that it looked as if he himself had been responsible for the praise. Mr. Dorsey did not object to the article on account of any errors in it After having it read to him he had come to the conclusion that it was true. In the course of his remarks to the Sun's correspondent, in speaking of the Chicago Republican Convention, Mr. Dorsey says Roscoe Conk ing could have been nominated had he so much as lifted his finger. The whole Grant vote could have been transferred to him, and there were prominent gentlemen representing Slates opposed to Grant who went to Dorsey and to Arthur and promised to go with them if they would drop Grant and take up Conkling. Dorsey told Conkling that his nomination could be consummated if he would allow them to make the combination, but Conkling said he was sent terete for Grant and he would do sp, w , j THE FIFTH-A VENUE CONFERENCE. In speaking of the Fifth-avenue-confer-ence Mr. Dorsey said: “The minor details' of that meeting are of no great conseI quenoe. It is the single bottoßrfact that I should be known. It seempfl to me, after I had been put in charge of the committee.that the outlook pointed to 'some trouble in New York. Hayes had given tjie Republicans of that State a terrible dose of thecroton oil of power. It was not thought by Mr. Conkling nor by Gen. Arthur that it was worth while for them, upon the implied promise of a florid party that they should have their services recognized, when, sauce had for four years been .thrown, ltd their party friends, but no meat, to turn the ; wheels so that the mud should stick to them. In plainer English, the Stalwart Republicans of New York believed that if they had to do the heavy work of the campaign , there ought to be a positive pledge and I promise of recognition for what they did. Nobody was so loud-mouthed and persistent in this matter as the man who is now President Mr. Conkling took no part whatever in these discussions on this matter. Arthur and George Bliss were the running mates of that splendid defalcation. I had all I could do to perfect the arrangements for the meeting. It seemed to me that champagfie and idiocy were the ruling spirits among some New York politicians Late hours and moral and intellectual debauchery were telling their story in the varnished faces of some of these leaders. But I finally persuaded Garfield to pome to New York to meet these Stalwarts. Garfiield s executors must have my letters. These will show whether lam overstating it or not. At that conference were Morton and Arthur, Thomas C. Platt, John H. Starin, and a very wealthy New York gentleman not prominent in politics, whose name I will not now mention. Gov. Cornell was also there. I was present far the reason that they met in my room, and for the further reason that Garfield desired that I should ba ”

MOBTON. “What was the purpose of the conference?” “I do not desire to reflect upon the living or dead, but history is history, and it may be of service to the country to tell it Therefore I say that the sole purpose of that meeting was to induce the Republicans of New York to believe that they were not to be cheated as they had been before. ” “The great party had come to that, then?” “Well, that 'was the object of the meeting.” “Was there any agreement made there to which Gen. Garfield, as the candidate, became a party?” “Why, certainly,” said the ex-Benator, in most vigorous utterances. “It was agreed point blank and promised as the price of the support of »hese New York Republicans that Levi P. Morton was to be made Secretary of the Treasury in the event of Garfield's election. There can be no possible question of denial of that. The persons whom I have already named above must bear witness to the truth of this statement. Senator Plumb, or Kansas, can bear witness, and from Garfield s own talk with him. I know it is a convenient way now of answering me to say that Ido not say what is true. I tell you that Mr. Morton was pledged in the presence of those gentlemen the Treasury portfolio, and that j ledge was violated, and 1 don't care three tigs for any contradiction. The fact remains, and I don’t think any friend of Garfield will attempt to deny it. I see that Swaim seems to be swift now in denials. Perhaps he wou’d like to have me tell the story of his avarice and pretensions. I will not dp it just now. I don’t care to dig up a sprig when I’m getting at a tree.” -How about the promise to allow a syndicate of New York bankers to control the refunding of the bonds?” “Weik there isn’t any doubt about the practical tiuth of that statement I know by that arrangement we pulled the pinfeathers out of one man in New York who had been getting rich at the Government crib, and who refused to contribute anything. He’s a prominent banker, not far from Wall street ” STANLEY MATTREWB. “Now, Senator, is it true that a trade was made with Garfield by Jay Gould and 0. P. Huntington to secure the appointment of Stanley Matthews for Assocate Justice of the Supreme Court, and that the consideration was the payment of a very large sum into the treasury of the National Committee?” “Well, as to that, I will say that Garfield being dead and the men be left behind being many of them liars, I hardly care to trench upon the grass-plot of a grave or upon the eager ear of falsehood, still I think it just to be just I think it wise to be truthful Men are living who can defend the dead if they care or dare to. I will say, then, po-itively, emphatically, that the trade intimated by the Sun is true in all its substantial features I say categoricaly that Garfield promised the two greatest monopolists in New YorkJay Gould and C. P. Huntington—that Stanley Matthews should go, at the earliest opportunity, upon the Supreme Bench, and he agreed, if the vacancy occurred before he was inaugurated that he see to it that Hayes made tee appointment. The interested parties who seemed anxious to control the Supreme Bench promised the Garfield campaign fund SIOO,OOO. They paid their money and got their man ” “Do you speak of your own knowledge?” “Why, of course, and 1 hardly think the parties to that arrangement will make any aeniab It is absolutely true. ” “How do you know wps money was paid?” “One of the most eminent men in New York brought it to me in Indianapolis.” “Mr. Thomas C. Platt?” “Since you name him, he was the man. I turned the money over to Mr. Ed Stephenson, who is now, I believe, the President of a bank on Sixth avenue, in New York. I told him we didn t need so large a sum in Indiana, and adv.sed him to take a part of It back to Gov. Foster in Ohio. Forty thou-

sand dollars was kept for Indiana and the rest went to Ohio. I want to say right here that I never received or paid out a penny during the whole campaign. At the commencement I had wit enough to remember ber the eunuchs of criticism. ELECTION FUND?. The conversation between Mr. Dorsey and his interviewer then passed on to the Indiana and New York so-called election fund. “You say a large sum was raised and i brought to you. The necessary implication is that this was partially obtained from Jay Gould and C. P. Huntington in consideration of the appointment of Matthews. ” “Well, you must draw your own inferences. I think on the,whole that Mr. Gould, Mr Huntington, and a prominent editor of New York could answer your question better than 1 can As I never sold an office, nor bought a Cabinet Minister, nor paid a price for election to public office, I cannot answer so well Well, let that go. There was spent In Indiana about $400,030, not a nickel of which oame into my hands The Republican organization there was as good as it could be, and the credit of It is due to John G New and CoL W. W. Dudley. What I eld was simply supplementary to their work. All of this money was paid out by Mr. Stephenson and Mr. Dillon.” ARTHUR. Speaking of the “Dear Hubbell” letter, Mr. Dorsey skid, among other things: “Why nothing, nothing was left undone to raise the fund that Gen. Arthur thought necessary to secure the election of the ticket We left no stone unturned. We wanted money, and we got it I will say right here that of all the men with whom 1 have come in contact in public life, Gen. Arthur is one of the most obtuse. I do not th nk he hai been faithSil to his friends. He is trusted least by those who know him best, and if it were proper to go into the details of the private Hie of a public man—well, Gen. Arthur’s old friends in New York can sufficiently decorate him in that regard.” JAMES AND MACVEAGH. In regard to Garfie d’a alleged dissatisfaction with Postmaster General James and Attorney General MacVeagh, Mr. Dorsey says: “Garfield, after a good deal of wobbling. had determined upon the early removal of both. .If he had not been shot the day he was, within a week other parties would have taken MacVeagh's and James’ portfolios. I think he had determined to appoint Gen. Beaver, of Pennsylvania, Attorney General, and would have been glad to appoint Tom Platt, of New York, Postmaster General, hoping that this wdmd heal the breach in New York- MacVeagh’s treatment of Blaine and of William E. Chandler was so infamous that there Was-only one* of two altematlvealeft—either MacVeagh 'had Wjo out or Blaine had.” In- concluding this interview, Mr. Dorsey says; business of Rooertsana appointment was another rape on honesty. We might go on fowmonths in tfils Way, showing whatwa* agreed, and the faithless banner in which each promise was carried .put. Arthur himself, if he can phase the ghost of Garfield from the White House, CoL Dudley, Tom Platt,' Jay Gould, G‘ P. Huntington, Mr. Vanderbilt, and Mr. August Kuntz, can all verify these little anecdotes I name, them; I make my statements; I have given names and places. You will see it these are denied. You know, however, that a million dollars are always timid. So far as I am concerned my bank account with all these gentlemen is balanced.” THAT CABINET POSITION. Mr. Dorsey’p attention was then called to Gov. Foster’s recent denial that Garfield ever offered Dorsey a Cabinet place, Mr. Dorsey said: “When Foster, or Swaim, or anybody else says that Gen Garfield only offered me a Cabinet place to make me ‘ feel good,’ and with the expectation that I would decline it, they simply state what is untrue., Gen Garfield urged me in the strongest terms over and over again to accept a place in the Cabinet When I declined ft, as I did repeatedly, and, as my letters, now probably held by Swaim, will show, Garfield was amazed. I say that he urged with all sincerity that I come into the Cabinet. I say that 1 declined. If anybody cares to deny that now, we will give them proofs. ”