Democratic Sentinel, Volume 7, Number 22, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 29 June 1883 — ANOTHER OPEN LETTER-NO 12. [ARTICLE]

ANOTHER OPEN LETTER-NO 12.

[The Indianapolis News.] Hon. Stanton J. Peelie: I am indebted to you, or some friend of your*, for a copy of the “American Protectionist” of June #. This paper Is the pig-iron organ of the country. Its editor is now in deep tribulation. He has information that nine-tenths of the “professors” who teach political economy in our schools and colleges are free traders, and that they are corrupting the youth of the land by|teaching that laws which give the people’s money to a favored few are not good laws. These theorists did not belieye as Mr. Greeley did, that Jit would be a blessed thing for eur country if it were encircled with an impassable aer of fire; nor do they indone Mr. Henry (7. f/'fir.-y’s opinion that all foreign wars are a blessing to our |>eoplc. Th* editor, wl.o gauges everything by the pig-iron standard, sees that the pjg iron politicians will have stormy times when aii the educated young men take issuo with them. He propose* a novel remedy. It is this: Let the founders of professorships and contributors to their suppoit see that their benefactions are not perverted to the service of the propagandism of anti Ameri can doctrines.”: That won’t mend matters. Suppose you put a pig-iron professor in his chair, with his pig-iron protection text-books, a class of bright young men who have access to libraries can floor him at every recitation. You must make more thorough work. How would this do? Make it a cause of expulsion from College for a student to talk back at his Professor; appoint Committees to exam ine College libraries and burn all books and papers which even squint in favor of free trade. Persecution to be effective must be thorough, and nothing but sweeping measures can root out tree trade heresies which find lodgment in the minds of intelligent people. Tarring and feathering colporteurs who traveled m the South with Northern newspapers in their gripsack didn’t help the slavery cause.— Imprisoning ladies for teaching slaves to read the Bible, murdering Lovejoy for Srinting an anti-slavery newspaper, and anging John Brown for obeying the golden rale as he understood it, did not stay the tide of fanaticism. The human reason revolted at slavery. The poets, the Professors, the bright young men at the Colleges were writing and talking in favor of liberty—Just as they are now talking in favor of free trade, and it is not surprising that the pig- it on editoi is alarmed at the prospect. What astonishes me is to see some of the leaders of the great Republican party trying to array that party against the intelligent judgment of the civilized world on this paraamount issue. The Democrats have the advantage. They have had such foolish leaders, and have been so wicked and unpatriotic during the last twenty years, that it Is almost impossible tor them to do anything that will not be an improvement on their past conduct. And the Republican party, growing careless after so many brill ian; successes, is in danger of drifting into a false and pernicious policy which may alienate the intelligence of the country from its support. I beg of you to ponder the fact stated by the pigiron editor that nine-tenths of the College Professors of the land who teach politi cal economy are corrupting the youth by tilling their minds with free trade heresies. it will be a new experience for old Republican stumpers to go about the country denouncing our schools and colleges as anti-American institutions. You may see no cause for alarm in the present attitude and tendency of our party. I do. The party must cease to be used as a mere money making instrument in the hands of the rioh monopolists who swarm about Washington whenever Congress is in session. If it be the desire or purpose of some of our leaders to make the Re*« publican party a Whig party, and ally it with the rich and powerfulfclasses, let the mask be thrown off. Sooner or later the masses will discover the deceptions put upon them in the name of protection.— What they want is more liberty and less restriction. They are bent on having what John Bright declared a day or two ago in Manchester to be ‘‘the inalienable right of every American to buy in the cheapest markets ot the world.” Shut out o. foreign markets by retaliatory laws—our mills and factories closed and workmen idle beoause laws are passed prohibiting the importation of raw mate-rial-labor insufficiently paid under protective legislation which was enacted under stress of war—nearly halt of the blast furnaces out of blast because tariff bounties giving fictitious values have encouraged the establishment of so many furnaces that the markets are glutted and there is no sale for their produet—manufactur. ers locking out workmen and workmen striking for higher wages—a surplus accumulating in the Treasury from unnecessary taxes levied upon the food and clothing oi the overtaxed poor—something is very wrong somewhere, my brother, you may be sure. These things have come to pass under our existing tariff laws. I think the tariff legislation is mainly responsible for their existence. Your remarks*to the wool growers a few days ago remind me of the short speech of an Indiana wool grower which was delivered to the American Agrieultural Association which met in Chicago last winter. A pig-iron professor of the name of Denslow, who is a small fraction of the oue-tenth of American Professors who teach the American philosophy, made an address, in which he attempted to show that sheep farmers could put money in their pockets if they would compel Congress to raise the duty on wool. Mr. Woods, an Indiana farmer, asked the Professor if the increased duty would not increase the cost ot the poor man’s blanket, and said that while he liked to make money at farming he sho’d think very meanly of himself if he should ask Congress to raise the price of the poor man’s blanket for the sake of putting a few extra dollars in his own pocket. I am Sony to say that a very small portion of the lobbyists who auuoy Congress with their importunities for protection, have risen to the moral altitude of our Indiana farmer.

A French writer. Bastiat, puts the fol - lowing words in the mouth of a carpenter who is supposed to be addres ing a pigiron statesman and manufacturer: “I am a carpenter, as was Jesus; I liardie the hatchet and plane to serve you.— In chopping and splitting from morning until night in the domain of my Lord the King, the idea has occurred to me tlmi my labor was as much national as joirs And accordingly I don’t understand why protection does not visit my shop as well as your manufactory. For,'.indeed, if you make clothes, I make roots. Both, by different means, protect our patrons from cold and rain. But l have to run after customers while business seeks you. You know how to manage this by obtaining a monopoly, while my business is open to any one whe choses to engage in it.”— The French carpenter’s plea finds its match in America to-day. Yesterday an Indianapolis carpenter need the same log. 1c in conversation with me in a street car. The law taxes his blanket, his tools, his food, the material he works with, protects everybody who makes anything he needs to 'support life and carrv on his trade — but what protects him from competing foreign labor? Other workmen besides carpenters are oppressed in the same way, and ail to enrich a few men who have the money and insolence to maintain a lobby influence at Washington. An*' other Indianapolie carpenter said to me recently, ‘‘l now get $3 a day; I used te work for $1 60 per day, and saved more money than I can now, tnough I gel double the wages, and all because the tariff increases the cost of my food and clothing,” At the risk of being tedious I wish te make| some remarks concerning some decent utterances of that staunch protpo* tion organ, the Journal. In a homily concerning the supposed misfortunes of McQeech, it says that he formed the idea that he could corner tne lard market, and “thereby be able to fix his own price upon that commodity, and thereby enrich himself by a million or two of dollars,” * * * A corner in provisions such as he sought to ran is disreputable and dishon.

est It means that victims shall be fleeced and that scores shall be robbed. It puts an anreal value on whatever product | is cornered, and tbe inevitable result of a successful ws*-e is to wring unearned money from other gamblers less lucky or leas powerful. And k> it snivels oyer tbe Victims who tried to cheat McGeoeh or aame other gamblers and failed. But when tbe Bessemer steel lobby go up to Congress and procure the passage of a law which pots “an unreal value’’ on steel blooms, and are “thereby enabled to fix their own price an that commodity and thereby enrlcb themselves by a million or two of dollars,” ‘‘it merne that victims shall be fleeced and Jhat scores shall be robbed.” that steel rail mills in Indianapolis and elsewhere shall be closed and workmen be kept out of employment. But the gentlemen who do this •re reputable, patriotic citizens because they choose to call their establishment an “infant industry.” If McGeoch will call the next lard corner an infant industry, and get Congress to protect it, tbe Journal will apologize for Paving called him hard n limes.

W. P. FISHBACK