Democratic Sentinel, Volume 6, Number 25, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 21 July 1882 — BLOOD MONEY. [ARTICLE]

BLOOD MONEY.

Senator Pendleton on Political Assessments, The Republican Party Arraigned for Its Infamous Practices. Speech of Hon. George H. Pendleton, of Ohio, in the United States Senate. Tho Senate proceeded to consider the followlowing resolution, submitted by Mr. Pendletonon the sth of June : “ Hesolved, That tho Committee on Civil Service and Retrenchment be instructed to inquire whether any attempt is being made to levy and collect assessments for political partisan purposes from any employes of the Government in Washington, whether the same bo under tho guise of asking voluntary contributions or otherwise, and to report to the Senate by bill or otherwise, in its discretion.” Mr. Pendleton—Mr. President, when I offered this resolution two or three weeks ago I was anxious for information. I did not know the state of facts as they existed at that time. I had seen mentioned in the newspapers that the Republican Congressional Committee was about to take means to replenish its funds, and vague intimations were given that a circular nnder the form of a request for voluntary contributions, but in fact a demand for specific sums of money, was being distributed among the employes of the departments and the employes of the two houses of Congress. 1 had also heard that this circular was drafted by authority, and that its language conveyed oovert promises, with implied threats, in oase the demands were not acceded to. I was quite astonished, somewhat startled, when I found that this resolution met with objection. I had supposed that no Senator would object to having the truth discovered as to this circular and its intent; and certainly that no Senator would object to the inquiry whether contributions were being levied under the guise of invitations for voluntary contributions. Mr. President, I was not quite as much astonished as those words would imply, and candor requires me to say that I was more astonished at the form than tbe substance of the objection. I had thought if gentlemen objected to it at all they would not do so in express words, but would consign my resolution to an untimely grave in the friendly grasp of a committee of investigation. Be that as it may, I desired information and was -sincerely seeking it A friend of mine who sits upon this floor and who had some opportunities of knowledge gave me one of the circulars. Ha gave it rather in confidence, though not entirely so, rather with the understanding that I should use it for my own information than otherwise; but I was enabled to hand back that circular to him within two days, not having exhibited it to anybody else and scarcely having had time to read it myself, for as soon as the resolntion appeared in the newspapers I received from many cities and from many States and from many classes of employes of this Government copies of the circular which had been sent to them. I have in my hand quite a number of copies of it It is very nicely gotten up, written with care, as nicely as a billet doux between lovers or an hospitable invitation to dinner. [Jay A. Hnbbei ; , Chairman; D. B. Henderson, Secretary; Executive Committee, Hon. W. B. Allison, Hon. Eugene Hale, Hon. Nelson W. Aldrich, Hon. Frank Hiscock, Hon. George M. Robeson, Hon. William McKinley, Jr., Hon. George R. Davis, Hon. Horatio G. Fisher, Hon. Horace F. Page, Hon. W. H. Calkins, Hon. Thomas Ryan, Hon. William D. Washburn, Hon. L. C. Honk, Hon. R. T. Van Horn, Hon. Orlando Hubbs.] Headquabtebs or theS Republican Congressional Committee, I 620 Thirteenth street, Northwest, f Washington, D. C., May 15, 1882. J Sir : This committee is organized for the protection ot the interests of the Republican party in each of the Congressional districts of the Union. In order that .t may prepare, print and circulate suitable documents illustrating the issues which distinguish the Republican party from any other and may meet ail proper expense, incident to the campaign, the committee feels authorized to apply to all citizens whose princip es or interests arc involved in tli6 struggle. Under the circumstances in which the country finds itself p aced, the committee believes that you will esteem it both a privilege and a pleasure to make to its fund a contribution, which it is hoped may not be less than $ . The committee it authorized to state that such voluntary contribution from persons employed in the service of the United States will not be objected to in any official quarter. The labors of the committee will affect the result of the Presidential election ill 1834 as well as the Congressional struggle; and it may therefore reasonably hope to have the sympathy and assistance of all who look with dread upon the possibility of the restoration of the Democratic party to the control of the Government. Please make prompt and favorable reeponße to this letter by bank-check, or draft, or postal moneyorder, payable to the order of Jay A. Hubbell, acting Treasurer, P. O. lock-box 581), Washington, D. C. By order of the committee, D. B. Henderson, Secretary. As far as I have seen, all of these circulars are in exactly the same language, except that a blank was left in each originally to be filled by the amount which a certain specified proportion of the salary that the man received would reach. Now, sir, in order that there may be no charge of unfair dealing with this committee and its circular, I have read to the Senate every word of it, and I ask the Senate to consider it a little in detail. “ The committee is organized for the protection of the interests of the Republican party in each of the Congressional districts of the Union.’ - ’ Party from beginning to end, the country nowhere alluded to—“ the interests of the Republi :au party in each of tho Congressional districts.” “ In order that it may prepare, print and circulate suitable documents illustrating the issues which distinguish the Republican party from any other, and may meet all proper expenses incident to the campaign the committee feel authorized—” “ Feel anthorized ! ” What necessity is there to have authority to invite gentlemen who desire to make voluntary contribution to a po!i ical fund? What is the necessity for any authority for an invitation of that kind ? “ Authorized ! ” By whom authorized ; for what purpose authorized ? To apply for contributions to the Republican expense fund 1 Apply to whom? Apply to “all those whose iuterests are involved in this struggle.” The committee discriminates very closely between those whose principles lead them to desire the success of the Republican party and those whose interests are involved in the struggle ; those whose principles or interests induce them to take an interest in this struggle. Who are they, Mr. President ? Who are interested beyond what their principles require in the success of the Republican party in the coming campaign? It is the officers ; it is the office-holders ; it is those who enjoy the powers and emoluments of office; it is those who are in possession of the political power and the moneyed emolument at the disposal of the party. When implication is to be made for authority to apply to these officers for a money .contribution who is it that can give the authority to make application ? Manifestly those who have the power of appointment and dismissal; manifestly those who can say to these gentlemen whose interests are involved, “ Contribute to the success of this party or the power of appointment and dismissal is hang over your head.” I submit that the circumlocution was entirely out of §lace, and that it would have been mnch more irect and much more pointed and equally deli- ! cate to have said,“We are authorized by those who have the power of appointment and dismissal to say to you whose offices are involved in this straggle that we are anthorized to make this application for money to you.” The circular starts out with a declaration on its face, which any man who can read at all can read between the lines: We are anthorized by those who hold your places in their hands to apply to you officeholders of the Government to make this contribution because your interests are involved in this struggle. The circular continues: “Under the circumstances in which the country finds itself placed, the committee behoves that you will esteem it both a privilege and a pleasure to make to its fond a contribution. “A privilege and a pleasure!” Indeed a blessed privilege; an exquisite pleasure! These officers, forsooth, would never havo had the. opportunity of enjoying this privilege and pleasure if this committee had not given them the opportunity and the method; the opportuuh* the making oircum stances of thq [qrtques

of the Republican party, and the method by contributions to the oommittee. Knowing that these officeholders would be excluded from the enjoyment of this privilege and this pleasure except for the invitation of this committee, thus kindly tendered to them ; knowing that as soon as they heard it these officers would be able and willing, nay, would be eager and anxious, to embraoe the opportunity, this committee, fearing that in a moment of enthusiasm and desire to indulge in the enjoyment of this privilege and pleasure the officeholders might contribute in excess or what was proper, or fearing on the other hand lest an asoetio self-denial might keep them below the bounds of legal moderation, inform the offioe-holdersthat the committee judge.it would be about right that they should enjoy tins privilege and pleasure to the extent of S2O worth ; and then, fearing that that might be a damper upon their ardor, the committee express the hope that the contribution shall not be less than the amount suggested by the committee, to wit, S2O.

“ The committee is authorized to state that such voluntary contribution— ’ “ Voluntary contribution! ” Voluntary as the contribution the traveler makes to the pocket of the highwayman when oommanded to stop and hold up his hands ; voluntary as the contribution which the man of the world makes to the harvest of tho Great Reaper when he puts iu his scythe—- “ Voluntary contribution from persons employed in the service of the United States will not be objected to in any official quarter.’ Mr. President, is a voluntary contribution objected to any where? And does it need any close discrimination as to that passage to see that it means that, while contributions will not be objected to in any official quarter, a refusal to make the contribution will meet with the condemnation of ail official quarters ? “ The labors of the committee will affect the result of the Presidential election in 1884, as well as the Congressional struggle ; and it may therefore reasonably hope to havo the sympathy and assistance of all who look with dread upon the possibility of the restoration of the Democratic party to the control of the Government” “With dread.” Who look with dread upon it? What sensiblo man in this country looks with dread upon it? The people of the country do not look with dread, the material interests of the country do not look with dread, the patriotism of the country does not look with dread, for at the last two Presidential elections the people of this country have been as nearly as possible di\i led in numbers upon the quest ion , as to which party better deserves success. In the Pro- i lent ill election liefore tho last it is an undisputed fact that a numerical majority of the people of the United States did actually vote to restore the Democratic party to power. “We appeal to you for sympathy and assistance, and we hope you will make prompt and favorable response to thii letter.” How? By sympathy? By expressions of confidence? B.v telliagus the necessities of yonr neighborhood? By going forth as an apostle to demonstrate to tho people the excellence of the principles of the Republican party ? _ No, nir ; none of such sympathy we want It is your assistance which we hope you 11111 promptly send to us by sending “ a bank-check, or draft, or postal moneyorder,” payable to the treasurer of this committee. Now, Mr. President, I will not insult the Senate by undertaking to prove to it that this is no invitation for a voluntary contribution. I will not waste its time by showing that it is a demand for a specific sum of money, levied according to a rale, accompanied by a promiso and a threat. “ Your purse or your official life ’’ is the alternative offered ; or, to use tho language of President Garfield in describing a circular almost identical in terms with this, “It is a circular sent to the employes of the Government upon the distinct understanding that if they fail to make return according to .the demand, in check or postal money-order, others will be found to take their places who will receive their salaries and pay up the assessment.”

Mr. President, to whom has this circular been sent ? I venture to say here upon this floor, and I speak it upon information which challenges my belief, that tliis circular has been sent out to every person whose name can be found on any of the rolls of employes of the Government, however remote may be the source of power itself. The circular has been sent to the Boston Custom House—7oo copies of it—and a demand made for an aggregate of $15,. 000. It has been sent to the armory at Springfield, and an assessment of $lB been made upon each armorer in that institution. It has been sent to the great office i in New York, tho postoffice and the Custom House and the Collector’s office and the various institutions connected with the Government there. They have won exceptional credit by reason of their freedom from the debasing arts of political assessments, and yet are to be again plunged into the mire from which they so laboriously have emerged. It has been sent ont to employes at Chicago, and assessments have been made there of $9.30. It has been sent to every Postmaster in the country; at least, I have returns from almost every State east of Nevada. It has been sent to the men engaged upon the works on the Ohio river at Marietta, and $lB has been assessed and demanded of men who day by day for their daily wages cut stone in making the dam. It has been every employe in the departments at Washington, every clerk, and they have been assessed in various amounts from $lB to SSO. This circular has been sent to men who are engaged in daily labor on the Capitol grounds, digging up and beautifying these grounds, and $6 has been assessed upon each of them. It has been sent to the boys in the Printing Office, to whom you pay only $1 a day, and furlough them without pay, and $7 has been demanded from each of them. It has been sent to enlisted men in the army, and an assessment of $lB made upon men who are paid from the Army Appropriation bill. Wherever a name can bo found npon tho pay roll of the Government for any amount, great or small, this circular has been sent, and it is being sent now to those to whom time has not allowed it to be sent before.

I s&id it had been sent to every clerk in all these departments. Why, sir, it has been sent to those unfortunate ladies whom the exigencies of life now compel to support a family off the pittance earned painfully’ by them, which would scarcely have sufficed to dispense their yearly charity in other days. It has been sent to the women who scrub out the departments in this city, and whose poverty is so great that when they leave for their daily work they are obliged to look up in their close and fetid room the children who cannot be allowed to wander in danger in the streets. It has been sent to the employes of the Senate, and men have been required to pay S3O in order that they may hold their places. Nay, more, Mr. President, it has been sent, at least in the other House, and possibly in this, to the little pages, bright, intelligent, active little fellows who do the bidding of members there and herejjl imagine I can see this grave committee with this circular in their hands going to one of these little pages and saying to him by his appreciation of the emergencies of the country, by his appreciation of the excellence of Republican practices, by his dread of the restoration of the Democratic party .to power, he shall make his contribution of $9 in order to avert such a terrible calamity. Mr. President, if this were not a sad scene of political degeneracy and partisan tyranny it would be in many of its aspects a broad farce. I have no fitting words in which to express my apprehension of the degradation and danger of this whole system, of which this is one of the most dangerous outgrowths. It demoralizes and breaks down every man connected with it, those who give and those who take alike. Among the names on this circular are some of our own cherished associates and members, men of the other house also who stand high in the estimation of their party and their country. They are important factors in wielding the political destinies not only of their party but of their country, honorable, upright, excellent gentlemen to whom we would willingly commit, and do oommit our honor, and if necessary would commit our lives, men who could nc/t be f )roed even by torture to go themselves and witl this circular in their hsnd to make application to these persons to whom it is sent; men who could not be induced to do . it; who would feel 11 to be a personal dishonor to do it. Yet together they combine and put in operation this machine which has no heart to be touched, no body to be punished, no soul to be damned, to visit the houses of the widow and the fatherless, and extract from them for political partisan purposes a large proportion of their hard earnings. It degrades the men to whom it is sent. What sense of self-respect can there be in the man who feels himself compelled to submit to this extortion which his honest judgment abhors and which his penury rejects, and yet is obliged with a hypocritical smile to pretend that it is a voluntary contribution ? What faithful, honest personal service in office can a

man render when he feels that upon his Terr best service is put this badge of servitude r How can he admire with his whole heart as he ought and devote himself absolutely to the duties of an office when he is made to buy with money that office which he knows, and everybody who will think a moment knows, is a publio trust involving duties to the public? What discipline oan there be in a system whon all above him and all below him are bound together by the consciousness of this common degradation ? The galley slaves are chained together, their proximity making them conscious of the common infamy, and the oommon degradation and the common pnnishment make them hate and despise and dread and suspect and injure each other. Mr. President, this system is a great wrong to the people. A fair day’s work and a fair day’s pay is common honesty Imported into our Government If these employes can have extracted and abstracted from their salary a or 4 or 10 per oent, and yot sufficient remuneration is left to them, then I say the deduction should be made directly from their salary and be left iu the treasury. I will not speak of what this system may be, if against their interest, against their Will, against their moneyed capacity, those men are compelled to submit to these contributions, if they are extracted out of the suffering of themselves aud their families. When I see that this system tends to such degradation, such demoralization, to the breaking down of our civil administration, the destruction of the instinct of patriotism in our oountry, I declare upon my conscience I believe it would be better for the country, better for the service, better for the people, if a felonious hand were put into the treasury of the United States and this mouey were abstracted for this purpose, aud a clear thing be made of it by charging it up to “soap.” Now, Mr. President, how are we mot when we make this arraignment of this practice of the party in power ? One gentleman who signs himself “ Assistant Attorney General,” with a great deal of ostentatious gasconade, says that he defies and spits upon the law which is in existence because it is no law, for he has examined carefully the constitution of the United States and does not find any clause which authorizes Congress to prohibit voluntary contributions for lawful objects. Why, sir, the man who in the face of that circular oan talk about voluntary contributions is entirely ignorant of the force of language or of the substance of things, and in either alternative discussion with him would be useless. The gentleman whose name is signed to the circular as the acting treasurer of the committee vaunts himself that he has broken no law. Listen to his defence ; he says the law declares: “ That all executive officers or employes of the United States not appointed by the President, with the advice aud consent of the Son. ate, are prohibited from requesting, giving to, or receiving from, any other officer or employe of the Government any money or property, or other thing of value, for political purposes.” He says: “I have committed no crime, I have not violated the law,' because I am not an officer or employe of the Government.” Putting himself upon a decision made in the last century that a Senator of the United States was not liable to impeachment, ho says : “I am not liable to this law, because I am a member of Congress, and not an officer or employe of the Government. If I were a door-keeper, or a clerk, jr a messenger I would be liable undei the statute. As a member of the House of Representatives I am not.” Mr. President, that question is to be taken into the courts. I will not anticipate thoir decision. I say to the gentleman who signs this circular that before he gets through he will find if be has not landed some of those men in the penitentiary he has drawn them perilously near to the verge of a criminal conviction. But if he is right, if he is not guilty of a technical offense because he happens not to be, in technical language, an officer of the Government of the United States, then what is his defense? It is Ibis: “I have done the thing denounced in this law ; I have invited other people to do the thing denounced in this law ; I admit the moral wrong of this transaction ; I admit the evil of the practice which the Congress of the United States has denounced ; but I plead that I cannot be convicted, because, though I am a member of Congress, I am not iu technical language au officer of the Government” Lawyers are sitting all around me. They are here in great numbers. I ask them if they have never seen a man on trial for perjury who admitted his falsehood, admitted his oath, but escaped punishment on the ground either that the officer had not the authority to administer the oath, or that the affidavit was not one taken in pursuance of a requirement of the law? The people of tho country will be quite astonished when they hear that a member of Congress who receives out of the public treasury So,ooo a year is not an officer of this Government; and if they approvo this section of tho law they will speedily correct it so as to involvo him also, if indeed now, which I doubt very much, he can escape conviction. ****«« The history of the Democratic party is before the country. It is a long and glorious history. For more than one-half of this century which is passing away it held possession of the powers of this Government, and illustrated the beneficence of its policy by au unexampled purity of administration. If any Senator shall be able in the course of that long and illustrious career to find that either in its organization or its prominent men it has at timos fallen into evil practices, I can tell him that the Democratic party has been subjected to discipline. I thank God it has come out of that discipline purified and renewed aud strengthened, and is now ready to take possession of the powers of this .Government again, and with a higher inspiration, a stronger courage, a purer faith, to apply its humane philosophy to tho conduct of public affairs, aud by the vigor and the patriotism and tho purity of its administration to eclipse even tho glories of its earlier years.

Justified by example ! “ The woman boguilod me and I did eat.’’ It was a bad excuse in the olden days, and it has gotten to bo much worce ever sii c \ I can tell the Senator now, in anticipation of whatever he may havo to say, that it will be a vain thing for him to seek to justify the evil practices of the Republican party undor any examples, however illustrious they may be. ilave wo not been told, are we not told constantly, (hat tins Republican party is the party of God and morality in the country ? Have not gent'emen declared, with a ser.ousness of tone and sincerity of maimer that loaves no room to doubt their conviction of the truth, that it is the best and purest party that has over existed in this Government ? Why, sir, I have road the description of a party like this : “But all their works they do for to be seen of men ; they make broad their phylacteries, and enlarge the borders of their garments ; and love the uppermost rooms at feasts and the cbi ;f seats in the synagogues ; and greetings in the markets, %nd to be called of men, ‘ Rabbi, rabbi.’ ” And if, after making all the professions of purity and excellence and faith, when you happen through the flimsy device to be caught in evil practices, you seek to screen yourselves from the consequences behiud the example of others, there will be denounced against you that terrible anathema, “ Woe unto you * * * hypocrites, for ye devour widows’ houses, and for a pretense make long prayers ; therefore ye shall receive the greater damnation.” Mr. President, men of onr race and lahguage have always been tenacious of the punty of tne civil service of their government. Even as our fathers emerged from the ages which we are in the habit of calling dark, they began to require that the purity of civil service should be the characteristic of their Kings as well as of their Commons. Six hundred and fifty and more years ago King John in the Charta was compelled to declare: “We will not make any justiciars, constables, sheriffs or bailiffs, bnt of such as are knowing in the law of the realm, and are disposed duly to observe it” Nearly a hundred years afterward in the time of Richard 11. in 1288 the Commons passed a statute—- “ That the chancellor, trcs«*rer, etc., the justices of the one bench, and of the etc., and all other that shall be oalled to ordain, name, or make justice* of the peace, sheriffs, c?cheators, customs, comptrollers, or any other officer or minister of the King, shall be firmly sworn that they shall not ordain, name or make justice of the peace, sheriff, escheator, customer, comptroller, nor other officer or minister of the King for any gift or brocage, favor or affection: nor that none which pursueth, by him or other, privily or openly, to be in any manner office, shall be put in the same office or in any other; bat that they shall make all such offioers and ministers of the best and most lawful men, and sufficient to their estimation and knowledge.” Lord Coke says that that was—“A law worthy to be written in letters of gold, bat more worthy to be put in due execution.” A few years passed on and Edward IV. pressed by his necessities, commenced to levy “ benevolenco” upon the commons of England, which the people very turbulentiy, as he tbqpghh filled “malerolenoe,’l4pd J&brfppop,

in the first year of Richard m., the bloody monster, as he was called. Lord Ooke mentions how “ the exaction under the good name of benevolence,” begun in 12 Edward IV., came to be so that “ many of the people did much grudge at it and called it malevolence." He refers to 1 Riohard ILL, wherein the oommona recites “ That the oommona of thia realm, by new and unlawful inventions and inordidate oovetiee against the law of this realm, have been put to great thralidom and importable charges and exactions, and in especial by a new imposition named a benevolence, whereby diverse years, the subjects and oommona of this reskn, against their wills and freedom, have paid great sums of money " After whioh, and other recitals, it is ordained— ‘‘That his subjects aud the oommonalty of this his realm, from henceforth, in no-wise bo charged by none suoh charge (exaotion) or imposition called bonevoleuoe, nor by suoh like charge, and that snob exactions called benevolences afore this time taken be take for no example to make snoh or any like charge of any his said subjects of this realm hereafter, but it bo damned and annulled forever." And Lord Coke, spooking of this very statute, 1 Bichard HI., says that: “Of the acts of Riohard lIL, one of the wisest was that of 1 Rio. 111., oh. 2, ’An act to free the subjects from beuevoleuoes ! ’ Rut he did not adhere to it There is mention of letters sent by him exacting these benevolenoes and specifying the sum which eaoh person was required to give. It is stated that ‘this’was ’a fatal blow at what remained of his popularity.’ ”

History repeats itself. Bonevolences exacted for his private purposes by tho King, which the Deople called malevolences, aud which were rejected and repudiated by tho Commons. He seemed to favor tho rejection, but he sent out circulars even in those days to his good subjects, and specified in those circulars the amount of money which ho required them to pay. Behold the example which this oommittoe has followed 1 Mr. President, to those principles embodiod in raagna chart*, embodied in these statutes, the people of our race have always been true. Sometimes they have wandered, sometimes they have straggled from the paths, but they have speedily returned to them, aud in their return they have always been led in England by the Commons, and in this oountry by the Democratic party. To-day the time has come when they shall be led again to appreciate the beneficence of a pnreoivu administration. Today the Demooratio party is putting itself at the head of that return, civil-service reform is writ on its escutcheon and emblazoned on its banner. By its strongth, and in order to perfect it, tho Democratic party will sooner or later corns into power. I say to Senators on the other side of the ohamber that the sooner it oomes into powor the better it will be for them and for the country. It may for a moment wound their susceptibilities, but it will advantage their prosperity and thoir liberties. When that time does come, when wo shall take possession of this Government, when we shall put in the high places of power onr worthiest and best, the President of the United - States, the ehief of the state, under the people the source ahd fountain of honors and powers in this country, will be able to say to all as VanArteveide said iu response to' Vauclaire who was thanking him for his promotion:' Nay I say no more. , You owe me nothing; what 1 have to give In he’d in trust, and parted with for services; Valiio received is writ on my commissions; N >r would I thank tho man that should thank me For aught ns given him gratis. * * * # # Supremacy of merit, tho Bole means Aud broad highway to power. * * * * • * Meritoriously administered Wlnie all its instruments from first to lasi, The tools of state, for service high or low, * * * Chosen for their aptness to those ends Which Virtue meditates.