Democratic Sentinel, Volume 6, Number 15, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 12 May 1882 — Wm. A. Peeile, Jr. [ARTICLE]

Wm. A. Peeile, Jr.

[Evansville'Courier.] Among the Democratic applicants for places on ihe State ticket the name of Wm. A. Peele. Jr., has been frequently mentioned tor Secretary of State. Mr. Peele is a scion of one of the historic families of Southeast ern Indiana, his uncle. Judge Wrn. A. Peelle.for whom he was named, havs ing filled the office of Secretary of State for two terms. His brother* Stanton J. Peelle, is now a member of Congress from the Indianapolis District. Although from a Republi can family, Wm. A. Peelle, Jr., has always been an unswerving Democrat, serving his party faithfully since his boyhood. For six years he held the position Assistant Sec. retary of State, and is therefore well qualified to fill the office, being perfectly familiar with its routine of business. He has an extensive acquaintance throughout the State, especially among Couutv officers and those who have had business with Secretary or State, all of whom the Courier believes would be glad of the assurance that In the inevitable change of administration promised by the next election so conscientious and popular man as Mr. Peelle would succeed to the head or the office where has been so long and so favorably known. Without wishing in any way to disparage the qualification of other canditates who may desire the nomination, the Courier takes tiffs occassion to speak a word in favor Of one who has honesty and capability added to a long experience in the du ties of the office. If he should be nominated the ticket will be stronge 1 ’ for if, and if elected, as be undoubtedly would be, the people ,of the State could feel assured that the Secretary’s office has fallen into worthy hands.

Chicago Times.-There is an enacted law of Illinois which is commonly called the state constitution. There is a popular notion that said law con tains prescriptions and liinita’i ns of the powers of th different branches of the provincial government. It is supposed, for instance ( ,y people who are in the loose habit of accepting as true any absurd noti m which has received general acquiescence), that when the works of the law postivelj declare that the legislature shall not pass a certain-kind of law, or upon a certain subject matter shall be governed i y certain expressly defined conditions, that the legislative power is limited by the conditions and boundaries thus prescribed, and has not p >wer to overstep them. For example. the law says that the cial legislature, udou the taking of ever decennial census, shall partition ■ t e province by geographical lines into fifty-one constituencies for the election of provincial senators and representatives, and that such constituents districts “shall be formed of contiguous and compact territory, bounded by county lines,” etc. It is the popular notion that this pro vision of what is sometimes called the fundamental law was made and intended for the government of the legislature, and that the legislature, a mere agency of the Illinois people, cannot override by any enactment of irs own a law made for its government by the said people themselves.

This is a popular delusion. It is a de\ lusion which has sprung out of the popular habit of mistaking what is only a legal a ction of a legal fact. The fiction is that a written law formulated by a delegated parliament of the electors a “constitutional con vention ” and approved by the elecs toral majority in an election or pies Discite for that purpose, is of higher authority and efficacy than a written law enactment by a delegated parli ament of tne electors called the legbs lature or a general assembly. This fact is that the one is of no higher authority or efficacy than the other. The fiction is that the former is a law proceeding from a source different to that of the latter. The fact is that both proceed from the same source. The fiction is that one is constitutional and the other statutory law. The fact is that the one is no less, aud no more, statutory law or constitutional law than the other.- The fact is that both are enactment, enacted by the same authority, and renealble by the same, authority. Both fulfill, in fad the definition of statutory law, aud both mav fulfill the true definition of constitutional la-v, but whether eith. r does so, or does not so, depends on facts that have no relation to the modes of their enactment.

No honest man wlio examines the new arrangements of the legislative constituencies, just enacted by the body called the Illinois “general assembly,” can pretend that thatassem., bly has been governed by the enactment of the body called the Illinois constitutional convention, prescribing the ,rule of, “contiguous and com' pact territory.” By “contiguous territory” everyone understands territory in contact—not separated by intervening territory of another district. The common idea of “compact terri tory” would be territory closly united, or of such form as would present no where any discontiguity of parts. As

suming that the words of the law j have the meaning which they ordin* ur.ly convey in the common speech of I tho people, a district ermposed of, “contiguous and compact territory" would be one which presents not only territorial contiguity at some one point, but present no distinct parts separated by any point by the interposition of territory belonging to that district. A district square, oblong, rouud, or oval would be “contiguous | and compact” because a straigut line from any point to any other point on its boundary would pass through no external territory. But a district having the form of an L or a mule’s hind leg, or a pair of saddle-bags, or or the signature of Rufus Choate, though of contiguous territory would not fulfill the common understanding of '“contiguous and compact territory

At least one quarter of nil the new legislative districts a:e rot formed of contiguous and compact territory. The s iventeenthjdistrict, for example, presents two distinct parallelograms, each about forty miles long and eighteen miles wide, whose ouiv point of contiguity is a lap of ope upou the other of just six miles. The length of the district from north to south is seventy two miles, the width eighteen miles, the two halves being join ed by a right-angular isthmus of six miles. The eightoenth district has the shape of a Mohammedan at prayer, The twentieth is shaped like the animal called a peccary. The Twenty first presents the head and open jaws of an alligator. The Twenty-fourth is one story wide and three stories high, each story ext n ding beyond the one below it. The Twenty ninth has the outline of a tarantula. The Thirty-sixth, that of a lobster’s front leg with the.claw open. In the Thirty-.fourth, Thirty eight, Fourty eight, Fourty ninth, Fiftieth, and Fifty-first, one recognizes the outlines of a number of the most grotesque wild animals of central Africa. But the Fourty sixth furnishes the most marvelous case of partisan ingenuity in forming a legislative district of contiguous and compact territory which perhaps all the records of noli ical “gerrymandiDg” could snow. It is called “the saddle bags district.” One bag contains thi counties of Hamilton and White: the other, the counties of Wabash and Lawrence. Between the two bags are the counties of Wayne, Edwards, and Richland, which, « ; ith Clay county, constitute the compact district of the mule’s back across which the saddlebags are suspended. The point of contiguity between the two bags is said by c ne legislator to be ninety rods wide; by another to be the width of a plauk-road bridge, which furnishes the only means of communication between the two bags without passing through the body of the mule, To pretend that these districts, the reverse of compact in their outlines, have been fashioned in compliance with the law which declares that they shall be composed of “contiguous and compact territory,” would be as absurd as it would be unfounded. The simple truth is that ’the legislature, instead of taking tne law for its guide, was guided by the purpose of packing a partisan majority in the legislature. The intent of the so called constitutional enactment was to prevent the practice ealled “gerrymandering.” The intent of the.leg’slative enactment was to practice “gerrymandering.” Will it be said that the gerrymandering enactment, of the legislative assembly is void because it is plainly at variance to the positive com rnand of tho enactment ofthe constitutional assembly to prevent gerrymandering? Everyone knows that it would be saying what is not the fact. Though the enactment of 1882 is eon rary to a plain provision of the enactment of 1870 (called a constitution). it is not void. It is an enactment by exactly the same legislative authority as the enactment which it contravenes, and it is the later enactment to which the earlier enactment gives way. This is not the fiction. But this is the fact, as everyone perceives and knows. Give to this an overwhelming multitude of kindred facts the consider-, ation which their evidence merits, is it not time that Americans should bes gin to disabuse their minds to the peculiarly American delusion that calling an enacted statute a constitution gives to it some mysterious and exraordiuary virtue which it would not possess if it were called a statute?

The Democracy of Marion county will present the name of Mr. John J. Cooper to the next Democratic Con vention,for the nomination of Treasurer of State. The nomination of MrCooper for that position will be eminently fit and proper, and there is a quiet but strong influence at work throughout the State to give him that preferment. There is no man better qualified for the position, and no one deserves it more, when his noble act ion is remembered of the part he took in the State Convention of 1878. Mr. Cooper was a candidate for the same nomination at that time and was defeated by Win. Fleming, of Allen county. The balloting was closer and more exciting than any we ever witnessed, County after county were changing their votes to Mr. Cooper, when a motion was pu~ by a delegate from Allen, that “no more changes be allowed and that the roll be called for verification only.” During the excitement this motion was carried* although but few knew the tenor of

it, and Mr. Fleming was declared nominated. Mr. Cooper was thejfirst man to his feet, and moved that the nomination be made unanimous. His manly action on that oceasion won him hosts of friends, and. if promises made to nim on that occasion ate remembered to this day. h« will be nominated at the next convention with but little opposition. Shortly after the convention of 1878, Mr. Cooper was elected President of the Sentinel Company, and had sole charge of the Indianapolis Sentinel, which he conducted with vigor througout that campaign, contributing much to the success of the ticket. Mr. Cooper formerly lived in this county; we

know him well; he has always been an active Democrat, working for the success of the cause. He has never held office, although he led in a forI luru hope in Marion county, In 1876 being then the Democratic nominee for Sheriff. Although defeated, his race was one of great credit to hin J self and his party. If the Democracy want a strong candidate for Treasurer, Mr. Cooper is the man.— Kokomo Dispatch. See the wonderful curiosities a t Honan’s.

New York hen •doped • criminal ! liw which went into affect on the firat day of May. A peculiar provision of the code is that the making of a statement which a per sou does not know to be true is equivalent to making a statement which he knows to be false. The spreading of false reports for the purpose of affectng the tenor of tho financial market is punishable by & Sue of $5,000 and imprisonment for three years A witness will not be excused from answering a qneß» tiou on the ground that it would criminate him; but his evidence can not be used afterward against him. Any one employed on a passenger train or boat, who gets drunk while in discharge ot his duty, maybe sent to the jenttentiarv for one year and tinod SSOOO. It is a misdemeanor fur any person to employ or aDy man to act ns »u engineer who can not read ordinary band-writing. Every employe on a railroad cotpjpany must wear a uniform; a fuilure to do so while on duty is punishable by one year s imprisonment. Giving or offeriug a brib to nny e>UJOtivo officer of the State is punished by imprisonment for ten years and a fine of $5,000. It is made a misdemeanor to give au Alderman a pics Dt for obtaining an offiee for ‘‘a friend.” Seduction uuder promise of marriage is punished bv imprisonment for five years and » flue of SI,OOO. SWearing is punishable by imprisonment for ten days, and the swearer is to be pot into solitary confinement and away from other prisoners, so that he will not corrupt their morals and scandilixe them.