Democratic Sentinel, Volume 6, Number 14, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 5 May 1882 — THE PERUVIAN AFFAIR. [ARTICLE]

THE PERUVIAN AFFAIR.

Ur. appeared before the Home Foreign Affairs Committee April 24, and made a ■weeping denial of the statements of Jaoob B. Shipherd. “Hia employment Is falsehood—stated that their first interview lasted but fifteen minutes, and they did not meet again for three months. lOm reurn why Shipheld was not at first kioked out of the department was that he was introduced by a Senator and had three ex-Senatora and an exSecretary of the Treasury a* oooumL Mr. Blaine produced a letter from Henry W. Blair, denying that he heard Shipherd state to the ex-Secretary that Minister Hurlbut had been offered $250,000 in the stook of the Peruvian Company. Mr. Blaine at one time expreased the opinion that Shipherd should be sent before the Grand Jury tot perjury. Mr. Blaine was again before the House Foreign Affairs Committee, on the 26th of April. He expressed his obligation* for an opportunity to state that no important dispatches in regard to South American affairs were prepared daring President Garflelds’ sickness. He stated, with much earnestness, that the English bondholders put up a job of war on Peru for booty ; that Chill and England were now dividing spoils amounting to $60,000,000, and that history will hold the United States responsible for the dismemberment which has taken place. Mr. Blaine alluded to the efforts which have been made to fix upon him (Blaine) the responsibility for a certain policy toward the South American states which was calculated to involve this country seriously; and continued : “ I don’t desire to assume that President Arthur is responsible for any suoh effort. I acquit him entirely ; but I desire at this time to place this matter before the committee oorrectly.” Blaine then produoed the original draft of the instructions which were given Trescott, which he road, and pointed out corrections whioh had been made by the President, some of them at his (Blaine’s) suggestion, and commented on the corrections and their merits and demerits. He added: “I do not by any means find fault with the President for changing his mind; but this is the original draft of Instructions to whioh President Arthur gave his assent, and which, following precedent, I kept. I desire to state most solemnly that the assumption that I ever interpellated a hue or syllable in a dispatch after it was agreed to by the President is as false a he as that which was circulated over the country that I was during the President’s sickness blocking out a foreign policy of my own.” Mr. Belmont, of the committee, propounded a series of questions in regard to the terms “good offices” and “officially,” and a somewhat lively tilt ensued between examiner and witness, which was suddenly brought to a climax by Blaine’s remarking, with some emphasis : “I hope, Mr. Belmont, you will be a gentleman. I shall be one, and shall treat you as Such. lam not in a Police Court to be badgered. I must answer my questions in my own way, and yon must not undertake to oorrect me.*’ Belmont disclaimed any lack of courtesy •r desire to badger. The event in the Foreign Affair* Committee on the 27th ult. was a very exoiting scene between Mr. Blaine and Congressman Belmont, of New York, who had been most active in examining the witness. Shortly after the opening of proceedings Mr. Blaine grew excited and said : “ Mr. Belmont exhausted two hours of the time of the committee yesterday, in traveling in a circle. He repeated his questions six or eight or ten times over. Of course ho has the right, but it is all based on the faot that he made iwo misquotations—absolute, palpable mic quotations, and this course of his is to establish his justification iu doing that. He has not yet touched upon it. While I have the largest possible stock of patience, I would rather that ho come direotly to Re point. There are many important points I would like to be heard upon, but iteration and reiteration of the same questions in order to vindicate Belmont for having made the blunder to misquote me in two particulars is a little too exuausting. He has made two palpable misquotations, and has made no explanation of them, when, as a gentleman, as I understand him to be, he ought to state frankly that he did it” Mr. Blaine, who had been standing and speaking with a good deal of excitement, herd took bis seat, and Belmont jumped from his chair and said: “Of course Blame's object is plain enough—that is to avoid the direct issue.” Blaine (rising and striking the table angrily with his cleDohed hand) —“What issue?” Belmont—“ The issue which must be met.” Blame—“ What issue?” ,

Belmont (also rising angrily and striking the table)—“l will not answer a single question that you aßk from this time to the end of the examination. Yon have stated what I deem to be entirely incorrect. You havo attempted to place me in a false position. In this you will not succeed. I said that quotation marks were a mistake of the printer, and your language bears the construction I put upon it. Tue careful reader will agree with me, and the careless reader may be influenced by your speech. The commencement of this examination this morning relieves me of all the consideration I mentioned yesterday, which I intended to observe to a man who had held the offioe of Secretary of State. You have placed yourself on a level with any other witness. I will examine you as suoh." Blame (angrily)—“What do you mean?” Belmont—“ I mean this : That you have been before committees before this; that you have endeavored to threaten.’’ Wilson (interrupting)—“ I submit this is not in order.” Blaine—“ This is intolerable. The insolencfe of this young man is intolerable.” Belmont—“ You have brought it upon yourself." “ I have no more regard for your insolence," retorted Blaine, “ than I have for that of a boy on tho street." Belmont l —“ Mr. Blaine has had due experience before committees, and he has endeavored to threaten them. He has done it for the last time. He will not do it to me.”

Blaine —“This is too trifling. I hope the committee will proteot itself. I have no power.” After some confusion quiet was restored, and Belmont resumed his questions. They took such a wide range that several of the members of the committee objected to going into the whole South American policy. Belmont said then he was done. Blaine said he did not desire to leave the room without giving Belmont an opportunity to apologize for misquoting his dispatches, and making him say that no treaty of peace shall be signed unless tho Landreau claim is recognized. “That,” said Blaine, “has been the slogan of the dirty Democratic party and the press that stand behind Belmont.” “The aggression is on your part,” said Belmont. “lam very aggressive against false statements,” said Blaine, “ and Belmont has stated what has no semblance of truth.” Belmont retorted : “ You have asserted a falsehood ; but I do not propose that this com-mittee-room, or that tho press, or the country in airy way shall undertake to judge my method of reply to your assertion ; tnat I will convey to you in private.” Blaine reiterated his statement. “Then this is the very last word I am willing to give,” said Belmont. “ The words in effect mean just what they say, and that is the construction that is to be put on your dispatch. As to your assertion about the character of my statement, as I have said just now, my course es action in regard to that will be conveyed to you in private. Ido not propose to make any scone here with you, or to make any capital one way or the other. Yon may if you choose. I think that is your method. That is what you are usually guilty of. You are a bully and a coward.” [Sensation.] Blaine smiled, and spoke slowly, suppressing bis passion: “This man has disgraced his place. Ho is the organ of men behind him. He was put there to insult me. His meaning was to do it. I beg to say he cannot do it It is not in Mr. Behnont’s power to insult me. He may say J am a bully and a coward, and all that. I recognize that he is speaking for men behind him.” “Whatl say is entirely on my own responsibility,” cried Sir. Belmont, “ and I repeat, you shall very soon learn my method of dealing with this question and with you.” “Let that conclude it,”.said the Chairman, and thus peaco was restor. d. The Philadelphia Timet says that the American kiss is to be the subject of a book to be published soon. The subjeot is a very expansive and voluminous one. It will take at least a hundred chapters to give an unabridged definition of the American kiss. It will require no less than twenty pages to portray the different variations of “the long,'long kiss, the kiss of loversand there is the good-night kiss at the gate, that will pretty well crowd the balance of the first volume. Then there is the frigid, snappy kiss of the mother-in-law, that goes off with a pop like a champagne eork; the juicy, flabby kiss of the baby, that has no pop to it at all, and the insipid oleomargarine kiss of woman kissing woman. Oh, it will be a daisy of a book; and how comforting to a yohng man, who has a fever blister on his lip. Texas Siftings. - Thoreau: “ I would rather sit on a pumpkin and have x- all to myself, than to be crowded on a velvet cushion. The unprecedented demand for Dr. Bull’s Cough Syrup has bad the effqoi of bringing out numerous similar remedies ; ifut the people are not so easily induoed to make a trial of thtfnew article, when they value the old and reliable one— Dr. Bull’s Gough Syrup.