Democratic Sentinel, Volume 6, Number 8, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 24 March 1882 — REPUBLICAN DISCORD. [ARTICLE]

REPUBLICAN DISCORD.

Public Plunder the Only Tie Ibat Holds the Party Together. [Washington Telegram to Chicago Times.] It is the intention of Senators interested in securing some change to remedy the defects of existing statutes governing the count of votes in the election of President to push such legislation at as early a day as possible. They all recognize that there never was a time since the war when there was so good an opportunity as now for the accomplishment of a move of this character. A prominent Republican Senator said tonight that there never had been since the administration of Monroe a time when therp was so little party feeling. He thought for that reason the Senate and House could consider more dispassionately this topic and secure fairer results than possibly later on, when partisan prejudices might be aroused. It is a significant fact, however, that, while there is no clashing between the two great parties, the Republican leaders are divided among themselves much more seriously than mere parties could be. The Democrats are hardly antagonizing the Republicans in anything. They are apathetic, and keep watching with languid interest what is going on. Republicans, however, are jealous of each other, full of personal hatreds, -and in every debate the severest things said come from Republicans to fellow-Republicans. _ In the Senate such a man as Ingalls is constantly running rhetorical rapiers through the Massachusetts Senators, or else is seriously attacking some of hi 3 colleagues. John Sherman has only to raise his finger and indicate a wish iu order to be antagonized by a majority on the Republican side. So they go on, contentious, ill-disciplined, eager for a pretext for an open quarrel. It is the opinion of some of the best observers at the capital that were this the last year of the administration all these differences would culminate in an open quarrel, and that the power of the patronage of the administration only holds them together at present. There is such a constant diversity of sentiment it has led many to suppose the Republican party is on the eve of a break-up. Were the Democrats as discordant and dissatisfied with each other, there wotdd be a more immediate prospect of this. But as long as the Democrats are as compact as they are now the Republicans will make a show of holding together. What animates the Democrats, with a reasonable amount of discipline and cohesion, is the belief that they will control both branches of the next Congress, and that with that purchase they may be able finally to carry the administration, in spite of the defeats that have followed them for so many years. [Washington Telegram to Now York Sun.]

On rigidly-drawn party lines the Republicans have a majority of three in the present House of Representatives.* In the Senate they have no majority at all, being saved from being in a positive minority Ivy Senator Mahone, who may or may not continue to protect the administration and the party. The Republican leaders, more especially those peculiarly with the administration, perceive the danger of losing both houses in thenext Congress, but they seem to be powerless to change the prospect. If anything would do, it would be rigid economy in appropriations, so that the party might be able to go before the country with a good record. An indistinct idea exists that in some way strength will be gained to the administration by the predicted break up in the South, after the fashion of Virginia. It is an altogether uncertain idea. Influences are at work to divert from the administration at least a part of the fruits of such a break up, if one should happen. It is claimed that the antiBourbon or Mahone faction will have in the next Congress seven members in Virginia, fill for the administration. Even as to this there may be a miscalculation. Mr. Blaine counts on obtaining some of the pieces in the South, and he is not hopeless as to Virginia. They who shake the bush do not always gather all the fruit. It is a singular fact that of those who are most active in the anti-Bourbon move in the South, which is so largely supported by the adminis - tration, part are Blaine’s friends. His active friends here profess a willingness to take the chances when the time comes for drawing the lines. While it may happen that the straight Democracy may meet with losses, it is not a clear thing to whom the game will belong, when the administration comes to count noses for things necessary to itself. If a Presidential election could not bring out strength enough to secure a good majority in the House of Representatives, what is likely to be the result of an off year, with the party rent in a number of States, and prepared for a fight in none? Maine will doubtless elect by a general ticket. It is properly classed among the doubtful States, and from too much Blaineism, according to impartial Republicans there. It may very likely be that Blaine’s purposes will be served best by letting the State go plump against the administration. He might then say: “I told you so. See what you get for fighting me.” In the order of his programme, it might be the start he desires. Any man proposing a coalition with former antagonists would be expected, at the very least, to bring his own State, and this may be Blaine’s intention. Persons who have looked closely into the subject are disposed to take this view of it. Were the Republicans harmonious, they might perhaps hold their own by the assistance of the administration. But so far is this from the case that no such general expectation is justified at the present moment. The fact is, the party is not only not harmonious, but there exists a purpose on Blaine’s part to cost it as far into the minority as possible. It is charged now that to this end he is devoting his energies as the service that will entitle him to the consideration he is expecting at the hands of the risen Democracy. It is a dangerous game, but Blaine is in a desperate way. He declared war on the administration, and the antagonism that is being created systematically by certain newspapers in his interest has this for its object. Not all those who will cooperate to “kill Arthur at the start,” as one of the Blaine leaders has said, will co-operate so far as to combine with the Democracy, even if Blaine could be made a candidate. It is fancied by many that the administration may be antago-nized-and the party saved after all. But if it is not saved, they see that Arthur will be beaten, which will be some satisfaction, even though the Democracy is reinstated. This idea is being woven into a distinct purpose steadily and art-

fully by Blaine and his followers, in the hope that it will prove helpful to him in his independent coalition scheme. The loss to the administration of Congress, with the balance of power in his ,own hands, would square exactly with Blaine’s plan. It is not an impossible result of a state of things as yet unorganized, but having this tendency, and, so far as Blaine is conoemed, this purpose. The Republicans might save themselves, nevertheless, were they to prove themselves the party of economy and Honesty in legislation. They are not likely to make the attempt. Not only this, but at present the leadership in Congress is in the opposite direction. What Arthur may do, as opportunities are offered, as they doubtless will be, by the judicious and firm exercise of the veto, is a question which even now is occupying the minds of not a few.