Democratic Sentinel, Volume 6, Number 6, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 10 March 1882 — Page 1

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JAMES A. GARFIELD.

Elequent Memorial Address upon the Life and Character of the Late President, by James G. Blaine. [Delivered at the Memorial Service at Washington. Feb. 27,1882.] .¶ Mr. President : For the second time in this generation the great departments of the Government of the United States are assembled in the Hall of Representatives to do honor to the memory of a murdered President. Lincoln fell at the close of a mighty struggle in which the passions of men had been deeply stirred. The tragical termination of his great life added but another to the lengthened succession of horrors which had marked so many lintels with the blood of the first born. Garfield was slain in a day of peace, when brother had been reconciled to brother, and when anger and hate had been banished from the land. “Whoever shall hereafter draw the portrait of murder, if' he will show it as it has been exhibited, where such example was least to have been looked for, let him not give the grim visage of Moloch, the brow knitted by revenge, the face black with settled hate. Let him draw rather a decorous, smooth-faced, bloodless demon, not so much an example of human nature in its depravity and in its paroxysms of crime as an infernal being, a fiend in the ordinary display and development of his character.” From the landing of the pilgrims at Plymouth till tbe uprising against Charles 1., about 20,000 emigrants came from Old England to New England. As they came in pursuit of intellectual freedom and ecclesiastical independence rather than for worldly honor and profit, the emigration naturally ceased when the contest for religious liberty began in earnest at home. The man who struck his most effective blow for freedom of conscience by sailing for the colonies in 1620 would hr ve been accounted a deserter to leave after 1640. The opportunity had then come on the soil of England for that great contest which established the authority of Parliament, gave religious freedom to the people, sent Charles to the block and committed to the hands of Oliver Cromwell the supreme executive authority of England- The English emigration was never renewed, and from these 20,000 men, with & small emigration from Scotland and fi>m France, are descended the vast numbers who have New England blood hi tbeir veins. In 1685 the revocation of the Edict of Nantes by Louis XIV. scattered to other countries 400,0U0 Protestants, who were among the most intelligent and enterprising of the French subjects—merchants of capital, skilled manufacturers and handicraftsmen superior at tbe time to ali others in Europe. A considerable uuinbor of these Huguenot French came to America. A few landed in New England and became prominent in its history. Their names have in arge part become anglicized, or have disappeared, but their blood is traceable in many of tho most reputable families, and their fame is perpetuated in honorable memorials and useful institutions. From these two sources, the English Puritan and the French Huguenot, came the late President, his father, Abram Garfield, being descended frojn the one, and his mother, Eliza Ballou, from tho other. It was good stock on both sides—none better, none braver, none truer. There was in it an inheritance of courage, of maulinesd, of imperishable love of liberty, of undying adherence io principle. Garfield was proud of his blood, and, with as much satisfaction as if ho were a British nobleman reading his stately ancestral record in Burke’s Peerage, he spoke of himself as ninth in descent from those who would not eudure the oppression of the Stuarts, and seventh in descent from the bravo French Protestants who refused to submit to tyianny even from the Grand Monarque. Gen. Gsrficl l delighted to dwell ou theso traits, and during his only visit to England ha busied himself in discovering every trace of his foiefuthtrs in parish registries and ou ancient army rolls. Bitting with a friend in the gallery of tho House of Comilions one night, aftor a long day’s labor in this eaily field of resuaren, he said with evident elation that m every war in which for three centuries patriots of English blood had struck stuidy blows for coustilut.onal government and human liberty his family had been represented. They were at Marston Moor, at Naseby and Preston ; they were at Bunker Hill, at Saratoga and at Monmouth, and his own person had battled in the same great cause in the war which preserved the Union of States. Losing his father before he was 2 years old, the early life of Garfield ivas one of privation, but its poverty has been made indelicately and unjustly prominent. Thousands of readers have imagined him as the ragged, starving child, whose reality too often greets the eye in the squalid sections of our large cities. Gen. Garfield’s infancy and youth had none of the pitiful fea;ures appealing to the tender heart ami to tho open hand of chanty. He was a poor boy in the same sense in which Henry Clay was a poor boy; in which Andrew Jackson was a poor boy ; in which Daniel Webster was a poor boy ; in the same sen-e in which a large inajoiily of the eminent men of America in all generations have been poor boys. Before a great multitude of men in a publio speech Mr. Webster bore this testimony: “It ’ did not happen to me to be born in a log-cabin, but my elder brothers and sisters were bom in a log-cabin, raised amid the snow-drifts of New Hampshire at a period so early that when the smoke rose first from its crude chimney and curled over the frozen hills there was no similar evidence of a white man’s habitation between it and the settlements on the rivers of Canada. It remains still. I make it an annual visit. I carry my children to it to teach tin m the hardships endured by tbe generations which have gone before them. I love to dwell on the tender recollections, the kindred ties, the early affections, and the touching narratives and incidents which mingle with all.” I know of this primitive family abode, with the requisite change of scene, the same words would aptly portray the early days of Garfield. The poverty of the frontier, where all are engaged in a common struggle, and where a common sympathy and hearty co-operation lighten the burdens of each, is a very different poverty—different in kind, different in influence and effect from that conscious and humiliating indigence whjch is every day forced to contrast itself with neighboring wealth, on which it feels a sense or grinding dependence. Tbe poverty of tho frontier is indeed no poverty. It is Lut tho beginning of wealth, and has tho boundless possibilities of the future always opening before it No man ever grew up in ihe agricultural regions'of the West, where a house-raising or even a corn-husking is matter of common interest or helpfulness, with another feeling than that of broad-minded, geuerons independence. This honorable independence marked the youth of Garfield, as it marks the youth of millions of the best blood and brain now training for the future citizenship and future government of the republic. Garfioid was born heir to land, to the title of freeholder, which has been the patent and passport of self-respect with the Atigio-Baxoa race ever since Hengist and Horsa landed on the shores or England. His adventure on the canal, an alternative between that and the deck of a Lake Erie schooner, was a farmer boy’s device for earning money, just as the New England lad begins a possibly great career by sailing before tho mist on a coasting vessel or on a merchantman bound to tho farther India or to the China seas. No manly man feels anything of shame m looking back to early struggles with adverse circutns auces, and no man feels a worthier pride than when he has conquered the obstacles to his progress. But no one of noble mold desires to be looked upon as having occupied a menial position, as hanug been repressed by a feeling of inferiority, or as having suffored the evils of poverty until relief was found at the hand of charity. Gen. Garfieli’s youth presented no hardships which family love and family energy did not overcome, subjected him to no privations which he did not cheerfully accept, and left no memories save those which were recalled with delight and transmitted with profit and with pride. G irfield’s early opportunities for securing an education were extremely limited, and yet were sufficient to develop in him an intense desire to learn. He could read at 3 years of age, and each winter he had the advantage of the district school. He read all the books he found within the circle of his acquaintance. Borne of thi-m ho got by heart. While yet in childhood he was a constant student of the Bible, and became familiar with its literature. The dignity and earnestness of his speech in his maturer life gave evidence of this early training. At 18 years of age he was able to teach school, and thenceforward his ambition was to obtain a college education. To this end he bent all his efforts, working in the harvest field, at tbe carpenter’s bench, and in the winter season teaching the common schools of the neighborhood. While thus laboriously occupied he found time to prosecute his studies, and was so successful that at 22 he was able to enter the Junior class at Williams College, then under the Presidency of the venerable and honored Mark Hopkins, who. in the fullness of his powers, survived the eminent pupil to whom he was of inestimable service,

The Democratic Sentinel.

JAS. W. McEWEN Editor

VOLUME VI.

The history of Garfield’s life to this period presents no novel features. He had undoubtedly shown perseverance, self-reliance, selfsacrifice and ambition—qualities which, be it said for the honor of our country, aro everywhere to be fonnd among the young men of America. But from his graduation at Williams, onward to the honr of his tragical death, Garfield’s career was eminent and exceptional. Slowly working through his educational period, receiving his diploma when 24 years of age, he seemed atone bound to spring into conspicuous and brilliant success. Within six years he was successively President of a college, State Senator of Ohio, Major General of the army of the United States, and Representative to the national Congress—a combination of honors so varied, so elevated, within a period so brief, and to a man so young, is without precedent or parallel in the history of the country. Garfield’s army life was begun with no othre military knowledge than such as he had hastily gained from books in the few months preceding his march to the field. Stepping from civil life to the head of a regiment, the first order he received when ready to cross the Ohio was to assume command of a brigade and to operate as an independent force in Eastern Kentucky. His immediate duty was to check the advance of Humphrey Marshall, who was marching down the Big Sandy, with the intention of occupying, in connection with other Confederate forces, the entire territory of Kentucky, and of precipitating the State into secession. This was at the close of the year 1861. Seldom if ever has a young college professor been thrown into a more embarrassing and discouraging position. He knew just enough of m.lit iry scienoe, as ho expressed it himself, to measure the extent of his ignorance, and, with a handful of men, he was marching in rough winter weather into a strange country, among a hostile population, to confront a laigcly-superior force under the command of a distinguished graduate of West Point, who had seen active and important service in two preceding wars. The result of the campaign is matter of history. The skill, the endurance, tho extraordinary energy shown by Garfield, the courage he imparted to his men, raw and untried as himself ; the measures he adopted to increase his force and to create in the enemy’s mind exaggerated estimates of his numbers, boro perfect fruit in the routing of Marshall, the capture of his camp, the dispersion of his force and the emancipation of an important territory from the control of the rebels. Coming at tbe close of the long series of disasters to the Union arms, Garfield’s victory had an unusual and extraneous importance, and, in the popular judgment, elevated the young commander to the rank of a military hero. With less than 2,000 men in his entire command, with a mobilized-force of only 1,100, without cannon, he had mot an army of 6.000 and defeated them, driving Marshall’s forces successfully from two strongholds of their own selection, fortified with abundant artillery. Maj. G n. Buell, commander of the Department of Ohio, an experienced soldier of the regular army, published an order of thanks and congratulations on the brilliant result of the Big Bandy campaign, which would have turned the head of a less cool and sensible man than Garfield. Buoii declared that his seryicos had called into action the highest qualities of a soldier, anl President Lincoln supplemented these words of praise by the more substantial reward of a Brigadier General’s commission, to bear di to from tho day of his decisive victory over Mar diall.

the subsequent military career of Garfield fully su-itauied the brilliant beginning. With hi i new commission he was assigued to the ommnnd of a brigade in the Army of the Ohio and took part in the second and decisive day’s fight in the great battle of Shiloh. The remainder of the year 1862 was not espc ci . Ily eventful to Garfield, as it was not to tho armies, with which he was serving. His practical senso was called into exercise in contemplating the task assigned him by Gen. Buell of reconstructing bridges and re-establishing lim s of railway communication for the army. His occupation in this useful but not brilliant field was varied by service on courts-martial of importance, in which department of duty he won a valuable reputation, attracting the not eo and securing Ihe approval of the able and eminent Judge Advocate General or the army. Th it of itself was warrant to houorablo fame, for among the groat men who in those trying days gave tbomselves, with entire devotion, to the service of their country one who brought to that service the respect, learning, the. most fervid eloquence, the most varied attainments, who in tne day of triumph sat reserved and silent and grateful, “as Francis Deak in the hour of Hungary’s deliverance,” was Joseph Ho t, of Kentucky, and in his honorable retirement ho enjoys the respect and veneration of all who love the union of the States. Early in 1863 Garfield was assigned to the highly important and responsible post of Chief of Staff to Gen. Rosecrans, then at the head of the Army of the Cumberland. Perhaps in a great military campaign no subordinate officer requires sounder judgment and quicker knowledge of men than the Chief .of Staff to the commanding General. An indiscreet man in such a position can sow more discord, breed more jealousy, and disseminate more strife than any other officer in the entire organization. When Gen. Garfield assumed his new duties he found various troubles already well developed and seriously affecting the value and efficiency of the Army of the Cumberland. Tho energy, the impartiality and the tact with which he sought to allay these dissensions and to discharge the duties of his new and trying position will always remain one of the most striking proofs of his great versatility. His military duties closed on the memorable field of Chickamauga, a field which, however disastrous to the Union arms, gave to him the occasion of winning imperishable laurels. The very rare distinction was accorded him of a great promotion for his bravery on a field that was lost. President Lincoln appointed him a Major General in the army of the United States “ for gallant and meritorious conduct in the battle of Ch ckamauga.”

The Armv of the Cumberland was reorganize 1 under the command of Gen. Thomas, who promptly offered Garfield one of its divisions. Ho was "extremely desirous to accept the position, but was embarrassed, by the fact that he had a year before been elected to Congress, and the time when he must take his seat was drawing near. He preferred to remain in the military service, and had within his own breast the largest confidence of success in the wider field which his new rank opened to him. Balancing the arguments on the ouo side and the other, anxious to determine what was for the best, desirous above all things to do his patriotic duty, be was decisively influenced by the advice of President Lincoln and Secretary Stanton, both of whom assured him that he could at that time be of especial value in the House of Representatives. Ho resigned his commission of Major General on the sih day of December, 1863, aud took his seat in the House of Representatives on the 7th. He had served two yoars and four months in the army, aud had just completed his 32d year. The Thirty-eighth Congress is prominently entitled in history to the designation of" the War Congress. It was elected while the war was flagrant, and every member was chosen upon the issues involvod in the continuance of the struggle. The Thirty-soventn Congress had indeed legislated to a lax-ge extent on war measures, but it was chosen before any one believed that secession of the States would be actually attempted. The magnitude of the work which fell upon its successor was unprecedented both in respect to the vast sum of money raised for support of the army and navy and of the new and extraordinary powers of legislation which it was forced to exercise. Only twenty-four States were represented, aud 182 members were upon its rolls. Among these were many distinguished party leaders on both sides—veterans in the public service, with established reputations for ability, and with that skill which comes only from parliamentary experience. Into this assemblage of men Garfield entered, without special preparation, and, it might almost be -said, unexpectedly. The question of taking command of a division of troops under Gen. Thomas or taking his seat in Congress was kept open till the last moment—so late, indeed, that the resignation of his military commission and his appearance in the House were almost contemporaneous. He wore the umform of a. Major General of toe United States army on Saturday, and on Monday in civilian’s dress he answered to toe rollcall as a Representative in Congress from the State of Ohio.

He was especially fortunate in the constituency which elected him. Descended almost entirely from New England stock, the men of the Ashtabnla district were intensely radical on all questions relating to human rights, well educated, thrifty, thoroughly intelligent in affairs, acutely discerning of character, not quick to bestow confidence and slow to withdraw it, they were at once the most helpful and most exacting of supporters. Their tenacious trust in men in whom they have once confided is illustrated by toe unparalleled fact that Elisha Whittlesey, Joshua R. Giddings and James A. Garfield represented the district for fifty-four years. There is no test of a man’s ability in any department of publio life more severe than service in the House of Representatives ; there fat no plaoe where so UtUe deference if paid to

RENSSELAER. JASPER COUNTY, INDIANA, FRIDAY, MARCH 10, 1882.

reputation previously acquired, or to eminence won outside; no place where so little consideration is shown for the feelings or failures of beginners. What a man gains in tbe House he gains by sheer force of his own character, and, if he loses and falls back, he must expect no mercy and will receive no sympathy. It is a field in which the survival of the strongest is the recognized rule, and where no pretense can survive and no glamour can mislead. The real man is discovered, his worth is impartially weighed, his rank is irrevocably decided. With possibly a single exception, Garfield was the youngest member in the Honse when he entered, and was bat seven years from his college graduation ; but he had not been in his seat sixty days before bis ability was recognized and his place conceded. He stepped to the front with the confidence of one who belonged there ; the Honse was crowded with strong men of both parties: nineteen of them have since been transferred to the Senate, and many of them have served with distinction in the Gubernatorial chairs of tbeir respective States and on foreign missions of great consequence. But, among all, none new so rapid Iv, none so firmly, as Garfield. As is said by Teyelan of his parliamentary hero, Garfield succeeded because all the world in concert could not have kept him in the background, and because, when once in the front, he played his part with a prompt intrepidity and a commanding ease that were bat the outward symptoms of the immense reserves of energy on which it was in his power to draw. Indeed, the apparently reserved force which Garfield possessed was one of his great characteristics. Ho never did so well but that it seemed he could easily have done better. He never expended so much strength but that he seemed to be holding additional power at call. .This is one of tho happiest and rarest distinctions of an effective leader, and often counts for as much in persuading an assembly as eloquent and elaborate argument. His military life, illustrated by honorable performance and rich in promise, was, as he himself felt, prematurely terminated and necessarily incomplete. Speculation as to what he might have done in a field where the great prizes are so few cannot be profitable. It is sufficient to say that as a soldier he did his duty bravely, he did it intelligently, he won an enviable fame and he retired from the service without blot or breath against him. As a lawyer, though admirably equipped for the profession, he can scarcely be said to have entered on its practice. The few efforts made at the bar were distinguished by the same high order of talent which he exhibited on every field where he was put to the test, and, if a man may be accepted as a competent judge of his own capacities and adaptations, the law was the profession to which Garfield should have devoted himself. But fate ordained otherwise, and his reputation in history will rest largely upon his services in the House of Representatives. That servioe was exceptionally long. He was nine times consecutively Congressman to the House, an honor enjoyed by not more than six other Representatives of the more than 1,000 who have been elected from the organization of the Government to this hour.

As a parliamentary orator, as a debater on an issue squarely joined, where the position had been chosen and the ground laid out, Garfield must be assigned a very high rank—more perhaps than any man with whom he was associated in public life. He gave careful and systematic study to public questions, and he came to every discussion in which he took pait with elaborate and complete preparations. He was a steady and indefatigable worker. Those who imagine that talent or genius can supply the placo or achieve the results of labor will find no encouragement in Garfield’s life. Iu preliminary work he was apt, rapid and skillful. He possessed in a high degree the power of readily absorbing ideas and facts, and, like Dr. Johnson, had the art of getting from a book all that was of value in it by a reading apparently so quick and cursory that it seemed like a mere glance at the table of contents. He was pre-eminently a fair and candid man; in debate he took no petty advantage, stooped to no unworthy methods, avoided personal allusion, rarely appealed to prejudice, did not seek to inflame passion. He had a quicker eye for the strong point of his adversary than for his weak point, and oil his own side he so marshaled his weighty arguments as to make his hearers forget any possible lack in the complete strength of his position. He had a habit of stating his opponent’s side with such amplitude of fairness and such liberality of concession that his , followers often complained that he was giving his case away. But never In his prolonged participation in the proceedings in the House did he give his case away or fail, in the judgment of competent and impartial listeners, to gain the mastery. These characteristics which marked Garfield as a great debater did not, however, make him a great parliamentary leader. A parliamentary leader, as that term is understood wherever free representative government exis.'s, is necessarily and very strictly the organ of his party. An ardent American defined tho instinctive warmth of patriotism when he offered the toast, “ Our country, always right; but, right or wrong, our country.” The parliamentary leader who has a body or followers that will do, and dare, and die for the cause is one who believes his party always right, but, right or wrong, is for his party'. No more important or exacting duty devolved upon him tban the selection of the field and the time for contest. He must know not merely how to strike, bnt where to strike and when to strike. He often skillfully avoids the strength of his opponent’s position and scatters confusion in his ranks by attacking an exposed point, when really the righteousness of ihe cause and the strength of the logical intrenchment are against him. He conquers often both against the right and the heavy battalions, as when young Charles Fox, in the days of his Toryism, carried the House of Commons against justice, against immemorial rights, against his own convictions—if, indeed, at that period Fox had convictions—and in the interests of a corrupt ndm lustration, in obedience to a tyrannical sovereign, drove Wilkes from tho seat to which th-j electors of Middlesex had chosen him, and installed Luttrell, in defiance not merely of law but of public decency. For an achievement of that kind Garfield was disqualified—disqualified by the texture of his mind, by the honesty of his heart, by his conscience, and by every instinct and aspiration of his nature. The three most distinguished parliamentary leaders hitherto developed in this country are Mr. Clay, Mr. Douglas ana Thaddeus Stevens. Each wag a man of consummate ability, of great earnestness, of intense personality, differing widely each from the others, and yet with a signal trait in common—the power to command. In the give and take of daily discussion ; in the art of controlling and consolidating reluctant and refractory followers ; in the skill to overcome all forms of opposition and to meet with competency and courage the various phases of unlooked-for assault or unsuspected defection, it would be difficult to rank with theße a fourth namo in all our Congressional history. But of these Mr. Clay was the greatest. It would, perhaps, be impossible to find in the parliamentary annals of tbe world a parallel to Mr. Clay in 1841, when, at 64 years of age, he took the control of tho Whig party from the President who had received their suffrages, against the power of Webster in the Cabinet, against the eloquence of Choate in the Senate, against the herculean efforts of Caleb Cushing and Henry A. Wise in the Honse. In unshared leadership, in the pride and plentitnde of power, he hurled against John Tyler with deepest scorn the mass of that conquering column which had swept over the land in 1840, and drove his administration to seek shelter behind the lines of his political foes. Mr. Douglas achieved a victory scarcely less wonderful when, in 1854, against the secret desires of a strong administration, against the wise counsel of the older chiefs, against the conservative instincts and even the moral sense of the country, he forced a reluctant Congress into a repeal of the Missouri compromise. Mr. Thaddeus Stevens, in his contest from 1865 to 1868, actually advanced his parliamentary leadership until Congress tied the hands of the President and governed the country by its own will, leaving only perfunctory duties to be discharged by the Executive. With 8200,000,000 of patronage in his hands at the opening of the contest, aided by the active force of Seward in the Cabinet and the moral power of Chase on the bench, Andrew Johnson coujd not command the support of one-third in either house against the parliamentary uprising of which Thaddens Stevens was toe animating spirit and the unquestioned leader. From these three great men Garfield differed radi-cally-differed in the quality of his mind, in temperament, in toe form and phase of ambition He could not do what they did, but he couid do what they could not, aud in toe breadth of his Congressional work he left that which will long exert a potential influence among men, and which, measured by the severe test of posthumous criticism, will secure a more enduring and more enviable fame. Those unfamiliar with Garfield’s Industry and ignorant of the details of his work may in some degree measure them by the annal* of Congress. No one of the generation of publio men to which he belonged has contributed ao

“A Finn Adherence to Correct Principles.”

much that will be valuable for future reference. His speeches are numerous, many of them brilliant, all of them well studied, carefully phrased and exhaustive of the subject under consideration. Collected from the scattered pages of ninety royal octavo volumes of Congressional Rcctfds, they would present an invaluable compendium of the political history of the most important era through which the national Government has ever passed. When toe history of this period shall be impartially written, when war legislation, measures of reconstruction, protection of human rights, amendments to toe constitution, maintenance of public credit, steps toward specie resumption, true theories of revenue may be reviewed, unsurronnded by prejudice and disconnected from partisanism, the speeches of Garfield will be estimated at their true value, and will be fonnd to oomprise a vast magazine of fact and argument, of clear analysis and sound conclusion. Indeed, if no other authority were accessible his speecLes in the Honse of Representatives from December, 1863, to Jnne, 1880, would give a well-connected history and complete defense of the important legislation of the seventeen eventful years that constitute his parliamentary life. Far beyond that his speeches would be fonnd to forecast many great measures yet to be completed—measures which he knew were beyond the public opinion of the hour, but which he confidently believed would secure popular approval within toe period of his own lifetime, and by the aid of his own efforts. Differing as Garfield did from the brilliant parliamentary leaders, it is not easy to find his counterpart anywhere in the record of American public life. He perhaps more nearly resembled Mr. Seward in his supreme faith in the all-conquenng power of principle. He had the love of learning and the patient industry of investigation to which John Adams owes his prominence and his Presidency. He had some of those ponderous elements of mind which distinguished Mr. Webster, and which indeed in all our public life have left the great Massachusetts Senator without an intellectual peer. In English parliamentary history as m our own the leaders in the Honse of Commons present points of essential difference from Garfield. But some of his methods recall toe best features in the strong, independent course of Sir Robert Peel, and striking resemblances are discernible in that most promising of modern Conservatives who died too early for his country and his fame, Lord George Bentick. He had all of Burke’s love for the sublime and the beautiful, with possibly something of his superabundance, aud in his faith and in his magnanimity, in his power of statement, in his subtle analysis, in his faultless logic, in his love of literature, in his wealth and world of illustration, one is reminded of that great English statesman of today, who, confronted with obstacles that would daunt any but the dauntless, reviled by those whose supposed rights he is forced to invade, still labors with serene courage for toe amelioration of Ireland and for toe honor of the English name. Garfield’s nomination to the Presidency, while not predicted or anticipated, was not a surprise to the country. His prominence in Congress, his solid qualities, his wide reputation, strengthened by his then recent election as Senator from Ohio, kept him in the public eye as a man occupying the very highest range among those entitled to be called statesmen. It was not mere chanco that brought him this high honor. “We nmst,” says Mr. Emerson, “reckon success a constitutional trait. If Eric is in robust healtti and has slept well, and is at the top of bis condition and 30 years old at his departure from Greenwald, he will steer west and his ship will reach Newfoundland. But take Eric and put in a stronger and bolder man, and toe ships will sail 600, 1,000, 1,500 miles farther and reach Labrador and New England. There is no chance in results.” As a candidate Garfield steadily grew in popular favor. He was met with a storm of detraction at the very hour of his nomination, and it continued with increasing volume and momentum until the close of his victorious campaign. No might nor greatness in mortality can censure escape, back-wounding calumny tho whitest virtuo strikes. What King so strong can tie the gall up in the slanderous tongue? Under it all he was calm, and strong, and confident, never lost his self-possession, did no unwise act, spoke no hasty or ill-con-sidered word. Indeed, nothing in his whole life is more remarkable or more creditable than his bearing through those five full mouths of vituperation—a prolonged agony of trial to a sensitive man, a constant and cruel draft upon the powers of moral endurance. Tho great mass of these unjust imputations passed unnoticed, and, with the general debris of the campaign, fell into oblivion. But in a few instances the iron entered his soul, and he died with the injury nnforgotten, if not uuforgiven. One aspect of Garfield’s candidacy was unprecedented. Never beforo in the history of partisan contests in this country had a successful Presidential candidate spoken freely ou passing events and current issues. To attempt anything of toe kind seemed novel, rash and even desperate. The older class of voters recalled toe unfortunate Alabama letter in which Mr. Clay was supposed to have signed his political death-warrant They remembered also the hot-tempered effusion by which Gen. Scott lost a large share of his popularity beforo nis nomination, and the unfortunate speeches which rapidly consumed the remainder. The younger voters had seen Mr. Greeley in a series or vigorous and original addresses preparing the pathway for his own defeat. Unmindful of these warnings, unheeding too advice of friends, Garfield spoke to large crowds, as he journeyed to and from New York iu August, to a great multitude in that city, to delegations and deputations of every kind that called at Mentor during the summer and autumn. With innumerable critics watchful and eager to catch a phrase that might be turned into odium or ridicule, or a sentence that might be distorted to his own or his party's injury, Garfield did not trip or halt in any one of his seventy speeches. This seems all the more remarkable when it is remembered that he did not write what he said, and yet spoke with such logical consecutiveness of thought and such admirable decision of phrase as to defy the accident of misrsport ana the malignity of misrepresentation.

In the beginning of his Presidential life Garfield's experience did not yield him pleasure or satisfaction. The duties that engross so large a portion of toe President’s time were distasteful to him, and were unfavorably contrasted with his legislative work. “I have been dealmg all these years with ideas,” he impatiently exclaimed one day, “and hero I’m dealing only with persons. I have been heretofore treating of the fundamental principles of Government, and here I am considering all day whether A or B shall be appointed to this or that office.” • Ho was earnestly seeking some practical way of correcting the evils arising from the distribution of overgrown and unwieldy patron-age-evils always appreciated and often discussed by him, but whose magnitude had been more deeply impressed upon his mind since his accession to the Presidency. Had he lived, a comprehensive improvement in the mode of appointment and in the tenure of office wonld have been proposed by him, and, with tbe aid of Congress, no doubt, perfected. But, while many of the executive duties were not grateful to him, he was assiduous and conscientious in toeir discharge. From the very outset he exhibited administrative talent of a high order. ’He grasped the helm of office with the hand \of a master. In this respect, indeed, he constantly surprised many who were not mosrintimately associated with him in the Government, and especially those who feared he might be lacking in the executive faculty. His disposition of business was orderly and rapid ; bis power of analysis and his skill in classification', enabled him to dispatch a vast mass of detail with singular promptness and ease; his Cabinet meetings were admirably conducted ; his clear presentation of official subjects, his well-considered suggestions of topics on which discussion was invitod, his quick decision when ali had been heard, combined to show a thoroughness oi mental training as rare as bis natural ability and. his facile adaptation to a new and enlarged fiekhof labor. With perfect comprehension of all the inheritances of the war, with a cebl calculation 6f toe obstacles in toe way, impelled'atiyays by a generons enthusiasm, Garfield conceived that much might be done by his administration toward restoring harmony between the different sections of the Union. He was anxious to go South and speak to the people. As early as April he had ineffectually endeavored to arrange for a trip to Nashville, whither he had been cordially invited, and he was again disappointed a few weeks after to find he could not go to South Carolina to attend the centennial commemoration of the victory of Cowpens; hut for the autumn, he definitely coanted on being present at three memorable assemblios in the South—the celebration at Yorktown, the opening of toe Cotton Exposition at Atlanta, and the meeting of toe Army of the Cumberland at Chattanooga. He was already, turmng over in his mind ms address for’each occasion, and toe three taken together, he said to a friond, gave him the exact scope and verge he needed. At Yorktown he would have before him tbe associations of a hundred years that bound the Booth and the North in the •acred memory of a oommon danger and a con-

mon victory; at Atlanta he would present tbe material interests and the industrial development which appealed to toe thrift and independence of every household, and which should unite the two sections by the instinct of selfinterest and self-defence. At Chattanooga, he wonld revive memories of the war only to show that, after all its disasters and all its sufferings, the country was stronger and greater, the Union rendered indissoluble, and the future, through the agony and blood of one generation, made brighter and better for aIL Garfield’s ambition for toe success of his administration was high. With strong cantion and conservatism in his nature, he was in no danger of attempting rash experiments or es resorting to toe empiricism of statesmanship; bnt he believed that renewed and closer attention should bo given to questions affecting the material interests and commercial prosperity of 50,000,000 of people. He believed that our continental relations, extensive and undeveloped as they are, involved responsibility, and could be cultivated in profitable friendship, or be abandoned to harmful indifference or lasting enmity. He believed with eqnal confidence that an essential forerunner to a new era of national, progress mast be a feeling of contentment in every section of the Union, and a general belief that the benefits and burdens of government would be common to all Himself a conspicuous illustration of what ability and ambition may do under republican institutions, he loved his country with a passion of patriotic devotion, and every waking thought was given to her advancement. He was an American in all his aspirations, Ind he looked to the destiny and influence of toe United States with tbe philosophical composure of Jefferson and the demonstrative confidence of John Adams. The political events which disturbed the President's serenity for many weeks before that fateful day in July form an important chapter in his career, and inhisown judgment involvod matters of principle and of right which are vitally essential to the constitutional administration of the Federal Government. It would be out of place hero and now to speak toe language of controversy, but toe events referred to, however they may continue to be toe source of contention with others, have become, so far as Garfield is concerned, as much a matter of history as his heroism at Chickamauga or his illustrious service in the House. Detail is not needed, full and personal. Antagonism shall not be rekindled by any word uttered to-day. The motives of those opposing him are not to be here adversely interpreted nor their course harshly characterized, but of toe dead President this is to 'be said, and said because his own speech Is forever silenced, and he can be no more heard except through the fidelity and the love of surviving friends. From the beginning to the end of the controversy he so much deplored the President was never for one moment actuated by motives of gain to himself or loss to others. Least of all did he harbor revenge ; rarely did he ever show resentment; and malico was not in his nature. He was congenially employed onlv in the exohange of good offices and the doing of kindly deeds. There was not an hour from the beginning of the trouble until the fatal shot entered his body when the President would not gladly, for the sake of restoring harmony, have retraced Ruy step he had taken, if such retracing had merely involved consequences personal to himself. "The pride of consistency, or any supposed sense of humiliation that might result from surrendering his position, had not a feather's weight with him. No man was lesa subject to such influences from within or without ; but after most anxious deliberation and the coolest survey of all circumstances he solemnly believed that the true prerogatives of the Executive were iuvolvod in the issue which had been raised, and that he would be unfaithful to his supreme obligation if he failed to maintain in all then - vigor the constitutional rights and dignities of the great office. He believed this in all tho convictions of conscience, when in sound and vigorous health, and he believed it in his suffering and prostration, in the last conscious thought which his wearied mind bestowed on transitory struggles of life. More than this need nob be said ; less than this could not be said. Justice to the dead, the highest obligation that devolves upon the living, demands the declaration that in all the bearings of the subject, actual or possible, the President wai} content in his mind, justified in his conscience, immovable in his conclusions. The religious element in Garfield’s character was deep and earnest. In his youth he espoused the faith of the Disciples, a sect of that great Baptist communion which, in different ecclesiastical establishments, is so numerous and so influential through all parts of the United States ; but the broadening tendency of his mind and his active spirit of inquiry were early apparent, and carried him beyond the dogmas of sect and the restraints of association. In selecting a college in which to continue his education, he rejected Bethany, though presided over by Alexander Campbell, the greatest preacher of his church. His reasons were eh&racteristical: First, that Bethany leaned too heavily toward slavery ; and, second, that, being himself a Disciple and tho son of Disciple parents, he had little acquaintance with people of other beliefs, and he thought it would make him more liberal, quoting his own words, both in his religious and general views, to go into a new circle and be under new influences. The liberal tendency which he anticipated as toe result of wider culture was fully realized. He was emancipated from mere sectarian belief, and with eager interest pushed his investigation in the direction of modern progressive thought. He followed with quickening stops tithe paths of exploration and speculation so fearlessly trodden by Darwin, by Huxley, by Tyndall and by other living scientists of the radical and advanced type. His own church binding its disciples by no formulated creed but accepting toe Old and New Testament as toe word of God, with unbiased liberty of private interpretation, favored if it did not stimulate the spirit of investigation. Its members profess with sincerity, aud profess only to be of one mind and one faith with those who followed the Master and who were first called Christians at Antioch. But however high Garfield reasoned of “fixed fate, free will, foreknowledge absolute,” he was never separated from the Church of the Disciples in his affections and in his associations. For him it held the Ark of the Covenant; to him was the gate of heaven. The world of religious belief is fall of solecisms and contradictions. A philosophic observer declares that men by toe thousand will die in defense of a creed whose doctrines they do not comprehend, and whose tenets they habitually violate. It is equally true that men by the thousands will cling to church organizations with instinctive and undying fidelity when their belief in mature years is radically different from that which inspires them as neophytes. But after this range of speculation and this latitude of doubt, Garfield came back always with freshness and delight to simpler instincts of religious faith which, earliest implanted, longest survive. Not many weeks before his assassination, walking on the banks of toe Potomac with a friend, and conversing on these topics of personal religion, concerning whioh noble natures nave an unconquerable reserve, he said that he found' toe Lord’s prayer and the simple petitions learned in infancy infinitely restful to him, not merely in their stated repetition, but in their casual and frequent recall as he went about toe daily duties of life. Certaiu texts of Scripture had a very strong hold on his memory and heart. He heard, while in Edinburgh Borne years ago, an eminent Scotch preacher who prefaced his sermon with reading the eighth chapter of the Epistle to the Romans, which book had been toe subject of careful study with Garfield during all his religious life. He was greatly impressed by the elocution of the preacher, and declared that it had imparted a new and deeper meaning to toe majestic utterances of St. Paul. He" referred often in after years to that memorable service, and dwelt with exaltation of feeling upon toe radiant promise and toe assured hope with which toe great apostle of toe Gentiles was persuaded that neither death, nor life, nor angels, nor principalities, nor powers, nor things present, nor things to come, nor height, nor depth, nor any other creature shall be able to separate us from the love of God which is in Christ Jesus our Lord. The crowning characteristic of Gen. Garfield’s religions opinions, as indeed all his opinions, was his liberality. In all things he had charity. Tolerance was of his nature. He respected in others the qualities he possessed himself ; sincerity of conviction and frankness of expression. With him the inquiry was not as to what a man believes, but does he believe it ? The lines of his friendship and his confidence incircled men in every creed, and to the end of bis life on his everlengthening list of friends were to be fonnd the names of a pious Catholic priest and of an honest-minded and generous and free thinker. On toe morning of Saturday, Juiy 2, the President was * contented and happy man, not in an ordinary degree, but joyfully, almost boyishly, happy. On his way to the railroad station, to wniob he drove slowly, in consoious enjoyment of the beautiful morning, with an onn outed «mum of leisure and a keen anticipation of

pleasure, his talk was all in the grateful and gratulatory vein. He felt that, after four months of trial, his administration was strong in his grasp of affairs, strong in popular favor, and destined to grow stronger, that grave difficulties confronting him at his inauguration had been safely passed. That trouble lay behind him and not before him. That he was soon to meet the wife whom he loved, now recovering from an illness which had but lately disquieted and at times almost unnerved him ; that he was going to his alma mater to renew the most cherished associations of his young manhood, and to exchange greetings with those whose deepening interest had followed every step of his upward progress from the day he entered upon his college course until he had attained the loftiest position in the gift of his countrymen. Surely, if happiness can ever come from the honors or triumphs of this world, on that quiet July morning James A. Garfield may well have been a happy man. .¶ No foreboding of evil haunted him, not the slightest premonition of danger clouded his sky; his terrible fate was upon him in an instant. One moment he stood erect, strong, confident on the years stretching peacefully out before him. The next he lay wounded, bleeding, helpless, doomed to weary weeks of torture, to silence and the grave. Great in life, he was surpassingly great in death. For no cause, in the very frenzy of wantonness and wickedness, by the red hand of murder, he was thrust from the full tide of this world’s interest, from its hopes, its aspirations, its victories, into the visible presence of death, and he did not quail, not alone for the oue short moment in which, stunned and dazed, he could give up life, hardly aware of its relinquishment, but through days of deadly languor, through weeks of agony that was not less agony because silently borne. With clear sight and calm courage, he looked into his open grave. What blight and ruin met his anguished eyes! Whose lips may tell what brilliant broken plans, what baffled high ambitions, what sundering of strong, warm, manhood friendships, what bitter rending of sweet household ties ! Behind him a proud, expectant nation, a great host of sustaining friends, a cherished and happy mother, wearing the .full, rich honors of her early toil aud tears; the wife of his youth, whose whole life lay in his; the little boys not yet emerged from childhood’s day of frolic; the fair young daughter, the sturdy sons just springing into closest companionship, claiming every day and every day rewarding a father’s love and care, and in his heart the eager rejoicing power to meet all demands ! Before him desolation and darkness, and his soul was not shaken. His countrymen were thrilled with an instant, profound and universal sympathy. Masterful in his mortal weakness, he became the center of a nation’s love, enshrined in the prayers of a world, but all the love and all the sympathy could not share with him his suffering. He trod the wine press alone. W.th unfaltering front he faced death. With unfailing tenderness he took leave of life. Above the-demoniac hiss of the assassin’s bullet he heard the voice of God. With simple resignation he bowed to the Divine decree. As the end drew near his early craving for the sea returned. The stately mansion of power had been to him the weary hospital of pain, and he begged to be taken from its prison walls, from its oppressive, stifling air, from its homelessness and its hopelessness. Gently, silently, the love of a great people bore the pale sufferer to the longed-for healing of the sea, to live or to die as God should will. Within sight of its heaving billows, within sound of its manifold voices, with wan, fevered face tenderly lifted to the cooling breeze, he looked out wistfully upon the ocean’s changing wonders, on its far sails whitening in the morning light, on its restless waves rolling shoreward to break and die beneath the noonday sun, on the red clouds of evening reaching low to the horizon, on the serene and shining pathway of the stars. Let us think that his dying eyes read a mystic meaning which only the rapt and parting soul may know. Let us believe that in the silence of the receding world he heard the great wave breaking on a farther shore, and felt already upon his wasted brow the breath of the eternal morning.

The Flood in the Lower Mississippi.

Memphis, March 1. It would require an artist’s pen to picture the grandeur of the Mississippi as at its present flood-tide it sweeps with a mighty power down to toe Gulf, while its endless current everywhere carries upon its bosom the evidence of its destructive powers. From Cairo to Vicksburg, Miss., there is scarcely anything to be seen but a dreary water waste, extending in many localities fifteen miles into toe interior from either bank. The damage that has been done to farming interests by toe great overflow cannot be estimated. Thousands of cattle and other stock have been drowned, and hundreds are now daily dying of starvation. The inhabitants of the bottom lands have been driven from their homes and are now existing tho best they may on ridges where hastily-built huts afford them shelter, aud where they would soon starve were not food provided. Never before within the history of the country was there so much suffering experienced by toe people of the Mississippi valley as now, and, what with the rising waters and toe incessant rains, the disasters of the future cannot be foretold. Memphis, March 3. News reaches here of terrible destruction of property by the breaking of the levee at Carson’s Landing, La. A gap of seventy-fivo feet was first made by the rushing water, and 100 yards of the levee were soon swept away. The noise of the roaring flood awoke the sleeping cit zens, who, looking out of their homes, saw the river rapidly spreading over the country. Without taking time to clothe themselves, the people fled for their lives. Four persons were overwhelmed by the rushing waters and drowned. Their cries for help were heartrending. Many people had narrow escapes. By tne breaking of the levee a few miles above Greenville, Miss., the whole of Bolivar county, Miss., is inundated. Great loss of property,- and, worse still, loss of life has resulted. Roscdale, the county seat of Bolivar county, is more than six feet under water. Advices from Riverton, Miss., 150 miles south of here, report a fearful destruction of property and some loss of life. The stock is all drowned, and there are no provisions for poor people to subsist on. The village of Riverton has been entirely swept away, and the inhabitants are homeless and penniless. Steamboats now run through the streets at Indian Bay, Arkansas. The water at New Orleans is greatly higher than the average level of the city. Arkansas-City, Ark., is from six inchfis to four feet under water. The poor inhabitants depend on Government rations. The damage To tbe Memphis and Little Rock road by floods is estimated at $500,000. Refugees are flocking to Memphis by hundreds. The Commissioners to distribute rations for Arkansas and Mississippi are on hand, and supplies have already gone forward to Riverton, Concordia and Belen.

“Make it English.”

Mr. Fox, the father of the orator, Charles James Fox, trained his son from childhood to share in the government of England. This anecdote shows the child’s precocity: While the elder Fox was Secretary of State he used to allow Charles to read all his dispatches. One day, when the boy was only ten years of age, the - Secretary brought home a paper which he had very carefully written—an answer, to be sent to a foreign government, with whom England had good cause to find fault. He gave the paper to Charles, anil asked him to read it. The lad did so. “ What do you think of it?” asked the parent, earnestly, for he thought it extremely good. The boy shook his head. Then he looked into his father’s face ; then he straightened himself to his full height, and smiting his little fist upon his swelling breast, he exclaimed : “Oh !—make it stronger ! make it big !—make it—English !” Fox canght the inspiration from the look, the tone, the words of his boy. He threw the paper into the fire, and then sat down and wrote again, and produced a paper which electrified the country.

A boy’s composition on girls : “ Girls are the only folks that have their own way every time. Girls is of several thousand kinds, and sometimes one girl can be like several thousand girls if she wants anything. This is all I knew about giiis, and father says the less I know about them the better off I any

$1.50 uer Annum.

NUMBER 6.

WHO POCKETS PROTECTION?

How Much the Workman «ctaWageb and the Tarlff-Thc Iron and Steel Manufacture. To the Editor of the New York Evening Poet: I have been solicited from most influential quarters to give, in a short anti lucid manner, the actual percentage of wages contained in the amount of goods produced. In my review of Senator Morrill’s ultra tariff speech I have shown that in woolen manufactures the workingman is interested to the extent of about 18 per cent. That is to say, the workingmen in the mills were paid about $lB for every SIOO worth of finished woolen goods produced. I shall, to-day, for the benefit of my friends who so urgently demand more light on this subject, show to what extent the workingmen are interested in the greatest of our manufactured production—that of iron and steel. In the first place, I must say that the country may well be proud of this enormous industry, which has but one superior, that of Great Britain, and no other equal in the world. With this remark, of which more hereafter, I shall present the following figures taken from the census returns : 1. There were in 1880 1,005 establishments in the United States working iron and steel. 2. There was an invested capital of $230,971,884 (real and personal) in the business. 3. There were employed 140,978 hands in the manufacture of iron and 4. These 140,978 hands received $55,476,785 in wages. • 5. The total value of the whole production was $296,557,685. Now the $55,476,785 total wages paid on the $296,557,685 worth of finished product represent a trifle less than $18.75 wages on every SIOO finished goods. In other words, if we deduct the $55,476,785 wages from the finished product of $296,557,685, we get a sum of $241,880,900. Now, a simple protection of 23 per cent, on the above amount would yield the sum of $55,458,607, or only SIB,OOO less than the whole wages paid. In short, if there is any truth in figures, it must be clearly seen that such an enhancement of 23 per cent, on the manufactured product gives the American iron and steel producers the advantage of paying for the whole labor. But, as it might be objected that the price of the American goods is not enhanced to anything like the extent of the tariff, let us look at one of the largest of the metal productions—namely, steel rails. In 1880 we paid $1,478,658 duty on 52,809 tons of steel rails, which was S2B per ton. The cost in England of tiiese 52,809 tons of steel rails was $1,643,700, which is, as near as possible, $31.37} per ton. Thus the duty of S2B a ton added brings the price up to $59.37}, without freight or charges. The average price of steel rails in 1880 was over S6O. Hence, the full pound of flesh as to the tariff was obtained, and, what is still more, the average duty on steel rails was, if calculated ad valorem, 90 per cent. All these official figures as to the price of steel rails abroad, the duty collected and percentage, can be verified from “ Commerce and Navigation” of 1880, page 632. Now, as to bar iron, there is before me a London circular Jan. 6, 1882, which quotes Staffordshire bars at £7 ss. to £7 15s. in Liverpool. Taking the outside price at £7 155., and the sovereign at $4.90, a ton of Staffordshire iron in Liverpool costs S3B. The duty on bar iron, not extra sizes, is 1 cent per pound, or $22.40. If we add this duty to the price of bar iron in Liverpool it amounts to $60.37} per ton. Let us now turn to the American price of bar iron. A New York wholesale price current now before me, dated Jan. 5, 1882, quotes the price for common bar iron at 2.7 cents per pound, which is exactly $60.48 per ton. Thus we again see that the full pound of flesh is exacted, but with this difference, that the price in New York does not allow the importer for freight, insurance or commission. From the Census Bureau it will be found that in 1870 there were 808 establishments engaged in manufacturing iron and steel throughout the Union, and that in 1880 there were 1,005, or an increase of 24.38 per cent. When in 1870 the invested capital was $121,772,074, in 1880 it was $230,971,884, an increase of 90 per cent. Now, a curious fact is at once developed. In the decade from 1870 to 1880 those familiar with the trade know that these seven years were the worst that ever befell the iron and steel inte#sts of the country. Referring then to this increase of capital during the ten years the question arises, From whence did this mpney come which, invested in the making of iron and steel, is so largely in excess of that used in 1870 ? It could not have been put into the business by persons engaged in other pursuits. A certain familiarity with iron and steel, it is supposable, induced only .those in the trade to venture a large stake in the business. It is then in the highest degree probable that the major portion of the additional money placed in these special industries during the last ten years was derived from the profits made during the decade in addition to the large dividends paid to the stockholders. These figures are simply given to convince the American consumers of iron that the price of iron and steel is enhanced by the tariff in the most important cases to the full extent of the duty. This duty on common bar iron averages 521 per cent.; whereas, as I have shown, a protection or an enhancement of 23 per cent, is equivalent to the cost of the labor on the finished product. It would be well for the legislators who represent the great agricultural interest of this country to study and apply the foregoing figures. They may perhaps come to the conclusion that the great farmer booby is the innocent victim who has to pay a tax to the manufacturing oligarchy, and the workmen are the catspaw that pull roasted chestnuts out of the hot ashes. They may further conclude that it is about time to modify this villainous monster of protection by cutting its vulture claws.

The Tax Juggle.

Says the protected manufacturer: “Why, don’t we manufacturers pay our proportion with the rest ? The hatter pays his 25 per cent, to the shoemaker, the shoemaker pays his 25 per cent, to the hatter, and out of the increased prices we are all able to pay the farmer more, and so it goes; everybody gets "higher profits, and it is a goad thing all around!” Let us simplify. Suppose we have a community consisting of a hatter, shoemaker and a farmer. The farmer hoes

{gUs democrat if £tnti»ct JOB PRINTINB OFFICE Um better (MllitiM than any office In Hortbwe*.. Indians for the execution a t all hnaebaa of JOB PRINTI]NTCfr. PROMPTNESS A SPECIALTY. Anything, from a Dodger to a Wwllal, or from • ramphlet to a rooter, blaoh or oolored, plain or fancy. SATISFACTION GUARANTEED.

his own row, asking odds of nobody ; but the hatter and the shoemaker demand a bonus of SSO a year each. Now, on the protection plan, will they get it ? It would be too barefaced a steal to levy a tax on the farmer alone. They will not do that Avoiding the api>earance of unjust discrimination, they will put a tax on all consumers of hats and shoes ; they will make all purchasers of hats and shoes contribute .alike to the Eroteoliou fund. Very fair, this looks : ut mark the singular result: The hatter pays SSO a year to fostor the shoe industry. The shoemaker pays SSO a year to foster the hat industry. These two transactions balance each other. Neither the hatter nor the shoemaker are out of pocket a penuy. But the farmer ? He pays SSO a year to foster the hat industry, aud SSO a year to foster the shoe industry; total, SIOO. He receives—nothing. His industry is not “fostered.” There it is in a nut shell. The protection tax is laid on all alike. But, when the books are balanced, the hatter and the shoemaker are in SSO each, and the farmer is out SIOO. Who is it that pays for protection ? Graham M oA dam.

Washington. Feb. 16, 1882. Col. Jonah 11. French, Chairman of the Democratic State Committee of MoHßachuaetUi, Boston. Deak Sib : I feel honored and gratified by your most cordial invitation to meet your committee at dinuer at the Parker House in Boston on the 22d inst. The temptation is hard to resist, and nothing but the formation of a private engagement for the 21st and the pressure of abundant public duties here prevent my ready acceptance and undertaking the journey to Boston for the purpose of joining with men of my political faith aud brotherhood in commemorating the birthday of the great American whose influence upon our country and the sentiments and character of its people are best represented by the principles of the Democratic party. Whenever in the halls of Congress (and never from a Democrat) appeals to sectional prejudice and for the perpetuation of the false money uot grounded on value are made, we recall his honest indignation against all such unjust and dishonest “ legal tender ” for honest debts. When we witness the consummation of a shameless bargain by which the political control of the State of bis birth is sold to the ministers of hatred and prejudice, we should recall the solemu warning of the farewell address. When a portion of the people of the Old Dominion advocate repudiation, wo long for the restoration of his influence and example to rebuke aud denounce the corrupt and degenerate men who have disregarded or forgotten the lessons of his noble life. Op every occasion when we can revive and commemorate the virtues that made the name of Washington immortal, let us not fail or omit to avail ourselves of it. Convey to your association my sincere regret that I can not be present at their patriotic banquet. Respectfully and truly yours,

W aen women shall have obtained tholr Right*. ] Edwin—“ Believe me, dearest—” Angelina—“ Pardon me, Edwin, but is that the best adjective you can use ? The word “ dearest” implies that I have cost you a great deal—have been very expensive. Now, when I prepared our settlements with my solicitor, I—” [Explains the Law of Real and Personal Property.] Edwiu—“Thanks, darling, your lecture lms been delightful. But see, the moonlight tinges the trees without—” Angelina—“ Moonlight? lam glad you have memtioned the moou. Do you know that our planetary system is—’ [Exhaustively canvasses the whole system of modem astronomy. ] Edwiu—“Wonderful ! But the nightingale lias begun her sweet singing—” Angelina—“ Really! That reminds me, you told me the other day that you knew little or nothing of natural history. I have an excellent memory, and will recite a few chapters of White’s 4 Belborne ’ to you. [Does so.] Edwin, (awaking from his slumber) “Ah, indeed I But come, my own one—” Angelina—“ Beloved one, as accuracy is to be more esteemed than affection, do not call me thine. Until I am married I am a femme sole, and even when we are united the tendency of modern legislation is to separate the parties. It was uot so in the past—” [Gives a history of the world from the earliest ages. ] Edwiu (yawning)—“ Charming ! Most interesting ! Sweet Angelina, you speak so well, that I Bhould like to hear your voice mocking that nightingale. Sing, darling, sing ! Angelina—“l would rather tell you what I know of thorough bass. But first let me correct you. I can scaroely rival the nightingale. The human frame differs materially from the frames of birds and animals.” [Lectures upon anatomy in all its branches. ] Edwin (in his sleep)—“Grand I Very good ! (Waking.) Ah ! I must be off! Farewell, Angelina, the hours will seem years when I am away from you." Angelina—“ Then they should not. There need be no confusion of time in your case, as you are not about to travel round the world. Certainly, if you were, you would find your watch losing as you moved southward. In connection with the subject I may say a little about 4 time.’ You must know, then, that—” [ Rapidly sketches the difference of the real and ecclesiastical equinox, the Gregorian reform, etc., etc.] Edwin (tearing himself away)—“Farewell, dearest—l should say own one, or rather femme sole. Good-by up til I see thee again. ” [Exit to attempt to csgipe to America, to avoid damages for a breach of promise of marriagej Augeliua— 44 Fortunately I have taken my medical degree, and can read his mifid like an open book ! ” [Exit to her solicitor torestrain him 1 ]

A theatrical man at Chicago thought it would be smart to make a friend who slept with him believe that the smart man had smallpox. So he got upr in the night, and with stage paint he painted his face with smallpox pustules, and went to sleep. The innocent man woke up in the morning and looked at bis friend, and finding him broke out, ho went ont qnietly and notified the health officers, and they came with an ambulance to take him to the pest-honse. Tlio smart fellow had to do some of the best acting he ever did in his life to keep ont of the pest-house. He is not exactly clear whether it pays to be so almighty smart or not,

J. S. MOORE.

Letter from Senator Bayard.

T. F. BAYARD.

Love-Making in 1891.