Democratic Sentinel, Volume 5, Number 31, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 9 September 1881 — SENATOR VOORHEES. [ARTICLE]

SENATOR VOORHEES.

The Prefjdent iifis been avfelyrens ved to tiohg Branch. In New York, this fall, there are to be elected a Secretary of State, a Comptrolu •, a State lroasurer, an A torney General, a Sffite Engineer and Surveyor, and an Associate Judge of the Court of Appeals. Congressmen are also to be elected to flli vacanci a in the 9th, 11th, 22d and i7fh dstricts, 32 State Senators and 128 Assembly 0 men. * The New York Express closes an editoral as follows: It needs but huij an eye In s-c that the Republican, papers are ttyiug ‘.'*s* perateiy hard to,make political capiital out of thd President's condition. They are working up public sympathy solely to fjeixi.-nt tlieir broki n milks togethd and get rote?, i o 1 purposes for whi-li these extravagances are u tered are notorious, and and makes them more doubly repie hensible. The country will, not be deceived bo a party which nude h nc* c> Siiry to coin the w-nputui sos .a people for a suffering President in-o partisan capital, and would steal the clothes of his deathbed for a campaign flag. . The Chicago News roinarms that ‘•had it not been for tl-.e malign influence of Blaine, President Garfield’s administration- would not have been debased by being coerced into ptaetiees incompatible with pure liepub lioauism, and President Garlieid himself would not have kindled the seething flames of factional ill will to the degree that seemed to the addled bi ain of Guitcau.to furnish cither a justification or a covering pretext to his malignant crime.” It is the mention of such facts of history that will foi" ever keep in view the colossal in.iquiquities of the Republican party.—Ex.

The Secretary announces thatnov er in the history of the boeiety have so many en.rles of articles for exhiv bltion at the county fair been made so early in the season. His books are open at the post-office and people who live in town and the neighborhood will consult their convenience and ex pedite business by calling there instead of waiting until Tuesday, and then going to the Fair ground. Quite a number of stalls have been engaged for horses that will be entered for the races. The wells on tno Fair ground have been thoroughly denned out this week and there is an abundance of water for people and stock. If it i.- found necessary to do so, the directors will have the street sprinkled from the gate of the Fair ground to the Iroquois bridge, during the progress of the Fair. Stockholders are requested to call upon tho secretary at once at the post office and secure their tickets. Each share of stock is entitled to two tickets good durinh the Fair.

The Soldiers’ Reunion, to take place at Lafayette. Indiana, September 21st, 22(1, and 23d inst., promises to eclipse any ever held in the West. Twenty companies of Infantry, four Batteries of Artillery, three Companies of Cavalry, twenty-three Posts G. A. R., and the Chicago Veteran Club, 800 stroug > have given positive promise to be present, and other organizations, not yet heard from, are expected.— “Squads” of ex soldiers from fifteen regiments of infantry and cavalry and four batteries, mainly recruited in the vicinity of LaFayettee, will aid in swelling the crowd. A grand Sham Battle is part of the programme. The camp is named “Garfield,” with Col. W C. Wilson as commandant. Generals Logan, Sheridan', Oglesby, Buckland, Strong, Chapman, Manson, Kise, Miller, Knefler, ex-Prosident Hayes, and Governor Porter and staff are announced to be there, and General Grant and Secretary Lincoln have promised, if possible, to bo present.

The Indiana State Fair. —TLie remarkable success attending the State Fair last year, and the efforts now being made by the managers, give assurance that the coming State Fair will excel in every respect. The premium list has been increased 20 per cent. New improvements are ordered and every arrangement will be made for the comfort of exhibitors and yisitors. Arrangements for special attractions are pending. The capital city will put on its holiday attire. The Public Institutions will be prepared to receive visitors during the Fair week. The railroads will, as usual, carry passengers and freight at half ratesf and all combined will make the State Fair the great event of v the season. Preparation days, September 22, 23 and 24, so that the fair will open and committees on Awards begin work on Monday, September, 25. The increased Interest is demonstrated by the unusual amount of applications for space and other business connected with the fair thu§ early. Late application last season could not be provided for. The Women’s Department promises to be more attractive than usual, and will include every variety of women’s work. Among oilier new features may be mentioned a large and fine display of decorative art, needle work and a number* of inventions,

The Annual Fairs of . the present day are peculiarly American institutions. They originated in imitation of the “Harvest Home Festival” of the older countries, and the social enjoyments have been so combined With the industrial pursuits as to become indispensable to the progressive spirit of the age, and the annual Occurence is anticipated with the same degree of pleasure as the Christmas festivals.

Ir.i <! view li ilh the Distinguished Senator Upon Queelious of the Hour. ■ [Terri: name OttzcUc, September 5 ] ’.'he dangerous wound received by Pie sklent Gurfbdd and tire feai - s felt be hi. ultimate recovery have bio’t thi ; unfry face to face wish several s> i mu;? uses lions. Recognizing the gravity of the situation, and there !)• i:, ' i very general desire upon tho pail of the people to learn the views of Senator Yoorhees, whose position us a Senator clothes Iris opinions with authority, a. reporter of the Gazette was sent to interview him. He se cured the following which will be read with deep interest: Question: What are your views on the question of the President’s inability/ Who determines wherAsuch inability begins and ends, and how does the Vice President in such an event, assume tries office? Answer: That it is a very compre msiva question, and one of the highc t importance. It is now fondly hoped by all that the President will survive and be restored to health, but }t is plain to the most ordinary ob server that his journey back to the dis-Largo of the great and laborious duties of ids official position will be ver y long and very slow. It will cer taiuly take months, and is quite as likely to oe measured by a year or more. Indeed it is possible that the President might live through his term add years beyond it with a brokeu o m- titution, and permanently disabled from performing any of thedu113s of life. I state this as a mere possibility to show the impoufrance of ! the question you ask. The consequences to tho human frame of a Urge i all miking a track nearly eighteen i;mites in cepth in the body, and rein lining there can never be foreseen. Tho discussion, therefore, of the du .ies of the Vic-e President in the pres cut crisis would seem most timely and proper; not as if an immediate emergency was upon us, but as a matter whieu may become of great practical moment in the near future. Of course wo are without precedents in American history on this point. No wounded or disabled President ever before lay lingering between life and death in" the" White House. We must be guided by the CoustiLution itself, and by the reason which grows out of the nature of our institutions. In Section , Article 2 of the Constitution it is provided as follows: I •In i ~sc o!' the removal of the President from j onici-, or of hit death, or inability to I di-eli.it-"e the powers and duties ol' t he said ofUee, die same shall devolve on the Yiee President.”

There are four contingencies here upon the.happening of either one of which the Vice President shall act as President, and concerning three of them there is no uncertainty or doubt as to when or how he shall so act. In the event of the President’s removal from office by impeachment or his death or resignation, his relation to the duties of the office terminates at once and forever, and the Vice President, under his oath to support the Constitution, has nothing to' do but step forward and discharge the duties which the Constitution in express terms devolves upon him. In the fourth and last contingency, however, much difficulty arises. To proyide against the inability of the President to discharge the duties of liis office was a very plain duty of the framers of the Constitution, Jn view of the visitations of insanity and disease, but nothing is plaider to my mind thanjjthe fact that a law of Congress would bo necessary to carry this Con stitutional provision into effect. Iu dividuals have no more authority to determine official questions than the 1 iws give them. Who at this time is authorized byTaw to declare that the President is unable to perform the duties of his office? The fact may be so, but who has the right to say to him, “Here your functions cease,” and to the Vice President, “Here your powers and duties begin?”' Certainly no one will contend that the Vice President himself hay the right. Such a construction would not only be out side of any express law, but it would bo monstrous in its practical applica tion. It wouiu ieave to an aspiring Vice President the right to decide upon all the ailments and disabilities of the. President and to take his office from him whenever he chose to do so. It would also leave him the right to determine when such ailments and disabilities ceased, and when, if ever, he would turn the office over again to its rightful occupant. If it should happen, as it sometimes has in the history of the country, that the Vice President was in a bitter warfare against the President, and was in open, active league with the President’s most powerful and vindictive enemies, I submit that the office would likely change hands upon a very slight “inability” on the part of the President. To use the favorite expression of Senator Thurman in debate, “That won’t do. The spectacle of a Vice Piesident striding into the Executive Man sion, on his own motion, and assuming its duties while the President himself is yet alive, although disabled and sick, will never be witnessed or tolerated by the American people. Q: What do you say, however, as to the*right and power of the Cabinet to declare the President’s inability and to invite the Vice President to act in his place? A: The Cabinet have no sneu right or power at all; no more than any other equal number of gentlemen. The duties of the Cabinet officers are specified by law and they can not go beyond them. This is u Government of delegated and specified powers emanating from the people themselves, who are tho source of ail power. Individuals in office have not a hair’s breadth of authoiity beyond what is expressly granted in the laws, and the better this fact is understood the safdr it will be for the country. What kind of a proclamation could the Cabinet issue on this subject? What clause of the Constitution or what section of the statutes of the United States could they cite as authority for interfering with the question at all? And if the Cabinet is' to determine the inability of the President would they Dot also have to determine his recovery? If we are ro submit these questions of physical and mental incapacity to persons unauthorized by law to decide them, I think after all we had better go with them to the doctors. The truth is, however, that the people must determine them through their representatives in Congress.

Q: But suppose the President is now, and snould remain, so disabled that he could not call Congress together to enact the necessary legislation? A: 1 have heard that poin; presented before. Congress convenes in regular session by law early in December. This Government is so well constructed, so harmonious and so strong in its simplicity of execution, that not a single interest will suffer if the President should not be able to lift his hand or speak above a whisper from this time until the regular meeting or Congress. With *ll our parti san differences the American people

are solidly united in their love for th© institutions of thoir country and in meir devotiou to stability. Therein also great conservatism at this time in ti e public mind in view of the condition of the President. The man or s* t of men who would now needless difficulties or present factious questions with which to erabar rass the administration of tho Government would meet with a heavy and deserved condemnation at the hands of the people. No, tbere will be no trouble, nor necessity for ae lion until Congress meets, even if the President should remain us powerless as he is now.

Q: Iu what way do you think Congress would provide for the Vice Pres iJent to enter upon the duties of the Presidency if such action should be necessary wlk-u Congress convenes? A: It seems to ine that the simplest, safest, and most efficient method *o’d be to create a commission com] o ed say of five members, embracing the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States, the Secretary of State, the Surgeon General of the Army, and two of tho attending surgeons whoso duty it should be to determine whether the President was unable to discharge the duties of his office, the action of the Vice Presi dent, of course, to depend upon their decision. This commission would determine at what point tho President had sufficiently recovered to assume his duties. There may be better methods, but this is the best that has occurred to me without having given the subfect anything like a careful investigation. George 111. of England was insaine during m tuy years of his life, and the Prince of Wales, afterward George IV., reigned in Ids stead under the style and title of Prince Regent. There was no assumption of the succession, however bv the Prince or by the Cabinet. It was all regu luted by act of Parliament,-although the Prince ol Wales was heir to the throne upon the death or inability of the King. Doubtless an examination of the action of the British Parliament on this subject would afford valuable information.

Q: Supposing the President to be unable to sign an act of Congress, how would the necessary legislation take place? A: An act of Congress becomes a law iu three ways. First, by being signed by the Executive; second by not being returned to Congress within ten days, aud third, i y being passed over the veto. If the President was unable to sign his name the bill would not bo returned, and in ten days would become a law without his signature. Q: In the event of the President’s death what in your opinion would be President Arthur’s policy, aud what is your estimate of his ability aud fitness for the office? A: I have not the slightest disposition to speak iu dis parage me nt of Mr. Arthur, but in my candid opinion he is loss fitted for the office of President on the score of ability, training iu polities, official ex perience, aud intimate surroundings and advisers than any man whose name was ever seriously canvassed in connection with that great position. I think the whole country distrusts him perhaps as much as I do. There will be a rush to worship the rising sun If he attains power, but at heart the feeling of the country is the same as I express. If, however, in tho inscrutable providence of God he is to become President, I wish him success in giving the country peace and prosperity, and I will assist him ail I can: butl must be permitted to doubt. In my opinion his policy will be a personal one. He is sandwiched permanently between Grant and Conkling. As faithfully as an Administrator witfi a will annexed lie will carry out Jheir wishes. They are both full of the most intense grievances. Grant remembers his defeat at Chicago with a bitterness that makes him brutal and savage on that ’ subject. Coukling dwells on his defeat at Albany with but one undying purpose, and that is to get oven with his enemies. These two men are both stroug iu their different ways, amVwlieu com biued, as they are, they constitute a power which will control absolutely every step of Arthur’s administration. Let there be no mistake ton this point. Q: But what do you think will be his policy on public questions? A: Toward the Sout-h bitter and persecuting. Conkling originated the Mahone movement in tho Senate, and from him we received the first intimation that lie hao gone over, and we soon afterward ascertained the price that hud been paid for him. Arthur’s policy, of course, would be to sustain him, and in doing so degrade the honor aud good name of Virginia, and encourage similar corruption thro’out “the South. On -the great question of the monopolies, which, in fact, overshadows all others, the people need look for no assistance from Arthur, Grant and Conkling.

Q: Have you-seen the reported interview with Senator Beck,- in which he says, speaking of the course lie would pursue in the event of the death of President Garfield, that: “It would be a time when love of country should rise above all party questions. I should be in favor of the election of some conservative Republican, say Henry B. Anthony, of Rhode Island, to the position of President pro tern, of the Senate, and thus avoid any inducement for any insane person or political fanatic to desirre i.lie deatn of Mr. Arthur?” How is it that a Democratic Senator can only show his love of country by voting for a Republican, and why is it that peace and quiet can only be maintained by keeping the Executive Department in the hands of Republicans? A: I have seen the reported interview to which you allude, and I doubt if it is cor rect. Senator Beck is one of oar ablest and safest men aud I do not believe he made the statement you quote in your question. It is a matter of simple, but absolute demonstration that, in the absence of Mr. Arthur when Congress convenes, the Democrats will organize the Senate. It can not be otherwise, unless Democratic Senators prefer to vote for a Republican againsta member of their own side of the Chamber. * Let me read you the law on the subject of the Senate’s organization. Section 28 or the United States Revised Statutes reads as follows: “The oath of office shall be administered by the President of the Senate to each Senator who shall hereafter be elected previous to *his taking his seat.” There is no other way in which a Senator can be sworn in and become a member ot the Senate except as herein provided. The President of the Senate must administer the oath. But in the absence of Arthur there is no President of the Senate, and therefore it follows with mathematical certainty that no Senator can be sworn in until after a President of the Senate is elected. Seventy-four Senators have been sworn as members cf the present Senate; the two Senators from New Yoik, recently chosen, have yet to take the oath of office. The President of the Senate can alone perform that duty. The newly-elect ea Senators, therefore, from New York have no more chance to become memhers of the Senate until after the Sen- j

ate is organized by the election of a PresiUeui of that body than they have to become members of the College ol Cardinals. When the Senate next meets it will be composed of thirtyseven Democrats aud Judge Davis, who will most likely vote with them on organization, on the one side, and thirty-five Republicans, and Mahone. making thirty-six, on the other.— Messrs Lupham aud Miller, from New York, will be there, but not yet Senators. Tney will be in waiting to be ; admitted, which cun not take place I until the presiding officer is chosen. 1 Thereupon a resolution will be offered:

Resolved, Tnat A. 8., ti Senator from ———, be and is hereby chosen President of the Senate pro tempore. There are numerous precedents in the Senate's history for this course. Oa me adoption of this resolution the Senators elect from New York, of course, nave no votes. A Democrat will necessarily be chosen if others foci as I do that *an bestjmauifestmy love of country by sustaining the men and measures of my own party. If I felt otherwise I would join the Republican party at once. Q: Who do you think will be elected President of the Senate if the D* mocralssucceed? A: Mr. Bayard, as tne senior Senator in service on our side, is entitled to it by all the precedents, and will be chosen.. Q: Is it aue that the Republican Senators made an offer at the last session of the Senate that the Democrats might elect a President of the Senate if they would elect Senator Harris, of Tennessee? A: No. there is no tauth in that statement, whatever. A newspaper item of that, sort got started, iiml has misled a grent many people, and amongst, them some Seuatois. I personally, know, however, that it is not true, for ,the day it appeared I went to Senator Morrill and other leading Republican Senators, and w s assartd by them tli.it the matter had noteven been mentioned in their caucus, and that no such purpose was entertained by them. Q: Do you think any objection will be made to the admission of the New York Senators after the Senate is organized? A: lam inclined to think th ie will be objection and investigation, end I think there ought to Le. I know there would be if the Senat-ors-elect were Democrats and the Republicans had control of the Senate. The history of Congress is full of instances where men have been kept out of the Senate and of the House until not only the circumstances of the r election wei e inquired into, but until their whole lives were sifted. The whole Kentucky delegation was kept out, I believe n mly a year, while a Committee of the House investigated whether Beck, during the war, had sent n bottle of Bourbon whisky thro’ the lines to Breckinridge or something equally dreadful. The eircumjstnnees connected with the Senatorial contest in New York was scandalous in the extreme. Bribe money appears to have abounded in profusion, and thousands of dollars of it were left in Albany as thieves abandon stolen goods, not daring to assert ownership. Indictments for bribery were found by the Grand Jury, and are still pending against leading Republicans, for crimes alleged to have been committed in securing the election of the successors to Conkling and Platt. Perjury was committed mountain high; oaths were piled up against each other until the whole country was shocked at such stupendous mendacity. It half the accounts given iu tho press at the time tire tuie the last

New York Legislature was the most venal, corrupt and degraded legislative body that ever met in the United States. To secure the defeat of Mr. Platt and Mr. Conkling means were resorted to which would shock a Digger Indian’s sense of decency. And aside from all these things I understand there is a great legal question to settle in Miller’s ease. It is claimed that his election is illegal from the fact that a majority of the Legislature ditl not participate in it. For th tse, and perhaps other reasons, it strikes me t a an 1 tvestigation into the recent Senatorial election in New York would be eminently proper. I would certainly say the same if tho Senator-elest’ were of my own party. Q: One more question and I aril done. Have you any idea who will be appointed to fill the vacancy on the Supreme Bench made by the death of Justice Clifford? A: I have not, but I have a very distinct conviction that a Democrat ought to bo appointed. There is but one Democrat now on the Supreme Bench, and I will not vote to confirm a Republican in the place of Clifford. That o urt ought not to be packed any more solidly than it already is. The appointment proberly belongs to the South, which is without representation in that Court. Senator Garland, of Arkansas, is my choice. He is a great lawyer and would adorn the Bench.