Democratic Sentinel, Volume 5, Number 16, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 27 May 1881 — POLITICAL NOTES. [ARTICLE]

POLITICAL NOTES.

But what’s to become of Gorham and Riddleberger? That’s the question. Is 1884, who will there be in itto Republican camp to save Indiana and secure New York? For want of a Dorsey and a Roscoe, star-route steals and custom house sops, is this unhappy country to go headlong to the devil and the Democrats? And what is to become of repudiation in Virginia ? Isn’t the Republican party going to stand by the Readjusters of the Old Dominion ? Is Mahone to be left upon the Senate floor to be swept out with the spittoons, among which he seems to have become entangled ? When a mother finds her first-born and only babe doing the slightest thing unusual, says the Chicago Times, no matter how harmless it may seem to the practiced eye, she is in agony until the doctor, for whom she has dispatched in hot haste, arrives. And the Republican Senators —not a zephyr blows, hot a rumor flies, but in an agony of fear they cry : “For God’s sake, quick, another caucus I They dare not step unless with the advice and consent of caucus,, They are caucus-bound, caucUs-gOVerped, caucusbossed.

Mb. Dawes’ hand continues on the rudder of the Steering Committee, but the pesky craft has sprung a- leak. Mr. Dawes will not call up his resolution to proceed to the election of a shameless defender of the star-route thieves as Secretary of the Senate, and a Virginia Repudiationist as its Sergeant-at-Arms. Mr. Mahone’s vote is of no consequence now, and the Republicans will doubtless swear that it is a great mistake and that they never meant to aid repudiation in Virginia, For the Senator from Massachusetts there is this consolation about it all: Dawes is still at liberty to go on telling whoppers, and no man in the Senate has giVen greater evidence of skill in that direction. Bitterly does Mahone rue the situation. Wringing his hands, he exclaims in the presence of a correspondent: “ Well, - this places me in a devil of a fix. I don’t like it. I don’t understand it, to begin with, Garfield’s my friend and Conkling’s my friend-, I waiit them to be friends; I hfive fegretted the events of the past few weeks, in connection with these New York nominations ; still I hope th it it will all come out right in the end. I want to see the Republican party solid—every element in it in harmony with every other. It is the party of progress, of liberty, of liberal ideas. It ought not to be torn with dissensions and strifes.” Mahone used to labor un derthe impression that he was the center of the universe, but he’s finding out that his importance was merely nn accident, it being his vote, not himself, that was wanted; He iioW sinks back to his ordinary level, which is low-water mark. —Chicago Times. When the Morey letter was unearthed Garfield shrieked to Jewell, “ Pursue the villains.” They are not caught yet. Nobody outside of the White House will ever know whether Garfield wrote the Morey letter or not. So -will it be with Brady and the star-route contractors. Nobody in a high position will be molested. Brother Dorsey knows too much. He knows just how In-liana was carried, how much it cost and where the money came from. The story that Postmaster James does not care whilhei his investigation leads him will do to amuse the elderly children who swear by Harper's Weekly, but nobody who ever saw a national convention will believe it. A few contractors may be indicted, but neither Mr, James nor Atty. Gen. MacVeagh -will- be permitted to disturb a hair in the head of either Brady or Dorsey. A Democratic administration would have got to the bottom of the postal frauds in short order, but the money contributed by Brady and collected by Dorsey rendered a Democratic administration inconsistent with the “forms of law.” If there was a thief in the case, Mr. Garfield consented to him, and the villain will not be ptu-sued.— New York Mercury.