Democratic Sentinel, Volume 4, Number 36, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 15 October 1880 — SOUTHERN REPUBLICANS. [ARTICLE]

SOUTHERN REPUBLICANS.

Why All Men With Any Character to Lose Among Them Will Vote and Work for Hancock. How the Policy of the Republican Party Drove the Most Decent of Its Southern Members From Its Ranks. At a conference of prominent Southern Republicans, held in New York last week, the following address, indicative of the feeling among the class of men who stood by the Republican party in the South as long as they considered it entitled to support, and in the face of popular opposition, was prepared and directed to be issued: The undersigned, having earnestly supported the Republican party in carrying out the principles of the reconstruction measures of Congress in the Southern States, feel constrained by the present situation in public affairs to state some of the grounds upon which a change in the party character of the national administration is demanded. The reconstruction measures were precipitated upon the South in a time of great public excitement. They were to subvert ideas, habits, and conditions fixed by the usage and experience of generations. This was to be done at a time and under circumstances well calculated to produce most serious apprehension. The disfranchisement of the principal propertyholders, coupled with the enfranchisement of the whole body of former slaves, to be put into operation in the midst of a disrupted condition of Government, alarmed the most thoughtful and patriotic citizens. Thoughtful men had hoped and expected gradual and carefullytested steps in the adjustment of matters so vital to the peace and equilibrium of society. But the alarm and opposition were greatly increased by the disgraceful and reckies conduct of many of the persons intrusted with the execution of this new order of things. This conduct inllamed prejudices and provoked conflicts. Instead of discountenancing the mis conduct of these persons by its restraining attention, the national administration has continually extended to them special countenance and favor, and has repressed the exertions of the more worthy and judicious supporters of reconstruction. We deem it sufficient simply to state the /acts, without indulging in any warmth of expression or referring in detail either to the repeated acts or to the general spirit and policy by which the the present and preceding administrations have made the management of reconstruction a curse to the colored race as well as to the white people of the Southern States.

But the first apprehension in relation to the immediate execution of the principles of the reconstruction measures has l e ii greatly relieved by time and the test of experience. ’ The disfranchisement feature having been removed, there is now a general acquiescence in the principles involved, as indeed nothing more than the fundamental ideas of the American system of government. But the recollection of unrestrained abuses still remains, and there is still a deep-grounded apprehension that such abuses may at any time be repeated in their worst form as long as the national administration continues in the hands of the Republican party. We are satisfied from personal knowledge derived from observation and from participation in the reconstruction policy, that a change in the party character of the national administration is now’ the surest and best means of placing reconstruction upon a safe and peaceful basis, and of at once uniting the country in mutual confidence and kindly relationship. And, as this should be the first and leading purpose of the American people in the pehding Presidential election, we believe it ought to override all party attachments and considerations. To elect a Republican President at this time by a sectional vote would be a public calamity of the gravest character. It would unquestionably set back the growing sentiment of nationality and unity which a just and enlightened policy in the management of reconstruction would long since have permanently secured. While wishing to avoid as far as possible any matter appealing to feeling rather than sober reason, we cannot well omit alluding to the fact that the Republican party has made its present campaign a direct attack upon the South by seeking to revive against it the distrusts and hostile feelings engendered by the war. We cannot be unmindful that this is being done for the purpose of securing a party triumph which is to install such distrust and. hostility in complete control of the national administration. It is natural and reasonable that the Southern people, so threatened, should unite in resisting, by their votes, the consummation of such a purpose ; and that they should appeal to the thoughtful and just men in the North for protection and support. We are unable to see in any existing conditions a reason why such protection should not be extended. Slavery no longer exists, so there is absolutely no sentiment in the South that would favor its restoration, and scarcely any that regrets its destruction. The Union has" been reconstructed upon the basis of freedom and political equality, and there is no element in the South that would attempt to have it otherwise. The sentiment has become practically universal among the Southern people that the Union is best security to thiir liberties and the surest the guarantee of their future prosperity and happiness. But they would not conceal their dread of evil from the organization into a political party of all who are unfriendly to them, for the purpose of controlling the common Government to their oppression and injury. We have sincerely regretted the failure of the Republican leaders to recognize the true situation of the Southern States Their mistakes and wrongful conduct, in the execution of the Reconstruction acts, have caused us to despair of their ability to establish mutual confidence and harmony between the sections. The sectional grounds upon which they are seeking to carry the pending election have forced us to distrust their disposition to regard the Southern people as equals in the Union.gor worthy to be trusted as participants in the common Government of their country. They have year by year steadily driven from the party in the South numbers of its most considerate' and earnest supporters, until they have practically destroyed it in every Southern State. Its revival in the future would be placed beyond all possibility by the success of their present attempt to elect a President by a sectional vote, under the hostile attitude they have made this campaign assume. The nomination of Gen. Hancock has placed the Democratic party upon the most elevated plane of devotion to the Union, the constitution and the execution of the laws. He has pledged the country an administration upon the safest and soundest principles of free institutions. This pledge is guaranteed by his proved devotion to the Union and his great public services, and by the firmness and purity of lais private character. We confidently believe that his election to the Presidency is the safest and surest means of removing all remaining obstacles to the perfect and peaceful establishment of reconstruction upon the basis of freedom and political equality and of restoring complete reconciliation and confidence between all sections of the country and among all classes of the people. The Southern people would then divide upon other issues, with no regard to race distinctions, and there would soon be established a normal condition of political sentiment and action, conducive alike to the interests and happiness of both races and to the general peace and welfare of the whole country. John Pool, Joseph S. Fowler, Daniel Coleman, James H. Embby, William G. Riley, George Williamson, Solomon Pool, William A. Gubthbie, John Tyler, E. P. Phelps, Alexander White. The signers to the above address are all men of note. Mr. John Pool was United States Senator from North Carolina from 1867 to 1773. Mr. Joseph S. Fowler was United States Senator from Tennessee from 1865 to 1871. Mr. Daniel Coleman, of North Carolina, was Assistant Postmaster General under the administration of Mr. Van Buren. Mr. James H. Embry, of Kentucky, was at one time on the bench, and afterward became the law partner of Reverdy Johnson and ex-Senator Doolittle, forming the law firm of Johnson, Doolittle & Embry. Mr. Wm. Gl Riley was Judge of the Fifth Judicial Circuit in Virginia and President of the District Court of Appeals from 1869 to 1873, and held two important consulates under Gen.

Grant’s administration. Mr. Geo. Williamson, of Louisiana, was appointed United States Minister to Central America by President Grant, and served until about a year ago, when he resigned. Rev. Solomon Pool was professor of mathematics in the University of North Carolina, and was afterward President of the university for several years. Wm. A. Gurthrie is a prominent lawyer and politician in North Carolina. John Tyler, Jr., of Virginia, is the son of President Tyler. Rev. E. P. Phelps was a Hayes elector for the State at large in Virginia in 1876, and was a lay delegate from the State of Virginia to the General Conference of the Methodist Church which met in Cincinnati last May. Alex. White is an eminent lawyer, residing in Dallas, Tex. He was a member of Congress from Alabama in 1851-2, and again in 1873-4. A number of prominent Southern Republicans not present at the preparation of the address, but to whom copies were sent by mail, have written letters authorizing it to be stated that they fully concur in it. Among these are Wm. R. Rodman, for ten years a Judge of the Supreme Court of North Carolina ; Geo. W. Brooks, the United States District Judge of the Eastern District of North Carolina, and C. S. Winstead, many years in the North Carolina Senate and at one time Speaker of the Senate. David P. Lewis, the Governor of Alabama from 1873 to 1874 and at that time the ablest Republican leader in the State, has written a letter to Mr. John Pool, dated Sept. 23, 1880, approving the address and giving his own able and decided views upon public affairs.