Democratic Sentinel, Volume 4, Number 35, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 8 October 1880 — WHY THE NEGROES VOTE THE DEMOCRATIC TICKET. [ARTICLE]

WHY THE NEGROES VOTE THE DEMOCRATIC TICKET.

HIS EDUCATIONAL ADVANTAGES, THOUGH REPUBLICANS STOLE THE SCHOOL MONEYS —88,522 COLORED VOTERS WHO OWN REAL ESTATE, To the Editor of the N. Y. World ; Sir; I take pleasure in complying with your request to furnish for publication certain facts which I referred to in an interview with your reporter relative to the present condition of the colored man in Georgia under Democratic rule. As long as the institution of African slavery existed in the South public policy dictated that the slave should not become the owner of property and that he should not enjoy the full advantages of education. This policy grew out of the necessity of our situation, not out of any hostility to the colored people as a race. I find many intelligent people at the North who believe that this policy still continues. But there never was a greater mistake. With the abolition of slavery the reasons for the policy ceased, and the reason ceasing, the policy ceased with it. When the negro became a voter it at once became our interest that he should become an intelligent voter, and in devising a system of public education equal facilities were offered to both races. (See act of the legislature of Georgia, approved August 23, 1872). Our people were in an impoverished condition. According to the estimate of the School Commissioner of Georgia the wealth of the South In 1870 was only three-fifths of what it was tn 1860, and nearly one-third of our population consisted of recently manumitted slaves, owning no taxable property. In Georgia the proportion was greater. Yet tn the face of these obstacles we hate accomplished great Results in the education of the colored people. In 1873 there were enrolled in our public schools, colored scholars, 19,768 ; in 1874, 42,374; in 1875. 50,358: in 1876, 57,807, and in 1877, 62,330. I take these figures from the Scheel Cosamtseteriar’s report of 1878. I think this is the last report published. The next report will appear in the Fall of this year. But no intelligent reader can fail to notice the rapid and steady increase in the number of colored pupils. With our limited resources it must be admitted that the results are surprising, and could only be accomplished by a people willing and anxious that the colored race among them should receive all the advantages and improvemanta which can be derived from education. Since the Democrats have been in power the funds appropriated to school purposes have been sacredly applied to these objects. But such was net the history of the Republican legislature elected under the Reconstruction acts. In 1870 they took from the treasury and applied to general purposes $242,027.62 which belonged to the school fund. (See Governor BmMh’s Message, 2870.) In Georgia we have a colored university, located at Atlanta, which receives from the state the same amount annually whieh is appropriated to the white university. I leave this part at the subject without further comment, and now invite your attention to the question of property. No one is allowed to vote tn Georgia who has not reached the proofed ageandnaid hfs taxes. By the ComptrollerGe q?* x * w> P <>giw » « had 88,520 colored polls, and aocordtag to rstaraa made by themselves und» oath to the tax respective counties they owned 541,190 •eras of tend, lya.toTOAserageuf more than 6 1-10 acres

to each colored poll In the state. When you examine the Comptroller’s report for • series of years you again discover asteady and rapid increase in the acquisition of land. In 1874 the colored population fn Georgia returned to taxation 338,709acre5: in 1875, 396.«58; to 1876, 457,635; in 1877, 458,909; in 1878,501,890, and in 1879, 541,199. These figures abundantly prove that under Democratic rule in Georgia—the Southern state, giving the largest Democratic majorities—the colored race is rapidly advancing both in the acquisition of knowledge and wealth. It has been the policy of our people to foster the spirit of industry of which this increase in the acquisition of land is so striking a manifestation. In ante-bellum days the large planter usually carried his cotton for sale to the larger cities. But at the close of the war the large plantations were greatly reduced In value sad the number of small farmers increased. Their produce was usually disposed of in the country towns, which now began to grow in wealth and importance. The village merchant soon began to purchase for the more industrious negroes small tracts of land and then to stock them. The merchant retained the title in bimself as security until the negro had paid the debt, when the merchant transferred the title to him. The negro thus became the owner of a small farm, and the merchant acquired, to addition to the interest on his advance, a good and reliable customer for the future. Examples of this Kind can be found all over Georgia. I know of one village merchant in a single county who has in this way enabled negroea to purchase to that county nearly if not quite 10,000 acres of land. The causes which have brought about these results fa Georgia have operated elsewhere throughout the South, and doiwtiess with the same consequences. Of course there were disorders attendant upon so radical a revolution as the transformation of our former slaves Into important and powerful elements in our political system—such a transformation as the world had never witnessed in any period of its history; but these disorders have passed away. The former slave and the former owner are living peaceably side by side, and feeling more and more every day that the political policy which retards or advances the prosperity of the one equally retards or advances the prosperity of the other. The white man believes that upon no one thing is bis prosperity in the future more dependent than upon the restoration of fraternal relations between the North and the South, and the most powerful agent he conceives at present fa bringing about this result is the election of Hancock And English. Is it a matter of wonder to your people, in the light of the facts here presented, that his negro neighbors, ever accustomed to respect his intelligence, will be found side by side with him at the ballot-box, giving expression to the same sentiment ? Yours very truly,

GEO. T. BARNES

Member National Democratic Committee from Georgia. Augusta, Ga., September 8, 1860.