Democratic Sentinel, Volume 4, Number 35, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 8 October 1880 — THE “REBEL DEBT.” [ARTICLE]

THE “REBEL DEBT.”

(FVom the New York Evening News, Sept. Wi, 1880.) In the light of the following facts, it will be seen that talk about payment of the rebel debts is nonsense. The Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution says: " Section 4. The validity of the public debt of the United States, authorized by law, including debts incurred for payment of pensions and bounties for services in suppressing insurrection or rebellion, shall not be questioned.” “ But neither the United States nor any state'shall assume or pay any debt or obligation incurred in aid of insurrection or rebellion against the United States, or any claim for the loss or emancipation of any slave, but all such debts, obligations and claims shall be held illegal and void.” That absolutely precludes the payment of the rebel debt because specifically prohibiting it. Now it is not possible to change the amendment, for the reason that article 2 of the Constitution says: “ The Congress, whenever two-thirds of both houses shall deem it necessary, shall propose amendments to the Constitution ; or, on the application es the legislatures of twothirds of the several states, shall call a convention for proposing amendments, which, in either case, shall be valid, to all intents and purposes, as part of this Constitution, when ratified by the legislatures of three-fourths of the several states, or by conventions in three-fourths thereof, as the one or the other mode of ratification may be proposed by the Congress.” It is folly to talk about getting two-thirds of the United States Senate and United States House of Representatives to propose a change in the Constitution, so as to permit payment of the rebel debt, and the greater folly to talk of threefourths of the states agreeing to such a change. In his letter of acceptance General Hancock says: “ The Thirteenth, Fourteenth and Fifteenth amendments to the Constitution of the United States, embodying the results of the war for the Union, are inviolable. IF CALLED TO THE PRESIDENCY, I SHALL DEEM IT MY DUTY TO RESIST, WITH ALL OF MY POWER, ANY ATTEMPT TO IMPAIR OR EVADE THE FULL FORCE AND EFFECT OF THE CONSTITUTION, WHICH, IN EVERY ARTICLE, SECTION AND AMENDMENT, IS THE SUPREME LAW OF THE LAND.” General Hancock could not make the announcement of his support of the amendment which forbids payment of the rebel debt more emphatic and public than he has done, nor would his positive declaration on the subject in his letter of acceptance be strengthened by repetition. Beyond this, the people find in his character the assurances they require. They know the truth of General Taylor’s remark in the celebrated “ Allison letter ” —“One who cannot be trusted without pledges, cannot be confided in merely on account of them.”

SOUTHERN WAR CLAIMS. WHAT GENERAL W. F. SMITH HAS TO SAT ABOUT THEM. (From the New York Truth (Independent), Sept. 10th, 1880.) The little steamer “ Atlantic,” which begins her trips to Governor’s Island at 6 o’clock in the morning and continues them until midnight, brought over late last night a distinguished, though small company. General Hancock, after a hard day’s work of receiving and reciprocating congratulations, had retired to rest when the last trip of the “ Atlantic ” was made. The Truth reporter, who was aware that General Smith had just come from a two hours’ confidential chat with General_Hancock, thought this a good opportunity to broach the subject on which General Hancock, as a matter of principle, has so Car decided to remain silent. “ You have seen Truth's open letter to General Hancock on the subject of the Southern war claims, I presume, general ?” asked the reporter. “Yes, I have,” replied General Smith, “and while I was in Vermont a hundred people asked me the same question. We have received hundreds of letters on Governor’s Island, based on Truth's question whether, if General Hancock is elected, he will give his assent to the payment of the Southern war claims.’’ ■“ And what is the general’s answer to that question.” “ Why, his letter of acceptance—General Hancock very truly savs that all such matters are covered in bis letter of acceptance. He stands on the platform of the Democratic party, and on his letter. . There is no room for argument concerning either. “ That is veiy true, General, so far as it goes, but the inherent right of the people to change their constitution has been exhibited in the very fact that amendments have been made to it. Why should not such a change be made under Hancock as President, as under Lincoln; Johnson or Grant?” General Smith: “ You must be aware that such a change can only be made by a vote of three-fourths of the states after it has passed both. Houses of Congress by a two-thirds vote. That, as you will easily see, is an absolute impossibility under any existing prospects. Leaving aside Gen ere’ " •»- cock’s willingness or unwillingness to entertain such c tion, Truth must see that there are physical in the way that render such a matter impossible. 1 ’ “ But why does not General Hancock come out and say all this under his own signature I Of course, the people understand pretty thoroughly that you are General Hancock’s close friend and intimate, and they will draw their own conclusions from what you say, but you must remember that Mr. Tilden, who is an astute politician, thought it not beneath him to settle this matter by a public card. And unquestionably that card added thousands of Republican ballots to Mr. Tilden’s vote."

" That is true enough,” answered General Smith; "but that was at a time when this point was really in discussion. Now mark. Mr. Tilden wrote a letter repudiating any idea of paying what is known as the rebel debt, in 1876—-sufficient-ly long before the election to allow of all persons in the United States reading it. It was most positive in its terms. Upon that letter, as allied to or appended with the platform of the Democratic party, the Democrats throughout the country voted for and elected Mr. Tilden. Could there possibly be any stronger commitment of the party to a doctrine than that was ? But aside from this, look at the amendment to the Constitution—the fourteenth—l have got it by heart. That amendment says, in section 4: " The validity of the public debt of the United States authorized by law, including debts Incurred for the payment for pensions and bounties for services in suppressinginsurrection or rebellion, shall not be questioned. But neither the United States nor any other state shall assume or pay any debt or obligation incurred in aid of insurrection or rebellion against the United States, or any claim for the loss or emancipation of any slave, but all such debts, obligations and claims shall be held illegal and void.”. “ There can be no question about the meaning of that language, and in General Hancock’s letter of acceptance he specifically refers to that amendment as one he proposes to see carried out if dected to the Presidency. That amendment, as I have said, can be only changed by the vote of three-fourths of the'states after passing both House of Congress by a two-thirds majority.” " Well, Truth does not believe that General Hancock harbors any such intention as is attributed to him, but there may be thousands who do. It is this vote that it looks upon as being liable to be swerved against him by the representations of those who do not themselves believe in what they preach.” _ "I think Ger. is sufficient answer to that,” said Gen Rmtflb *As for any other claims that may be called Suu-ueiß War Claims, they are for property destroyed or used by the armies of the North, and they are made by men who are asserted to have been loyal during the war. I believe that most of those claims are in the hands of Republicans, bought by them when both Houses of Congress were Republican. No such claims have ever brought forward except by Republicans, and when Garfield was in the House he voted for them. Just note the Ulogic of the position.” “ What are the chances of such claims passing a Democratic House—leaving aside the consideration of their being approved by General Hancock as President, when the Democrats in Congress have already voted n gainst those which have been brought up t -If the Southerners, as Republicans claim, are disloyal to-day, where is the likelihood of Southern Democrats voting to tax their constituents and themselves to Dav sueh claims ?” "Then, generally,” said the reporter, "you believe that this is a bugaboo ? That there is no possibility of General Hancock, if elected, abetting the wild schemes attributed to some portions of the Democracy ?” " Not in the least, sir,” was General Smith’s answer. "It is all sheer nonsense.” -fIBWBBY KfLLBD BY TUB DEMOCRATIC CONGRESS. J (Flrom the Hero York Herald, Sept. 4f A, 1880.) Jftnowr, ewry num who Aa» toatehed the course qf Congress sender JSepublican and Democratic control know Oat the D«m»' ocrate are, as a party, far more economical qf ths people's money than their opponents. The lobby, formerly so powerfid and corrupting to Washington, has absolutely disappeared vows the took control qf the House.