Democratic Sentinel, Volume 4, Number 35, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 8 October 1880 — Page 6

[?]CORRUPTION.

Hr c- - wna r.jvfinil-'l VB-, • H-i.-f;'-. Bek whi, In in' P.'- <■•'<.'• >• r Alter/.' ij’eW Of . .7 u" • f t'cnrra' :c ■ ' • '• nolurd I K A' the i I-id br.m<l ts-.-t / ; - (who the receipts that Patterson ■ >' - K t.--t go: v ’■>’/ '>f the (• J, ■■> ■a? . w:. i yru-P n', tiud im never clatement and his own, and the lHlsß!|sß^Ki |CVcr produeed. (Durant, 23, 1873. Wil-on, Bingham, J. F. Wilson, ' ■' ’ H° Hf ! >n Hv with Mr. March ‘M, 1873.) .:i '.-J fJ-TU-.:»i . P 1! ‘l;-. f-.-wi: i- to r- o> - '! >1 - ■ . If h' A When the ■ ‘ b, V 'Vi!' begin to r ■ ’ zc ihi Hr |E|||||H| F. //., Jfonifor, KA. 20, 1873.) of this upon olber parties. li and buroiug cbicoc. It will ?? r| lh-pilhbea.il parly < ri. ~r ’'• »-‘ds ii'snv. :on u;>oii them may do, less than lai., it cannot do Burning Juurtial, Kl>. 20, 1873.) with a complete vindication. 7Vc HiriKMHt ar '’ ci< f °f <lle others do not IMMMBK * a What is the. nature of their was that they did not franl.ly ;.ml DMgA^^V l ** l '-ou-'-eided ami pr evaricated Thß is the whole of it. We do not MMMBBPiein from the, charge of deception. i.hcy mu -', miller- -..he co ce,; Journal, March !>, 1873.) ■HHHtrinr 11.••.-■ c In-on the judgment of ConHBBfh idler oT-nden; th'-, cis niioi.bi r ear..My they mm tappear and stand trial, ;;eli< s or by the plea Jugs and •.übuMBOhK '* he eahn judgment oi the, Aine.rieau clouded by sophistries and evs.s:Mnu. sadly uii.naken vho r upp.isc that ihi e e'xjKisurer. iirheat--.: the slightest di the Repuhlican party. To put away v v ill not barm :u Only the bad m< n th

Asd. 28, 1873.) oil the rcsolut.i.rt>a submitted by the ft,r Die cx P ul i,!n <’*' Oakei? Anuta :.ml ' Courrem.-, chai-d jwp-chyj, •: r»i»<.-.'i. our upicion a; to the improbability HujfeflHfor expulsion Micce <!.!!/, ;<nd our <t’a:ipi.t these two gentlemen, however ■HHH ■, while the others (Garfield & Co.) who I*’* l scot-free. ♦ * * On the whole raEfS&Mk Joii.mf'lee and the a< bin taken on it arc a l(r>pnoiLY of rascality r.t the capital. HlnjßflHMv has won another great triumph instead i disastrous defeat. The guilty are rn■wnst of public opinion fur woteiivc, and will coudenination. Express, February ’Xth, 1873.) tniM-d on sueb luisty consideration as k> glee the. facts, ia t hat. Dawes is inuo■Wlwikiil Bingham have been gufity of an iniproMH|HEve an misrepresented (he facts, and cudeavthe Ir.mractkm a» a loan, that a mure severe not be out of place. Portland Advertiser, Fib. 22, 1873.) that the profits of the Credit Mobilier |M^Khl Pacific Railroad were nearly one half, and was indirectly swindled out of of dollars. (The. testimony subscshow that the profits of the swindle were And tin's is the business that certain CouHHw claim Unit they had a perfect right to enter into. ■Kthe as too ridiculous the idea of tlie.fr innocence cl the character of the transaction at put the stock “ Where it would do the most can be said too severe of men who, under the virtue and piety, entered Inlo such a swinBbMI- ami only withdrew after threatened exposure, tame time all connection with the fraud ? It. BHMfrsonfiHy urged upon ns Duff it fa unjust to course of men who have stood so high circles; that their position entitles respect; and that ft injures ihe cause of re to lio'.il tiieir csmch up so prominently. ■K fall lo 600 (be justice of following such advice. |Mr have msilai nod the role of pal.teriisof morality, ai the same time aiding in a fraud upon the uit-ering faLe statcrnmitH in regard tlierel >. RO HER MORE SHOULD THEIR HYI-OCIW Bbl |KjIKI) THEIR CONDUCT DENOUNCED, not suffer half so much by the exposure of it would to smooth over and excuse their ofis no discredit to religious hollies that SO AMI’S found within their churches. The discredit by reason of their connection with she church ■Hu arc ignored and they arc allowed to escape pun

the (Jinciwiali Commercial, Feb. 3, 1873.) (of (Jou,';i-e«-> " !,a<l ton or twenty shares g|gSgj||g|Bßdit, was not called upon to'invent his own money, k llU!r< ‘- than paid for iiself. In plain woitis, ami BBBHKsidcth'* flimsy pretense of a bofiness transaction, it. of spoils taken from the munificence of the No mertiher of Goni'n-as could have been so absoas not to know that such enormous profits legitimate earnings.” h’eio York Independent ;It puls lean). the ire liny rr ■ ligious paper in the. country.) forget that he (Gen. Garfield) was more ■MKIUTOtVCU in tiie Credit Mobilise difficulty than any BBBM&riicr of the ll.mspof Representatives excepting, of and Brooks.” (7lica Herald, February 12, 1873, edited by Hbn. Roberts, who was al the finw a 10 publican. colleague Garfield in the Forty-second Congress.) EKBtBI, weak men, wicked men and the sharpest of ras|Bßßp> come to judgment. Even the suspected pass under and cease to lie t rusted. Men, to enjoy the public must not only be pure, but above suspicion. All ■By way identified with Gredit Mobilier stocks and operahad their day and must sink out of sight. The will no longer put confidence in them, it may syin|Bßßze with them and have charity for them, but it will trust them again. The breath of suspicion having passed over them, their robes become tainted and Others will bo put in their places. Warned by |B|Mfate of their predecessors, they will, doubtless, keep out operations.” the Philadelphia Public Lodger, owned and edited by O. Bf HC Childs, February 28, 1873.) “ Then came their mean, tricky, false denials, evasions and fast following explanations of their exevery eutuige in which showed more and more owu sense of their own culpability. There never was Instance in which men bolding a public trust were more covered with proof of malfeasance in office. guilty knowledge of all these men was as visible as the of the government moneys was stupendous. And punisl.es all this by passing its partial resolutions censure, letting the guilty go free upon the false pretense having no jurisdiction. This is so transparent a sham it will command the belief of no one possessing the Bp s (From the Indianapolis Journal, February 26, 1873.) “AU the signs of the times indicate that the people are aroused about the prevalent corruption of the The party must purge itself of these men. Our instiBnums and our liberties are in danger. * ♦ ♦ Every Member of Congress wha deliberately handled Credit MoBRffiier stock is unworthy of future confidence.” V>, Br The New York Independent, the leading religions paper of B the United States said, in 1874, of General Garfield’s connecB tion with the District of Columbia frauds: W /‘The testimony taken in the Investigation of the District B of Columbia frauds, shows that Mr. Garfield received $5,000 ■ for his aid fa getting through a paving contract accepted by B the District government. A Mr. Ramans, a notorious jobs' kVr’ ffiA-bj 1 argument for thepawingeosapanyand then got ■ aonal influence In Ms firear. f Qt course Mr. Gaifieki’s argument was enccesefnl. How | f could ft bo otherwise T He was Ototean of the Committee | on Appropriations. Every ceat of money voted to the DisI trfck Md to some through fata*. Bhephcrd could not afford I Mr/Garfieldknew tt when K ho asked, sod reoetvod for hi* services afee which would I ,tav» he®j swfc exUKRENAbuI for hto QffiGklpoeifitaa.'i

Qhw • • • w A»d ft maybe property added ta the same Baca that soeb dteealiafaetfon exieta ia the community that all of the argsoneniaaad debates in the case have overlooked a point mon wdntnßj eotidiwnniid than the crimes alleged and more BascepUUe es vnot—On notorious downright lying of come of the Wfribaats tacutpatecL” NOT ONE KIT TO SIT AS A LAW-MAKER. (Nhm Ou JSbniuff nkgrtph {Btp.), Felrruary * • ♦ • There te not one man whom the testimony of Oakes Amea has connected with the Credit Mobilier who is fit to rit in the neat of the law-maker. If Oakes Ames was the bribe-giver, they must barve been bribe-takers. IDLE TO ATTEMPT AN IMPOBSIBLE VINDICATION. (AUitorisl btter in l¥eu {.EepJ), February 19th, • • • Their denial at the bagkmfng has placed them and all those who desired to raetue them in the most erabarrasring position, for that proved that they were ashamed of the transaction. Aed when the,fact appeared thattheaecused had token the stocks with a full knowledge of the exaggerated dividonde, and when this fact was clinched and riveted by unfortunate contradictions before the committee, it was idle to attempt an impossible vindication. * • • (jPW»n Oie Dyffalo Commercial, Feb. 1873.) Should Congress decide to let the culprits escape they must all know by this time that THEY HAVE BEEN CONDEMNED AT THE BAR OF PUBLIC OPINION. (Jdnom Os IhtfaZo Commercial, March 1,1873.) Now the case has gone to the people. They will not split hairs in finding, out whether they can open the public record of a man wbohas certain pages that he would like to conceal from examination. The people will preside at the bal-lot-box as their tribunal When those who have betrayed the c mfidence reposed in them come up for trial— ■O'thay ever dare to do it—THEY WILL BE REJECTED AS WICKED AND UNPROFITABLE PUBLIC SERVANTS. Tiffs is the decree uttered by the voice of the press to-day. It says to each one of those who are afraid to punish corruption, “ Thou art weighed in the balance and found wanting?’ (ZA-om the Buffalo Express, Fd>. 20,1873.) It is wrong to raise an indiscriminate howl against every one who ever looked at Credit Mobilier stock, or to make every man responsible for the guilt of others. Our own opinion, based on such hasty consideration as we have been able to give the facte, is that Dawes is innocent; that Scofield and Bingham have been guilty of an impropriety which should subject them to eensure: and that Kelley and GARFIELD H AVE SO MISREPRESENTED TILE FACTS, AND ENDEAVORED TO DISGUISE THE 'IRA NS ACTION AS A LOAN, THAT A MORE SEVERE PUNISHMENT WOULD NOT BE OUT OF PLACE. {From The Indianapolis Journal [Republican Organ], Feb. 26, 1873.) EVERY MEMBER OF CONGRESS WHO DELIBERATELY HANDLED CREDIT MOBILIER STOCK IS UNWORTHY OF FUTURE CONFIDENCE. (From the Nets York Tlivcs, Feb. 20, 1873.) The character of the Credit Mobilier was no secret.' The source of its profits was verv well known at the time Congrcs. tnan bought it. Though Oakes Ames may have succeeded in concealing his owu motive, which was to bribe Congressmen, their acceptance of the stock was not on that account innocent. The dishonor of the act, as a participation in an obvious fraud, still remains. Some of them have indulged in testimony with reference to the matter which has been contradicted. The committee distinctly rejects the testimony of several of the members. This can only be done an the ground that it is untrue. But wttrue testimony given under oath is moraliy, \f not legally, perjury. It is the. clear dutv of Congress to visit with punishment all who took Credit Mobilier stock from Oakes Ames.

(From the Few York Tribune, Feb. 10, 1873.) James A. Garfield, of Ohio, had ten shares; never paid a dollar; received |J2O, which, after the investigation began, he waa an clous to have considered as a loan from Mr, Oakes Ames to himself. Well, the wickedness of all of it is that these men betrayed the trust of the people, deceived their constituents, and by evasions and falsehoods confessed the transaction to be disgraceful. (From Harpers Weekly, March 15, 1873.) The action of the House of Representatives on Poland’s report, In substituting a vote of censure and condemnation for the resolution expelling Amea and Brooks, and passing over the other luculpatccl members without notice, fell far short of the just expectations of the country. It was a clear ease of moral cowardice, an unmanly shirking of responsibility. The House bos virtually declared that a member may offer or accept a bribe and yet not be disqualified from retaining a seat in Congress. “ Absolute condemnation ” must be the verdict of the country on such a lamentable exhibition of moral pusillanimity. (From the Buffalo Commercial, Feb. 21sf, 1873.) The prominent Congressmen whose names were first used in connection with the Credit Mftbilier were Blaine, Dawes, Kelley. Bingham, Schofield and Garfield, and besides these, Vice-President Colfax. * * * Mr. Blain comes out of it without a stain upon Ills record. Ilia colleagues certainly did hold the stock and lied about it. (From the Cincinnati Commercial, during the session of the . Chicago Convention, just previous to the nomination.) The most contemptible thing thus far at Chicago is the charter about Garfield. He has not a record to run on for President, and it is extreme foolishness to be wasting time on him. (From the Utica Herald, Feb. 25,1873.) The suspected .persons are already dead cocks in the pit, and need not hope to regain public' confidence. For Hofivrn’ti sake, let ns bury our dead out of siglit, that they may not offend the public uostrito ! (F-om his own sworn testimony before the POLAND Committee, Jan. 14, 1873.) I never owned, received, or agreed to receive any stock of the Credit Mobilier or of the Union Pacific Railroad, nor any dividends or profits arising from either of them. (From Judge Poland's report, Feb. 18, 1873 GARFIELD'S Testimony Perjured.) The facts in regard to Mb. GARFIELD, as found by the committee, are that he agreed with Mr. Ames to take ten shares of Credit Mobilier stock, but did not pay for the same. Mr. Ames received the eighty per cent, dividend in bonds and sold them for ninety-seven per cent., and also received the sixty per cent; cash dividend, which, together with the price of the stock and interest, left a balance of 3329. This sum was paid over to Mr. GARFIELD by a check on the Sergeantiat-Arms, and Mb. GARFIELD then understood this sum was the balance of dividends after paying for the stock.

WHY THE NEGROES VOTE THE DEMOCRATIC TICKET.

HIS EDUCATIONAL ADVANTAGES, THOUGH REPUBLICANS STOLE THE SCHOOL MONEYS —88,522 COLORED VOTERS WHO OWN REAL ESTATE, To the Editor of the N. Y. World ; Sir; I take pleasure in complying with your request to furnish for publication certain facts which I referred to in an interview with your reporter relative to the present condition of the colored man in Georgia under Democratic rule. As long as the institution of African slavery existed in the South public policy dictated that the slave should not become the owner of property and that he should not enjoy the full advantages of education. This policy grew out of the necessity of our situation, not out of any hostility to the colored people as a race. I find many intelligent people at the North who believe that this policy still continues. But there never was a greater mistake. With the abolition of slavery the reasons for the policy ceased, and the reason ceasing, the policy ceased with it. When the negro became a voter it at once became our interest that he should become an intelligent voter, and in devising a system of public education equal facilities were offered to both races. (See act of the legislature of Georgia, approved August 23, 1872). Our people were in an impoverished condition. According to the estimate of the School Commissioner of Georgia the wealth of the South In 1870 was only three-fifths of what it was tn 1860, and nearly one-third of our population consisted of recently manumitted slaves, owning no taxable property. In Georgia the proportion was greater. Yet tn the face of these obstacles we hate accomplished great Results in the education of the colored people. In 1873 there were enrolled in our public schools, colored scholars, 19,768 ; in 1874, 42,374; in 1875. 50,358: in 1876, 57,807, and in 1877, 62,330. I take these figures from the Scheel Cosamtseteriar’s report of 1878. I think this is the last report published. The next report will appear in the Fall of this year. But no intelligent reader can fail to notice the rapid and steady increase in the number of colored pupils. With our limited resources it must be admitted that the results are surprising, and could only be accomplished by a people willing and anxious that the colored race among them should receive all the advantages and improvemanta which can be derived from education. Since the Democrats have been in power the funds appropriated to school purposes have been sacredly applied to these objects. But such was net the history of the Republican legislature elected under the Reconstruction acts. In 1870 they took from the treasury and applied to general purposes $242,027.62 which belonged to the school fund. (See Governor BmMh’s Message, 2870.) In Georgia we have a colored university, located at Atlanta, which receives from the state the same amount annually whieh is appropriated to the white university. I leave this part at the subject without further comment, and now invite your attention to the question of property. No one is allowed to vote tn Georgia who has not reached the proofed ageandnaid hfs taxes. By the ComptrollerGe q?* x * w> P <>giw » « had 88,520 colored polls, and aocordtag to rstaraa made by themselves und» oath to the tax respective counties they owned 541,190 •eras of tend, lya.toTOAserageuf more than 6 1-10 acres

CAMPAIGN SUPFIxEMENT, 1880.

to each colored poll In the state. When you examine the Comptroller’s report for • series of years you again discover asteady and rapid increase in the acquisition of land. In 1874 the colored population fn Georgia returned to taxation 338,709acre5: in 1875, 396.«58; to 1876, 457,635; in 1877, 458,909; in 1878,501,890, and in 1879, 541,199. These figures abundantly prove that under Democratic rule in Georgia—the Southern state, giving the largest Democratic majorities—the colored race is rapidly advancing both in the acquisition of knowledge and wealth. It has been the policy of our people to foster the spirit of industry of which this increase in the acquisition of land is so striking a manifestation. In ante-bellum days the large planter usually carried his cotton for sale to the larger cities. But at the close of the war the large plantations were greatly reduced In value sad the number of small farmers increased. Their produce was usually disposed of in the country towns, which now began to grow in wealth and importance. The village merchant soon began to purchase for the more industrious negroes small tracts of land and then to stock them. The merchant retained the title in bimself as security until the negro had paid the debt, when the merchant transferred the title to him. The negro thus became the owner of a small farm, and the merchant acquired, to addition to the interest on his advance, a good and reliable customer for the future. Examples of this Kind can be found all over Georgia. I know of one village merchant in a single county who has in this way enabled negroea to purchase to that county nearly if not quite 10,000 acres of land. The causes which have brought about these results fa Georgia have operated elsewhere throughout the South, and doiwtiess with the same consequences. Of course there were disorders attendant upon so radical a revolution as the transformation of our former slaves Into important and powerful elements in our political system—such a transformation as the world had never witnessed in any period of its history; but these disorders have passed away. The former slave and the former owner are living peaceably side by side, and feeling more and more every day that the political policy which retards or advances the prosperity of the one equally retards or advances the prosperity of the other. The white man believes that upon no one thing is bis prosperity in the future more dependent than upon the restoration of fraternal relations between the North and the South, and the most powerful agent he conceives at present fa bringing about this result is the election of Hancock And English. Is it a matter of wonder to your people, in the light of the facts here presented, that his negro neighbors, ever accustomed to respect his intelligence, will be found side by side with him at the ballot-box, giving expression to the same sentiment ? Yours very truly,

Member National Democratic Committee from Georgia. Augusta, Ga., September 8, 1860.

GARFIELD DENOUNCED BY THE REPUBLICANS OF HIS OWN DISTRICT.

GENERAL GARFIELD’S REPUBLICAN CONSTITUENTS PASS JUDGMENT. On the 7th of September, 1876, the Republicans of the Nineteenth Congressional District of Ohio opposed to the return of James A. Garfield to Congress met. in Convention at Warren, Ohio, and organized. A. committee on resolutions was appointed, which, after mature consideration, submitted the following, which was adopted: Be it by this independent convention of Republicans of the Nineteenth Congressional District of Ohio, First. Rcsdlved, That dishonesty, fraud and corruption have become so common, notorious and obvious in the administration of our national government, as to be not only humiliating and disgraceful in the estimation of every honest and intelligent citizen, but to imperil the prosperity of the people, if not the stability of the government Itself. Second. Resolved, That this deplorable condition of the administration of ournational government is largely due to the election to office and continuance therein of corrupt, dishonest and venal men. Third. Resolved, That it is useless and hypocritical for any political party to declare for reform In its platforms, papers and publie addresses, while it insists on returning to high official place and power men who nave been notoriously connected with the very schemes of fraud which render reform necessary and urgent; that to send those to enact reform who themselves need reform to make them honest, ia worse than setting the blind to lead the blind. Fourth. Aexoiwetl, That there is no man to-day officially connected with the administration of our national government against whom are justly preferred more or graver charges of corruption than are publicly made and abundantly sustained against James A. Garfield, the present representative of this Congressional District and the nomine® of the Republican convention for re-election. Fifth. Resolved, That since he first entered Congress to this day, there is scarcely an instance in which rings and monopolies have been arrayed against the interests of the people, that he has been found active in speech and vote upon the side of the latter, but in almost every case he has been the ready champion of rings and monopolie^^fe ;; Sixth. Resolved, That we especially charge venality and cowardice in permitting Benjamin to' attach to the Appropriation Bill of 1873 that ever-t<F§e-re-membered infamy, the salary steal, and in speaking and voting for that measure upon its final passage; and charge him with corrupt disregard of the clearly expressed demand of its constituents that be should vote for its repeal, and with evading said demand by voting for the Hutchinson amendment.

Seventh. Hesolved, That we further arraign and denounce him for his corrupt connection with the Credit Mobilier, for his false denials thareof before his constituents, for his perjured denial thereof before a committee of his peers in Congress, for fraud upon his constituents in circulating among them a pamphlet purporting to set forth the findings of said committee and the evidence against him, when, in fact, portions thereof were omitted and garbled. Eighth. .Resolved, That we further arraign and charge him with corrupt bribery in selling his official influence as Chairman of the Committee on Appropriations to the De Golyer Pavement Ring, to aid them in securing a contract from the Board of Public Works of the District of Columbia; selling his influence to aid said ring in imposing upon the people of said District a pavement whieh is almost worthless at a price three times its cost, as sworn to by one of the contractors; selling his influence to aid said ring in procuring a contract to procure which it corruptly paid $97,000 “ for influence; ” selling his Influence In a matter that involved no question of law, upon a shallow pretext that he was acting as a lawyer; selling his influence in a manner so palpable and clear as to be so found and declared by an impartial and competent Court upon an issue solemnly tried. Ninth. Resolved, That we arraign him for the fraudulent manner In whieh he attempted," in his speech delivered at Warren on the 19th day of September, 1874, to shield himself from just censure in receiving the before-named $5,000, by falsely representing in said speech that the Congress of the Unitedtetates were not responsible for the acts of said board, noMlie United States liable for the debts created thereby, when in truth and In fact, as he then well knew, the said Board of Public Works and the officers of said District were but the agents and instruments of Congress, and the United States was responsible for the indebtedness by them created. 'Tenth. Resolved, That we arraign him for gross dereliction of duty as a member of Congress'in failing to bring to light and expose the corruption and abuse in the sale of posttpiderships, for which the late Secretary Belknap was impeached, when the same was brought to his knowledge by Gen. Hazen in 1872, and can only account for it upon the supposition that his manhood was debauched by the corruption funds then by just received and in his own purse. Eleventh. Resolved, That the law of 1873, known as the act demonetizing silver, was enacted in the interest of gold rings, bondholders and capitalists and against the interest of the taxpayers and without their advice or knowledge. That this act, by a single blow, has seriously crippled our power to resume specie payments or pay our national debt in coin. That no sufficient reason has been given for this legislation, so dishonest and palpable in its discrimination in favor of the small creditor class and capitalists and against the great debtor class and the industrial interests of the country. That James A. Garfield, during the last session of Congress, was the conspicuous defender of this crafty attempt to sacrifice the interests of the people to bondholders and foreign capitalists. That when it was proposed to restore the old silver dollar to the place it had held during our history as a nation as a legal tender for all debts, public and private, he denounced the attempt as “ a swindle on so grand a scale as to make the achievement illustrious ” and as a “ scheme of vast rascality and colossal swindling.” Twelfth. Resolved, That neither great ability and experience or eloquent partisan discussion of the dead issue»of the late war will excuse or justify past dishonesty and corruption or answer as a guaranty of integrity and purity for the future.

Thirteenth. Resolved, That believing the statements In the foregoing resolutions set forth, we cannot, without stultifying our manhood and debasing our self-respect, support at the polls the nominee of the Republican Conventioaof this District for rc-eleetion, ner can we, without surrendering our rights as electors and citizens, sit silently by and see a man so unworthy again sent to represent us in the national legislature. That, strong in the conviction of right, we call upon the electors of the District, irrespective of former or present party attachment, who desire honest government, to unite with us in an earnest, faithful effort to defeat the reelection of Gen. Garfield, and elect in his stead an honest and reliable man. The result of this expose was a majority for Mr. Garfield of twenty-nine hundred and nleety-oae votes less than the head of the Republican state ticket- received in the Nineteenth District. Garfield’s majority w« 3,669 less in for Congressional District in diun Hayes received in it his President. AN ADDRESS TO THE REPUBLICAN VOTERS OP THE NINETEENTH (OHIO) CORaRBSSJONAL DISTRICT. September 10,1878. Fellow CUiuns; We who address you were appointed a committee for this purpose by an independent convention of Republicans assembled for the purpose of putting in nomination a suitable person as candidate for Congress in opposition to James A. Garfield. The eause whieh Impelled the ealling of that convention and inspired its action are set forth in the resolutions by it adopted and printed herewith. To the indictment contained in those resolutions and the evidence submitted in support thereof, we respectfully eall your attention and ask year aandid consideration. * We have no grievances. We never sought favors at Mr. Garfield’s hands, and have no personal ntarrelwith him 0n the contrary we have been among h& warmest political friends and supporters and now only attack his acts and conduct in public Bfe and the character he has thereby attained. It is easier to float with the tide than to row against It and we regret the necessity that compels us to denounce him. It is fitting that as true men wo should seek the cause and remedy for this state and w» look not to nor long.

Corruption in office and want of wisdom in legislation loom up before u». We review with pride our party history and achievements, but we now tee fraud in high places eating at its vitals. Its revenue officers are found stealing and dividing with whisky rings. Its secretaries sell post traders^ips 1’ Congressmen raise their own salaries and make them retr - active ; take great fees for argument on pavement jobs beta boards of their own creation and pocket the dividends.^. great frauds like the Credit Mobilier. Corruption rides in $1,600 landaulets, purchased at government expense, and Congressmen build palaces at the Capital while the people toil and sweat under their burdens—they forget that they but the servants of the nation and act as if they were its owners seeking to wring from it the greatest possible number of dollars for their own purposes. The Republican party has done mueh to purify itself within itself Its Whisky Ring revenue officers are convicted and imprisoned, Belknap is deposed and impeached, and only escapes conviction by a technicality. Its Salary Stealing, Credit Mobilier, Pavement Jobbing Congressmen are mostly retired. James A. Garfield remains. Richard C. Parsons, his compeer as a great patent pavement lawyer, nominated without opposition in a district Republican last year by 6,500 majority, was buried at the polls by Henry B. Payne, a Democrat, by 2,500 majority. The office-holders nominated him, but the brave, honest people rebuked them. James A. Garfield fell from 10,935 majority in 1872 to 2,526 majority in 1874. “ Oh, what a fall was there, my countrymen ! ” Rebuked, shorn of character tor truth and integrity, all that is noble in manhood almost defeated, he stands a sad and blackened monument of avarice and greed. By the arts of the orator and demagogue, of which he is a consummate master, he is striving and struggling and may postpone the day of his final doom ; but he bears upon his front the writing on the wall, “ mene, mene, tekel upharsin.” “ Whom the gods would destroy they first make mad.” Forgetting his duty to his country and his constituents, in his haste to serve bis bond-holding masters, on the 13th of July, 1876, he committed himself to the defence of that great fraud upon the people, the demonetization of the silver dollar, and denounced its restoration as a “swindle on so vast a scale as to make the achievement illustrious?’ That, speech) so weak in its logic and so damning in its political heresies, and so ruinous te the high pretensions of. statesmanship of its author, is suppressed by the Republican, editors of his district and is only to be found in the Congressional Record. Holding post-offices and places of emolument at his will, they dare to raise their voices only in his praise. If the Republican party would survive, it must strike from its rolls the . last dishonored name and select only honest, true and brave men to fill its high places. Flaming .oratory upon the horrors of Andersonville and Libby, and ihe disordered condition of the South, are a poor compensation for want of integrity. The fools who believe that another great rebellion or payment of the rebel debt are imminent, are only found in the post-oifiees and lunatic asylums. The people know better, and that cry of the demagogue to arouse their fears, that he may get their votes, ought to be of no avail. 6 G. N. Tuttle, P. Bosworth, H. H. Hine, of Lake county. z _. J. A. Giddings, of Ashtabula. [Son of Joshua R. Giddings.] D. E. Durfee, of Geauga. L. D. Brown, of Portage. A. Youmans, of Trumbull.

GEO. T. BARNES

CHESTER A. ARTHUR,

candidate for vice-president. Corruption in the New York Custom-house —Suspension of Arthur for Dishonesty and Inefficiency in his Office by R. B. Hayes—Extracts from John Sherman's Letter Transmuting Reports upon Arthur’s Maladministratum. . Treasury Department, January 15, t 879. “ The Hon. William A. Wheeler, President of the United “ Slates Senate: Sir: I have the honor, by direction of the President, to ti\\smit to the Senate inclosed official reports to this Derelating to the abuses and irregularities in the New York Custom-house, and bearing upon the nominations pending in the Senate of Edwin A. Merritt, tor collector of customs at the Port of New York, in place of Chester A. Arthur, suspended: and of Silas W. Burt as natal officer at that.port in place of Alonzo B. Cornell suspended. I beg to add a fuller statement of the causes that led to these nominations and suspensions than appears upon a public record. “The management of the Customs Service has for several years been open to much criticism in Congress, in the press, and in popular and business circles, founded upon alleged arbitrary abuses, by the officers, and upon undervaluation and frauds. When I entered this office, I determined to make a full examination into these allegations, and into the existing methods of conducting the customs business, with a view to economy and reform, upt only at New York, but at every other p<srt of the United States. “ The President took great interest in the matter, and heartily supported the measure proposed. The examinations were made mostly by committees of private citizens, and resulted in a large saving and many reforms.” * » « « « » ♦ ♦ * “The Jay Commission, consisting oftwo eminent citizens of New York and one officer of the Department of Justice, made a very full and elaborate examination of the methods of business in the Custom-House at that port, and their repo-ts, copies of which I have the honor to send you, show great abuses, v

“ It appears from their first report, that in May, 1877, there were in the collector’s office 923 persons, in the naval office 81, and in the surveyor’s office 32, .making in all 1,036 permanent employees in the Custom-house, exclusive of the appraiser’s department, consisting of deputies, clerks, inspectors, weighers and gaugers, and that this number could be safely reduced 20 per cent. This reduction of 20 per cent, was opposed by Collector Arthur. “The second report shows that it was a common practice among entry clerks, withdrawal clerks, liquidating clerks, weighers, gaugers, inspectors and storekeepers to receive from importers and brokers Irregular fees, emoluments, gratuities and perquisites in the nature of bribes. This practice was a matter of general notoriety tn the Custom-house, and it does not appear that any effort was made by the collector, naval officer or surveyor to suppress it.” “ The third report shows that the gravest irregularities existed in the department of weighers and gaugers; that the larger number of the thirteen weighers and eight gaugers rendered but little, if any, personal service to the government; that the weighers’ fireman performed but little service: that the weighers’ clerks, in some instances, performed no duty ; that in most, if not all, the weighers’ offices men were hired as employees, and assigned to do the work of the regular clerks; that the number of laborers thus assigned varied from four to eight persons in each weigher’s office ; that the men so assigned had but little duty to perform; that persons were borne on the pay-rolls as laborers as a reward for political services, who performed no service except to sign their names to the rolls and receive their pay; that a part of the weighable merchandise was not weighed by the government officers, but by cijy weighers, who furnished memoranda upon which the United States’ weighers rendered their returns; that a part of the weighable goods were not weighed at all, but the marked weight on the packages were copied off ana returned by the weighers as if weighed; that the weighers had adopted the schedule of Irregular fees, which they illegally collected from merchants for special returns and copies of weights, delaying to make returns to the Customhouse until the importers paid these irregular fees; that by reason of these irregularities the cost of weighing and gauging imported goods at the port of New York had increased to the Enormous sum of $346,524.80 per annum. “ These evils were known to Collector yet he made no attempt during his term of office to remedy them.” “ Daring the period of his (Arthur’s) service, his compensation amounted to $155,860.36, a detailed statement of which is herewith transmitted. An officer, charged with the high duties of the collector of the port of New York, and receiving such compensation, ought properly to be held responsible for all abuses that grew up or continued during his term of office; and the existence of such abuses is sufficient, if within his power to correct them, to justify his removal. “ The President was strongly of the opinion, upon the reports of the Jay' Commission, that the public interest demanded a change in the leading offices of the New York Custom-house. I preferred to try to execute the reforms proposed with Mr. Arthur in office, rather than a stranger. The .President acquiesced in this view, but gradually it becariie*evident that neither Mr. Arthur nor Mr. Cornell was in sympathy with the recommendations of the Commission, ana could and did obstruct their fair execution.”

“I have the honor to be, very respectfully, John Sherman, Secretary.” “To the Senate of the United States : I transmit herewith a letter of the Secretary of the Treasury, in relation to the suspension of the late collector and naval officer of the port of New York with accompanying documenta. la addition thereto I respectfully submit the following observations: “The Custom-house in New York collects more than twothirds of all the customs revenues of the government Its administration is a matter not only ofa local interest merely; "but is of great importance to the people of the whole country. For a long period of time it has been used to manage and control political affaire. “ The officers suspended by me are, and for several years have been, engaged in the active personal management of the party politics of the eity and state of New York. The duties of the offices held by there have been regarded as of subordinate Importance to their partisan work. Their offices have been conducted as a part of the political machinery under their control. They have made the Custom-house a center of partiean polities! managomenL “ The Custom-house to a bmtfnaie effiee. Il should be conducted on business principles. General James, the postmaster of New York CHy, writing on this subject, says: * The Pesb-effice to a bnstaeso institution and should be run as such. It to my deliberate judgment that I and my subordinates can do more for the party of our choice by giving the people of this city a good and efficient postal serriee, than by controlling primaries or dictating nomination*.’ The New York Custom-house should be placed on the same footing with the New York PeetHsffice. But under the suspended officers the Cnstem-house would be one of the principal political agencies tn the state of New York. To change thia, they profess to would be, in the language of Mr. Cornell, in his response, ‘to surrender their personal and politieal rights.’ Convtacod that the people of New York and the country generally wish the New York Customhouse to be administered solely with a view to the vuMHe interest, it is my purpose to do all tn my power to introduce Into thio great office the reforms which the country dosices.” “With my information of the facta of the ease, sad WMha deep sense of the responsible obligation imposed upon mo by the constitution, to take care that the laws be faithfully I regard it as my plain duty to suspend the officers

In question, and to make the nomination! now before the Senate, in order that this important office may be honestly and efficiently administered.” “R. B, HAYES. “Executive Mansion, Jan. 31st, 1879.” -f .TESIKNT ST JOHN SHERMAN OF REASONS FOB ARTHUR’S SUSPENSION. - ;-rt Department, Office op the Secretabt. ) Washington, D. C., January 31st, 1879. J To rut ?:.csipsNT: “If it be bid I that, to procure the removal of Mr, Arthur, it is sufficient to reasonably establish that gross abuses of administration have continued and increased during his Incumbency ; that many persons have been regularly paid on his rolls who rendered little or no service; that the expenses of his office have increased, while collections have been di* minisping; that bribes, or gratuities in the nature of bribes, have been received by his subordinates in several branches of the Custom-house; that efforts to correct these abuses have not met his support, and that he has not given to the duties of his office the requisite diligence and attention, then it is submitted that the case is made out. This form of proof the department is prepared to submit.” “That the mode of conducting business in the Custom-house in New York during the entire administration of Mr. Arthur as collector, was subject to grave criticism is hardly a matter of dispute. The development made by the Committee of the Senate of 1872, of which Mr. Buckingham was chairman, excited the attention of the country. The abuses which sprang out of the moiety system were fully disclosed by the examination and discussion that preceded the passage of the Anti-mojety Act of 1874. Numerous reports of special agents called the attention of the department to existing irregularities.” “ I come now to the specific charges to which he replies; and first, as to the gratuities in the nature of bribes given to clerks and employees. ♦ * * The evidence taken shows that most of the witnesses who were interrogated on this point, testified that gratuities were constantly received. It was in testimony with regard to inspectors that they were anxious to be sent to discharge steamers rather than sailing vessels, because they were paid by the owners of the steamships a gratuity of from ten to fifty dollars, technically called ‘house money.’ The agent of another testified that perquisites were constantly paid to inspectors for discharging vessels; that the shorter the time the vessel was to be in port the larger the amount paid; that the inspectors received a gratuity for permitting the vessels to discharge before the Custom-house permit r • aches the ship; that, if these fees were not paid, the inspector had it in his power to delay the vessel in many ways, aud that it was merely a question between the owner and the inspector as to how much it was worth to the former to obtain these facilities; that is, whether it was cheaper to pay the inspector a gratuity for obtaining these facilities than to have the inspector stand upon the strict letter of the law, and throw obstructions in his way. It was also in testimony that other irregular fees were constantly received by inspectors customarily called ‘ “ hatchets ” ana “ bones,” - “ hatchets ” being fees received from merchants for the privilege of holding their goods on the dock, instead of going into the general-order store at once, and “ bones ’’ being paid by passengers for favors extended to them “in the examination of their baggage.” With regard to weighersit was testified that there was a complete list of irregular fees adopted by all of them, to be exacted of merchants for supplying copies of weights. “ These fees ranged from two cents to thirty cents a ton for iron and other metals, and a schedule upon which the foreman of the weighers was accustomed to make the demands, showing in detail the amount to be collected upon each barrel, package and bag, upon rice, sugar and many other articles. It was also distinctly testified that the collector's entry clerk received fifteen cents foreach entry from brokers and merchants for facilities in passing the entries. The receipt of these irregular fees for entry, withdrawal, export entry and refund clerk was afterward fully shown , from the books of the Custom-house. In addition to all this, it'. clear, from letters addressed to the Jay Commis- ' sion by the collector, naval officer and surveyor, in regard to this very question, that the practice of taking illegal fees was well known. ”. ,

“It appears from documents submitted to the House of Representatives and oral statements made to the Committee on Appropriations in the presence of the attorneys for these claims [for refund], that forged protests were introduced in' many cases to give jurisdiction in such cases; that there was a failure to plead the statute of limitations; that the amount already paid on these adtiquated claims is $1,980,000, and that there are still claims pending, all of which are over fourteen years old, which, if allowed, would require the further sum of at least $750,000. It is now contended by the Department of Justice before the Courts of New York that the great body of these claims are fraudulent. “ While Mr. Arthur admits that expenses increased and receipts from the revenue steadily diminished during his administration, he claims that there were improperly, if not illegally, charged to the expenses of collection large amounts over which be had no control, and which, in strictness, had nothing to do with current expenses. “ But leaving out of consideration the extraordinary expense to which he refers, as well as those incurred, by the naval officer and Surveyors and Appraisers’ Department, it is shown by the accompanying tabular statement, made up by the Treasury registers, giving the number and compensation of employees in the several divisions of the collector’s office and of the*weighers, gaugers and inspectors, all appointed upon the nomination of the collector, that the force and expenses of his own department increased steadily from the date of assuming his duties as collector to the 80th of June, 1874, in number 251 persons, and in amount $364,574 more than in 1871, and this in the face of the fact that the receipts had fallen off, in the time mentioned, many millions of dollars. ***** “Mr. Arthur admits that he did not sometimes reach the office at the hour when by law it is open to public business, but intimates that the time after office hours that he spent at the Custom-house was an off-set. His presence after office hours could be of little use to the public. lam advised by persons entirely familiar with the subject, that the time of Mr. Arthur, when at the Custom-house, was often occupied with other than government matters; that it was sometimes difficult for a merchant who was dissatisfied with the ruling of a subordinate to obtain a hearing. It is susceptible of proof that he habitually did not arrive there until afternoon, and was therefore absent during a period when his attendance was necessary to the transaction of public business; and this was especially so after the action of the Senate upon the nomination of his successor. The watchful care of a collector at a port of such importance as New York over the actions of his subordinates in their methods of doing business, is at all times imperatively necessary for the protection of the revenue. “In a case which has come to light since the retirement of Mr. Arthur, it has been shown that goods upon which the duties amounted to $120,000 were delivered to the parties without payment of of any duties to the government, and, in a suit to recover these duties, it is claimed by the importers that the unlawful delivery was due to the negligence, or something worse, on the part of theC istom’s officers under the charge of Mr. Arthur.” * *. * * * • “ It will be expected by the public that you see that these officers act in harmony with your policy in correcting all abuses that are developed, and securing all possible reforms; and if they, in your opinion, fail, that you shall exercise the power given to you by the Constitution, to secure .officers who will do so.” • ••••• “ Very respectfully,

“JOHN SHERMAN,

HANCOCK TO SHERMAN.

Congress met on December 4th. 1878. The results of the Returning Boards frauds in Louisiana, South Carolina and Florida, were then known throughout the country. A large number of troops were concentrated at Washington, and there was much apprehension that the army would be called upon to take part in the settlement of the presidential contest. General Sherman, commanding the army of the United States, consulted with his immediate subordinates as to their views of their duty under these circumstances. He wrote to General Hancock two letters, one on the 4th of December. 1876, and the other on the 17th of the same month. General Hancock replied te these letters on December 28th, from Carondelet, near St. Louis, Missouri. After Hancock’s nomination for the presidency, the Republican press circulated a story that between the presidential election of 1878, and the establishment of the Electoral Commission, General Hancock had written a letter te General Sherman, declaring his intention "to take his orders from Mr. Tilden/' and expressing treasonable sentiments. The statements of the Republican newspapers were not refuted for some time, for the reason that General Sherman was absent in the far West, and the letter could not with propriety be published without his consent. That consent was given at the end of July last, and the letter was first published on the Ist of August. Its publication has not only absolutely refuted the falsehoods which had been circulated in relation to it, but has remilted in making plain te the world General Hancock’s profound statesmanship and his pre-eminent fitness for the office of President of the United States: "CauoinMttWT Y. 1 "St. Lows, Me., Beeember 28, MTV. | "Mt Dbar Gnumtan: Tour favor of the 4th instant reached mo in New York on the sth, the day before I left fer the West. 1 intended to reply to it before leaving, but cares incident to departure interfered. Then, again, since my arrival here I have been so occupied with personal affairs of a business nature that I have deferred writing from day to day until fhte moment, and new X find myself to debt to yea another letter in acknowledgment of your favor of the 17th, received a few days since. “I have concluded te leave hero on the 28th (to-morrow} P.M., so that I maybe exported in Hew York on tite 81st instant. It has been coM and theory staeo my arrival hero. I have worked ’like a Ttuk* 0 presume that means hard work) in the country, in makfeg finooe, emtiteg down trees, repairing buMtams, <fee., 4tau and am at Mart able to say that fit Louto to the ooterofiptaee tn wintoe, as it is the hottest in summer, at m that I have enesHmterod tn a temperate seam. 1 have mnown 06. Lento tetoeoemb* to have genial wwdlbiw through not the month; ttdeßeeomber has been end «te rAror has boot Bonen more solid than 1 have ever hnownte "When I based the ranter that! was ordered to tbs Paeide seated no eompfetot nor made rsstdsnii off any Utak I would have g<mo quietly iff not prepared to go promptly. I certainly would have bean refonpfl from

i and anxieties concerning Presidential matters which may foil' ’lto those near the throne or tn authority within the nextj four months, as well as from other incidents or matter* which I could not control, and the action concerning which I might not approve. I was not exactly prepared to go to the Pacific, however, and I therefore felt relieved when I received your note informing me that there was no truth in the rumors. “ Then I did not wish to appear to be escaping from responsibilities and possible dangers which may cluster around military commanders tn the East, especially tn the critical period fast approaching. All’s well that ends well. The whole matter of the Presidency seems to me to and to admit of a peaceful solution. The machinery for such a contingency as threatens to present itself has been r all carefully prepared. It only requires lubrication, owing ' to disuse. The army should have nothing to do with the selection or inauguration of Presidents. The people elect the President. The Congress declares in a regular session who he is I We of the army have only to obey Ins mandates, and are protected in so doing only so far as t hey may be lawful. Our commissions express that. I like Jefferson’s way of inauguration; it suits our system. He rode alone on horseback to the Capitol (I fear it was the ‘ Old Capitol ’), tied his horse to a rail fence, entered and was duly sworn, then rode to the Executive Mansion and took possession. He inaugurated himself simply by taking the oath of office. There is no other legal 'inauguration in our system. The people or politicians may institute parades in honor of tho event, and public officials may add to the pageant by assembling troops and banners, but all that only comes properly after the inauguration, not before, and it is not a part of it. Our system des not provide that one President should inaugurate another. There might be danger in that, and it was studiously left out of the charter. But you are placed in an exceptionally important position in connection with coming events. The capital is in my jurisdiction also, but lam a subordinate and not on the spot, and if I were, so also would be my superior in authority, for there is the station of the Geueral-ln-Chief. “ Ou the principle that a regularly elected President’s term of office expires with the 3d of March (of which I have not th® slightest doubt), and which the laws bearing on the subject uniformly recognize, and in consideration of the possibility that the lawfully elected President may not appear until the sth of March, a great deal of responsibility may necessarily fall upon you. You hold over ! You will have power and prestige to support you. The Secretary of War, too, probably holds over ; but if no President appears, he may not be able to exercise functions in the name of a President, for his proper acts are those of a known superior—a lawful President. You act on your own responsibility, and by virtue of a commission only restricted by the law. The Secretary of War is the mouthpiece of a President. You are not. If neither candidate has a constitutional majority of the Electoral College, or the Senate and House on tho occasion of the count do not unite in declaring some person legally elected by the people, there is a lawful machinery already provided to meet that contingency, and decide the question peacefully. It has not been recently,.ußed, no'occasion presenting itself, but our forefathers provided it. It has been exercised, and has been recognized and submitted to as law ful on every Sand. That machinery would probably elect Mr. Tilden President and Mr. Wheeler Vice-President. That would be right enough, for the law provides that in a failure to elect duly by the people the House shall immediately elect the President and the Senate the Vice-President. Soma tribunal must decide whether the-people have duly elected a President. I presume, of course, that it is in the joint affirmative action of the Senate ana House, or why are they present to witness the count if not to see that it is fair ana just? If a failure to agree arises between the two bodies there can be no lawful affirmative decision that the people have elected a President, and the House must then proceed to act, not the Senate. The Senate elects Vice-Presidents, not Presidents. Doubtless, in case of a failure by the House to elect a Bresident by the 4th of March, the president of the Senate (if there be one) would be the legitimate person to exercise Presidential authority for the time being, or un- > til the appearance of a lawful President, or for the time laid I down in the Constitution. Such courses would be peaceful ' and I have a firm belief lawful. j

“ I have no doubt Governor Hayes would make an excellent President. I have met him and know of him. For a < brief period he served under my command, but as the matter stands I can’t see any likelihood of his being duly declared elected by the people unless the Senate and House come to be in accord as to that fact, and the House would of course not otherwise elect him. What the people want is a peaceful determination of this matter, as fair a determination as possible, and a lawful one. No other administration _could stand the test. The country, if not plunged into revolution, would become poorer day by day, business would languish, and our bonds would come home to find a depreci-. ated market. < “ I was not in favor of the military action in South Carolina recently, and if General Roger had telegraphed to me or asked for advice I would have advised him not under any circumstances to allow himself or his troops to determine who were the lawful members of a state legislature. X,could *ot have given him better advice than to refer him to the special message of the President in the case of Louisian* i some time before.

“Butin South Carolina he had had the question settled ** by a decision of the Supreme Court of the state, the highest tribunal which bad acted on the question, so that his line of .. duty seemed even to be clearer than the action in the Louisiana case. If the Federal court had interfered and overruled the decision of the state'eourt, there might have been a doubt certainly, but the Federal court only interfered to complicate, not to decide or overrule. “Anyhow, it is no business of the army to enter upon such questions, and even if it might be so in any event, it the civil authority is supreme, as the Constitution declares* l " it to be, the South Carolina case was one in which the army had a plain duty. “ Had General Ruger asked me for advice, and if I L*d' given it, I should of course have notified you of my actions} immediately, so that it could have been promptly overrule* if it should have been deemed advisable by you or other perior in authority. Gen. Ruger did not ask for my advic a, t and I inferred from that and other facts that he did not,deei '® j it, or that, being in direct communication with military siAperiors at the seat of government, who were nearer to hit* I in time and distance than I was—he deemed it unnecessaryAs General Ruger had the ultimate responsibility of acticl* j and had really the greater danger to confront in the final, action in the matter, I did not venture to embarrass him-'', by suggestions. He was a department commander and thX. lawful head of the military administration within the limits of ' the department; but, besides, I knew thathe had been called to Washington for consultation before taking command, and | was probably aware of the views ot the administration as to 1 civil affairs in his command. I knew that he was In direct com- I munication with my superiors in authority in reference to th® t delicate subjects presented for his consideration, or had idea® . of his oyn which he believed to be sufficiently in accord with ; the views of our common superiors to enable him to act intel- t ligently according to his judgment, and without suggestion® ; from those not on the spot and not as fully acquainted with ! the facts as himself. He desired, too, to be free to act. a® . he had the eventual greater responsibility, and so the matter I was governed as between him and myself. “ As I have been writing thus freely to you, I may still further unbosom-myself by stating that I have not thought 1 it lawful or wise to use Federal troops in such matters a* have transpired east of the Mississippi within the last few I months, save so far as they may be brought into actio* under the article of the Constitution which contemplate® meeting armed resistanceror invasion of a state more powerful than the state authorities can subdue by the ordinary ■ processes, and then only when requested by the legislature, or, if it could not be convened in season, by the governor; and when the President of thd United States intervene® la i that manner it is a state of war, not peace. “ The army is laboring under disadvantages and has been used unlawfully at times in the judgment of the people (In mine certainly), and we have lost a great deal of the kindly feeling which the community at large once felt for u®. ‘ft is time to stop and unload.' “ Officers in command of troops often find it difficult to act wisely and safely when superiors in authority have differ-1 ent views of the law from theirs, and when legislation haa. sanctioned action seemingly in conflict with the fundamental* law, a> d they generally defer to the known judgment of their > supei/ >rs. Yet the superior officer* of th® army are so re-; gardf I in such great crises and are held to such responslbll-| tty. • qecially those at or near the head of it, that it is riece*-. 1 sary on such momentous occasions to dare to determine fosi themselves what is lawful and what is net lawful under ou*i system, if the military authorities should be invoked, aa> might possibly be the case in such exceptional time® when* there existed such divergent views as to the correct resulhd Th® army will suffer from its past action if ft has ictoA wrongfully. Our regular army has little hold upon the affeo-4 tions of the people of to-day, and its superior officers shoul<*[ certainly, as far as lies In their power, legally and with right-* eous intent aim to defend the right—which to us is TUB LAWti —and th® institutien which they represent. It is a meaning institution and it would be well if it should have aw opportunity to be recognized as a bulwark in support oa the rights of the people and of tub haw. j

Secretary.”

" I am truly yours,

"Te General W. T. Sherman, Commanding Army of the United States, Washington, D. d” ‘

ON THE SPIRIT PERVADING THE SOUTH. tbs nan wmmso m tub ■mowroiw rum. Going to and returning from Mexico last winter General Grant made a tour of the leathern states. His arrival tab Dlinols was omphastei J by a speech fin which he said: "It may be appropriate on this occasion to refei to my trip through the Southern states and to what I hiwe seem whflo traveling. X have been gratified at my reerfction tm all the recently rebeSfamo states. 1 passed from Fhilfidelphin. to Pierids on my to Havana, and on my rotamfcamevtab Texas from Mexico, thus paoetag through aU the mbelliouo states, and it wfil bo agreeable to aU to know that Imspitality was tendered me at every efty through which I dissed and accepted to nearly all of them by me. Tht TFnimMagjMteA' tnr ns wrpudmv, and lAe epee the an os fin Mar aiA aton as proms, and Inifapon tt aai pumattatatp to titan aS toe rifftos and frtttU&t of a /**) paepte otibsiO rqpard to aster, er prestoae JamdUian irsGiato in mm* off Ao states, upon the roJeptton cons* were awmltort were, Mn-r-to* man theta were grey, androeoptfon addresses were made inßart by thosa who wore the blue and theeo who were tike grip. Hi tame no swoon * dbsdf Stat fits* etito were fltep&f sriE/Hlti* 00 titap Aero fronted St ftpty » mes Mb Mtitaart

WINFIELD S. HANCOCK.

GRANT