Democratic Sentinel, Volume 4, Number 35, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 8 October 1880 — Page 5

CA MPAIGN SUPPLEMENT 1880.

Gen. Hancock’s Letter ot Acceptance.

I ISLAND, 1 New York Cut, July 29, 1880. J Gentlemen: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of July 13,1880. apprising me formally of my nomination to the oflice of President of the United States by the National Democratic 1 Convention lately assembled In Cincinnati. I accept the nomination with grateful appreciation of the confidence reposed in me. The principles enunciated by • Convention are those I have cherished in the past and shall endeavor to maintain iq the future. The thirteenth, fourteenth and fifteenth amendments to the Constitution of the United States, embodying the results qf the soar for the Union, are inviolable. If called to the Presidency I should deem it my duty lo resist with all my power any attempt to impair or evade, the full force and efl'eel of'the Constitution, sehich in every section and amendment is the supreme law Of the land. The Constitution forms the basis of the Government of the United States. The powers granted by it to the legislative, executive and judicial departments define and limit the authority of the General Government; powersnot • delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by It to the Slates, belong to the States respectively ©r to the people. The General and State governments, each > acting In its own sphere without trenching upon the lawful {Jurisdiction of the other, constitute the Union. This Union, iromprising a General Government with general powcrs< and State governments with State powers for purposes local to , the States, is a polity the foundations of which were laid in the profoundest wisdom. 1 This is the Union our fathers made, and which has been ■o respected abroad and so beneficent at home. Tried by blood and fire, it stands to-day a model form of free popular fovemment, a political system which, rightly administered, as been and will continue to be the admiration of the world. May we not say nearly in the words of "Washington: The unity of government which constitutes us one people Is justly dear to us; it is the main pillar in the edifice of our real independence, the support of our peace, safety and prosperity, and of that liberty we so highly prize and intend at every hazard to preserve t Bull no form of government however carefully devised, no principles however sound, will protect the rights of the people unless administration is faithful and efficient. It is a vital principle in ©ur system that neither fraud nor force must be allowed to subvert the rights of the people. When fraud, violence or incompetence controls, the noblest constitutions and wisest laws are useless. The bayonet is not a fit instrument for collecting the votes of freemen. It is pnly by a full vote, free ballot and fair count that the people can mle in fact as required by the theory of our Goverment. Take this foundation away and the whole structure falls. Public office is a trust, not a bounty bestowed upon the holder ; no incompetent or , dishonest persons should ever be intrusted with it. or if appointed i tAey should be promptly ejected. The basis of a substantial, Eractical, civil service reform must first be established bv le people in filling the elective offices; if they fix a high standard of qualification for office and sternly reject the cor- | rupt and incompetent, the result will be decisive in govern- | fug the action of the servants whom they entrust with appmnting power. i The war for the Union was successfully closed more than I fifteen years ago. All classes of our people must share alike tn the blessings of the Union, and are equally concerned in tts perpetuity and in the proper administration of public affairs. We are in a state of profound peace. Henceforth let It be our purpose to cultivate sentiments of friendship and not of animosity among our fellow-citizens. Our material Interests, varied md progressive, demand our constant and united efforts. A sedulous'and scrupulous care of the public credit, together with a wise and economical management ©f our governmental expenditures, should be maintained, in order that labor may be lightly burdened, and that all peri sons may be protected in their rights to the fruits of their ©wn industry. The time has come to enjoy the substantial I benefits of reconciliation. As one people we have common ' interests. Let us encourage the harmony and generous rivalry eonong our own Industries, which will revive our languishing ■ ©lercAonf marine, extend our commerce with foreign nations, as- ■ <hw merchants, manufacturers and producers to develop our : vast natural resources ana increase the prosperity and happiness i ff our people. If elected I shall, with the divine favor, labor with what ' ability I possess to discharge my duties with fidelity accord- | Ing to my convictions, and shall take care to protect and defend the Union, and to see that the laws be faithfully and equally executed in all parts of the country alike. I will assume the responsibility, fully sensible of the faet that to adn. blister rightly the functions of government is to dlscharjß“the'‘fnost sacred duty that can devolve upon an (AqJferican citizen. lam very respectfully yours, A WINFIELD 8. HANCOCK. To \the Honorable John <V. Stevenson, President of the Convention, the Honorable John P. Stockton, Chairman, a . id others of the Committee ®f the National Democratic C/onvcntlon. ' SPEECH OF CAPTAIN HANCOCK. DELIVERED AT ZiT LOS ANGELES, CAL., JULY 4th, 1861.

AVhen stationed at Loa Angeles, California, Captain Han-t-fock received the neWs of the incipient demonstrations ' against the Union in 1860, and it was at that critical moment fithat he displayed alike his patriotism, his magnanimity and I "his toleration. Abraham Lincoln had been elected President I of the United States in November, and it was about Christianas time when Hancock heard the fact. Born a Democrat 1 himself .and never denying his attachment to that great threw himself boldly into all the djscusgions of the hour; and while maintaining strict guard over bis own temper, stood firm and fast to the old flag in the midst of the tempest of passion and fanaticism. But for the heroic conduct and the wise measures adopted by Democrats like Field and Hancock, sinking all party differences, and forming a coalition composed of men of all t factions, to hold California to her place in the family of I States, she would Irave been dragged out by the tremendous i energy of the secession leaders, and the whole character of ’ tire subsequent st ruggle would have been changed. The i temptation to British intervention would have been incal- ‘ eulably strengthened, and anybody can estimate the addi- < tional strain upon our resources which would have been occasioned by an extension of the war beyond the Rocky i Mountains? But there, as tn every other similar emergency iof his life, Hancock was equal to the civil as well as to the f military duty of the hour. On the 4th of July, 1861, he made an address at the first I Union meeting In Los Angeles, California. This magnifi- . cent utterance was the simple enthusiasm of his heart at i the moment. He spoke as follows: We have met to commemorate that day of all among .Americans, the most hallowed and cherished of the national 'Memories efh lifetime—the 4th of July. 1776—that day ’ Wtaathe l4|gß of tyrants tn the colonies of America ceased, of reason, fraternity, and of equal political MgM began. Who on this continent does not know of the 'jgroat eveaftMUeh transpired on that d ty, the anniversary of which we at acet here to celebrate, that event so interesting tcUtll A iwflße the declaration of our national independence/, JM» among us would wish to see the day apmmiHeh 'ehe* that occasion should cease to be commemorjuted? IwA not believe that any can be found so destitute jgfpcMaflb*Wrlde as not to feel in his veins a thrilling curWteaa wM deeds of his ancestors in the battles of the ■BVCtafckmvn mentioned. f Can any one hear the great events of that contest related wishing that his ancestors had been personally en- ( ofus can forget the names of Lexington, of Monmouth, of Brandywine and Yorktown, and who can regret that he is a descendant of those who fought there for the li’. erties we now enjoy ? And what flag is It that we now lovk to as the banner that carried us through the great contest, and was honored by the gallant deeds of Its defenders? I The star-spangled banner of America, then embracing thirteen pale stars representing that number of oppressed colonies, now thirty-four bright planets, representing that number of great states. To be sure, clouds intervene be- • tween ns and eleven of that number, but we will trust that {those clouds may soon be dispelled, and that those great ) stars in the Southern constellation may shine forth again twith even greater splendor than before. ' Let us believe, at least let us trust, that our brothers [there doßot wish to separate themselves permanently from 'the common memories which have so long bound us together, [but thatwhen reason returns and resutnes her sway, they will prefer the brighter page of history which our mutual deeds havte inscribed upon the tablets of time, to that of the (uncertain} future of a new confederation, which, alas, to them majnprove illusory and unsatisfactory. < Let therm return to us. We will welcome them as brothers who have Been estranged, but have come back. We will have an intlrest in the battlefields of the revolution in those states not Second to their own. Our forefathers fought there side my side with theirs. Can they, if/they would, throw asidefbeir right to the memories of the great field on our soil on which their ancestors won renown ? No, they cannot I Gdm forbid that they should desire it. To those who re.'pirdless oiltiiese sacred memories, insist on sundering this union of stales, let us, who only wish our birthright preserved to us, >nd whose desire it Is to be still citizens of the great countrji that gave us birth, and to live under that flag . which has gained for us the glory we boast of, say this day |to those am onu us who feel aggrieved: Your rights we wifi 'respect; yourhvrongs we will assist you to redress; but the ' government resulting from the union of these states is a priceless heritage that wo intend to preserve and defend to the last extremity. I Hancock did mot long remain tn California after this noble qwech. Ho aq once solicited employment in the Union finny, and reported for duty in Washington in September, ' '

THE “REBEL DEBT.”

(FVom the New York Evening News, Sept. Wi, 1880.) In the light of the following facts, it will be seen that talk about payment of the rebel debts is nonsense. The Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution says: " Section 4. The validity of the public debt of the United States, authorized by law, including debts incurred for payment of pensions and bounties for services in suppressing insurrection or rebellion, shall not be questioned.” “ But neither the United States nor any state'shall assume or pay any debt or obligation incurred in aid of insurrection or rebellion against the United States, or any claim for the loss or emancipation of any slave, but all such debts, obligations and claims shall be held illegal and void.” That absolutely precludes the payment of the rebel debt because specifically prohibiting it. Now it is not possible to change the amendment, for the reason that article 2 of the Constitution says: “ The Congress, whenever two-thirds of both houses shall deem it necessary, shall propose amendments to the Constitution ; or, on the application es the legislatures of twothirds of the several states, shall call a convention for proposing amendments, which, in either case, shall be valid, to all intents and purposes, as part of this Constitution, when ratified by the legislatures of three-fourths of the several states, or by conventions in three-fourths thereof, as the one or the other mode of ratification may be proposed by the Congress.” It is folly to talk about getting two-thirds of the United States Senate and United States House of Representatives to propose a change in the Constitution, so as to permit payment of the rebel debt, and the greater folly to talk of threefourths of the states agreeing to such a change. In his letter of acceptance General Hancock says: “ The Thirteenth, Fourteenth and Fifteenth amendments to the Constitution of the United States, embodying the results of the war for the Union, are inviolable. IF CALLED TO THE PRESIDENCY, I SHALL DEEM IT MY DUTY TO RESIST, WITH ALL OF MY POWER, ANY ATTEMPT TO IMPAIR OR EVADE THE FULL FORCE AND EFFECT OF THE CONSTITUTION, WHICH, IN EVERY ARTICLE, SECTION AND AMENDMENT, IS THE SUPREME LAW OF THE LAND.” General Hancock could not make the announcement of his support of the amendment which forbids payment of the rebel debt more emphatic and public than he has done, nor would his positive declaration on the subject in his letter of acceptance be strengthened by repetition. Beyond this, the people find in his character the assurances they require. They know the truth of General Taylor’s remark in the celebrated “ Allison letter ” —“One who cannot be trusted without pledges, cannot be confided in merely on account of them.”

SOUTHERN WAR CLAIMS. WHAT GENERAL W. F. SMITH HAS TO SAT ABOUT THEM. (From the New York Truth (Independent), Sept. 10th, 1880.) The little steamer “ Atlantic,” which begins her trips to Governor’s Island at 6 o’clock in the morning and continues them until midnight, brought over late last night a distinguished, though small company. General Hancock, after a hard day’s work of receiving and reciprocating congratulations, had retired to rest when the last trip of the “ Atlantic ” was made. The Truth reporter, who was aware that General Smith had just come from a two hours’ confidential chat with General_Hancock, thought this a good opportunity to broach the subject on which General Hancock, as a matter of principle, has so Car decided to remain silent. “ You have seen Truth's open letter to General Hancock on the subject of the Southern war claims, I presume, general ?” asked the reporter. “Yes, I have,” replied General Smith, “and while I was in Vermont a hundred people asked me the same question. We have received hundreds of letters on Governor’s Island, based on Truth's question whether, if General Hancock is elected, he will give his assent to the payment of the Southern war claims.’’ ■“ And what is the general’s answer to that question.” “ Why, his letter of acceptance—General Hancock very truly savs that all such matters are covered in bis letter of acceptance. He stands on the platform of the Democratic party, and on his letter. . There is no room for argument concerning either. “ That is veiy true, General, so far as it goes, but the inherent right of the people to change their constitution has been exhibited in the very fact that amendments have been made to it. Why should not such a change be made under Hancock as President, as under Lincoln; Johnson or Grant?” General Smith: “ You must be aware that such a change can only be made by a vote of three-fourths of the states after it has passed both. Houses of Congress by a two-thirds vote. That, as you will easily see, is an absolute impossibility under any existing prospects. Leaving aside Gen ere’ " •»- cock’s willingness or unwillingness to entertain such c tion, Truth must see that there are physical in the way that render such a matter impossible. 1 ’ “ But why does not General Hancock come out and say all this under his own signature I Of course, the people understand pretty thoroughly that you are General Hancock’s close friend and intimate, and they will draw their own conclusions from what you say, but you must remember that Mr. Tilden, who is an astute politician, thought it not beneath him to settle this matter by a public card. And unquestionably that card added thousands of Republican ballots to Mr. Tilden’s vote."

" That is true enough,” answered General Smith; "but that was at a time when this point was really in discussion. Now mark. Mr. Tilden wrote a letter repudiating any idea of paying what is known as the rebel debt, in 1876—-sufficient-ly long before the election to allow of all persons in the United States reading it. It was most positive in its terms. Upon that letter, as allied to or appended with the platform of the Democratic party, the Democrats throughout the country voted for and elected Mr. Tilden. Could there possibly be any stronger commitment of the party to a doctrine than that was ? But aside from this, look at the amendment to the Constitution—the fourteenth—l have got it by heart. That amendment says, in section 4: " The validity of the public debt of the United States authorized by law, including debts Incurred for the payment for pensions and bounties for services in suppressinginsurrection or rebellion, shall not be questioned. But neither the United States nor any other state shall assume or pay any debt or obligation incurred in aid of insurrection or rebellion against the United States, or any claim for the loss or emancipation of any slave, but all such debts, obligations and claims shall be held illegal and void.”. “ There can be no question about the meaning of that language, and in General Hancock’s letter of acceptance he specifically refers to that amendment as one he proposes to see carried out if dected to the Presidency. That amendment, as I have said, can be only changed by the vote of three-fourths of the'states after passing both House of Congress by a two-thirds majority.” " Well, Truth does not believe that General Hancock harbors any such intention as is attributed to him, but there may be thousands who do. It is this vote that it looks upon as being liable to be swerved against him by the representations of those who do not themselves believe in what they preach.” _ "I think Ger. is sufficient answer to that,” said Gen Rmtflb *As for any other claims that may be called Suu-ueiß War Claims, they are for property destroyed or used by the armies of the North, and they are made by men who are asserted to have been loyal during the war. I believe that most of those claims are in the hands of Republicans, bought by them when both Houses of Congress were Republican. No such claims have ever brought forward except by Republicans, and when Garfield was in the House he voted for them. Just note the Ulogic of the position.” “ What are the chances of such claims passing a Democratic House—leaving aside the consideration of their being approved by General Hancock as President, when the Democrats in Congress have already voted n gainst those which have been brought up t -If the Southerners, as Republicans claim, are disloyal to-day, where is the likelihood of Southern Democrats voting to tax their constituents and themselves to Dav sueh claims ?” "Then, generally,” said the reporter, "you believe that this is a bugaboo ? That there is no possibility of General Hancock, if elected, abetting the wild schemes attributed to some portions of the Democracy ?” " Not in the least, sir,” was General Smith’s answer. "It is all sheer nonsense.” -fIBWBBY KfLLBD BY TUB DEMOCRATIC CONGRESS. J (Flrom the Hero York Herald, Sept. 4f A, 1880.) Jftnowr, ewry num who Aa» toatehed the course qf Congress sender JSepublican and Democratic control know Oat the D«m»' ocrate are, as a party, far more economical qf ths people's money than their opponents. The lobby, formerly so powerfid and corrupting to Washington, has absolutely disappeared vows the took control qf the House.

Hon. W. H. English’s Letter of Acceptance.

Indianapolis, Ind., July 30,1880. Gentlemen: I have now the honor to reply to your letter of the 13th Inst., informing me that I was unanimously nominated for the office of Vice-President of the United States by the late Democratic National Convention which assembled at Cincinnati. As foreshadowed in the verbal remarks made by me at the time of the delivery of your letter, I have now to say that 1 accept the high trust with a realizing sense of its responsibility, and am profoundly grateful for the honor conferred. I accept the nomination upon the platform of principles adopted by the Convention, which I cordially approve, and I accept it as much because of my faith in the wisdom and patriotism of the, great statesman and soldier nominated on the same ticket for President of the United Slates. His eminent services to his country; his fidelity to the Constitution, the Union and the laws; his clear perception of the correct principles of government as taught by Jefferson; his scrupulous care to keep the military in strict subordination to the civil authorities; his high regard for civil liberty, personal rights and rights of property; his acknowledged ability in civil as well as military affairs, and his pure and blameless life—all 'point to him as a man worthy of the confidence of the people. Not only a brave soldier, a great commander, a wise statesman and a pure patriot, but a prudent, painstaking, practical man of unquestioned honesty ; trusted often with important public duties, faithful to every trust, and in the full meridian of ripe and vigorous manhood, be is, in my judgment, eminently fitted for the highest office on earth —the Presidency of the United States. Not only is he the right man for the place, but the time has come when the best interests of the country require that the party which has monopolized the Executive Department of the General Government for the last twenty years should be retired. The continuance of that party in power four years longer would not be beneficial to the public or in accordance with the spirit of our Republican institutions. Laws of entail have not been favored in our system of government. The perpetuation Of -••opertyor place in otie family or set of men has never been m. uuraged in this country, and the great and good men who formed our Republican government and its traditions wisely limited the tenure of office, and in many ways showed their disapproval of long leases of power. Twenty years of continuous power is long enough, and has already led to irregularities and corruption which are not likdy to be properly exposed under the same party that perpetuated than: besides, it should not be forgotten that the four last years of power held by that party were procured by disreputable means and'held in defiance of the wishes of a majority of the people. It was a grievous wrong to every voter and to onr system of self-government which should never be forgotten nor forgiven. Many of the -men now in office were put there because of corrupt partisan services in thus defeating the fairly and legally expressed will of the majority, and the hypocrisy of the professions of that party in favor of civil service.reform was shown by placing such men in office, and turning the whole brood of federal office-holders loose to influence the elections. The money of the people, taken out of the public treasur, by these men for services often poorly performed, or not performed at all, is being used in vast sums, with the knowledge and presumed sanction of the administration, to control the elections, and even the members of the cabinet are strolling about the country making partisan speeches, instead of being in their departments at Washington, discharging the public duties for which they are paid by the people. But with all their cleverness and ability a discriminating public will no doubt read between the lines of their speeches that their paramount hope and aim is to keep themselves <>r their satellites four years longer in office. Perpetuatin' power of chronic Federal office-holders four j’ears l>,..„cr will not benefit the millions of men and women who hold no office; but earning their daily bread by honest industry. The same discerning public will no doubt fully understand this, as they will also that it is because of their own industry and economy and God’s bountiful harvests that tly; country is comparatively prosperous, and not because of anything done by these Federal office-holders. The country is comparatively prosperous, wot because of them but in spite of them. This contest is in fact between the people endeavoring to regain the poliilcal power which rightfully belongs to them, a>id to restore pure, simple, economical, constitutional government of our fathers on the one side, and a hundred thousand Federal office-holders and their backers, pampered with place, and power, and determined to retain them at all hazards, on the other. Hence the constant assumption of new and dangerous powers by the general government under the rule of the Republican party, the effort to ouild up what they call a strong government, the interference with home rule and with the administration of justice In the courts of the several states, the interference with the elections through the medium of paid partisan federal office-holders interested in keeping their party in power, and caring more for that than fairness in elections. Tn fact, the constant encroachments which have been made by that party upon the clearly reserved rights of the people and the states will, if not checked, subvert the liberties of the people and the government or limited powers created by the fathers, and end in a great consolidated central government —strong, indeed, for evil —and the overthrow of republican institutions. The wise men who formed our Constitution knew the evils of a strong government and the long continuance of political power in the same hands. They knew there was a tendency in this direction in all governments and consequent danger to republican institutions from that cause, and took pains to guard against it. The machinery of a strong centralized general government can be used to perpetuate the - same set of men in power from term to term until it ceases to be a republic, or is such only in name, and the tendency of the party now in power in that direction as shown in various ways, beside the willingness recently manifested by a large number of that party to elect a President an unlimited number of terms, is quite apparent, and must satisfy thinking people that the time has come when it will be safest and best for that party to be retired. But in resisting the encroachments of the General Government upon the reserved rights of the people and the states, I wish to be distinctly understood as favoring the proper exercise by the General Government of the powers rightfully belonging to it under the Constitution. Encroachments upon the Constitutional rights of the General Government or interference with the proper exercise of its powers must be carefully avoided. The Union of the States under the Constitution must be maintained, and it is well known that this has always been the position of both the candidates on the Democratic Presidential ticket. It is acquiesced in everywhere now, and finally and forever settled as one of the results of the war. It is certain beyond all question that the legitimate results of the war for the Union will not be overthrown or impaired should the Democratic ticket be elected. In that event proper protection will be given in every legitimate way to every citizen, native or adopted, in every section of the republic, in the enjoyment of all the rights guaranteed by the Constitution and its amendments; a sound currency, of honest money, of a value and purchasing power corresponding substantially with the standard recognized by the commercial world, and consisting of gold and silver and paper convertible into coin, will be maintained; the labor aud manufacturing, commercial and business interests of the country will be favored and encouraged in tfvery legitimate way. The toiling millions of our own people will be protected from the destructive competition of the Chinese, and to that end their immigration to our shores will be properly restricted. The public credit will be scrupulously maintained and strengthened by rigid economy in public expenditure, and the liberties of the people and the property of the people will be protected by a government of law ana order, administered strictly in the interest of all people, and not of corporations and privileged classes. Ido not doubt the discriminating justice of the people and their capacity for intelligent self-government, and, therefore, do not doubt the success of the Democratc ticket. Its success would bury beyond resurrection the sectional jealousies and hatreds which have so long been the chief stock in trade of pestiferous demagogues, and in no other way can this be so effectually accomplished. It wotfld restore harmony and good feeling between all the sections, and make us in fact, as well as in name, one people. The only rivalry then would be in the race for the development of material prosperity, the elevation of labor, the enlargement of human rights, the promotion of education, morality, religion, liberty, order, and allthat would tend to make us the foremost nation of the earth Wthe grand march of human progress. Tam, with great respect, very truly yours,

To the Honorable John W. Stevenson, President of the Convention, Honorable John P. Stockton, chairman, and other members of the Committee of Notification. __

democratic economy. (From the Bnsghkeepsde Bern, Aug. 26,1880.) When the terrible panic and consequent disaster of 1873 overtook the country and beggared so many hitherto prosperous citizens, the people were not slow to recognize the fact that it was in a large measure due to the blunders of thirteen years continuous Republican rule. Their first move was to elect a Democratic House of Repreesntatives, under whose legislation the business interest of the country began to revive, and during the present Congress, with the cooperation of a Democratic Senate, the legislation originating with the* majority has been abundantly justified by the rapid return to prosperity now so manifest in all business affairs. All that is now required to insure the continuance of prosperity, is the co-operation of an Executive in harmony with the law-making power. This the people Will provide for by the election of Hancock.

WILLIAM H. ENGLISH.

EXTRACTS FROM THE GREAT SPEECH OF THOS. A. HENDRICKS,

DELIVERED AT INDIANAPOLIS, SEPTEMBER 6tl, 1880. SCATHING EXPOSURE OF GARFIELD’S PART IN THE PRESIDENTIAL FRAUD. GARFIELD’S BTAR CHAMBER. There is Garfield at New Orleans—the man that asks to preside in the chief office of this great nation. There is Garfield sitting in that inner room in the Custom House, where the light of day and the judgment of the American people were cut off, and receiving the witnesses that turned the parish of West Feliciana, and examiningthem as though he were a lawyer in the case. **#■ ♦ * * * THE FALSE TESTIMONY GARFIELD CONCOCTED. Now, notice what he has sworn to: That he occupied that room, and that when the testimony was all handed to him relating to the parish of West Feliciana he examined it and the testimony, and he made out a list of one-half or twothirds ot the witnesses, and he sent for them one by one. He examined them, and when their testimony was not as full as he desired, he prepared additional interrogatories, which went, in some eases, at least, before the lieturning Board. _ This comes really very close around the Joa'maf and Garfield. “ The summary in the testimony in the case of West Feliciana was prepared by me,” A little further about what he did: *#•«*«* GARFIELD’S CHIEF WITNESS. Now, gentlemen, I will turn over a page and see what the case of Amy Mitchell was (turning the leaves of a book]. She first made an affidavit in the Custom House, where she was examined privately by James A. Garfield. That affidavit was not full enough. He prepared additional interrogatories to be propounded to her, and she answered those interrogatories, and in her testimony before this same committee she afterwards herself swore that there was no truth in the statement given in response to Garfield’s interrogatories. In answer to a question propounded by Gov. Cox, of i Ohio, who is a Republican, Amy Mitchell said— she repeated her direct testimony—that every statement contained in the affidavit was false ; that she did not say anything because she knew it, but said what they told her to say. Her testimony also showed that she hud been trained in the Custom House to testify before the committee. I don’t say that. Garfield was present when she swore to the answers to interrogatories, but he prepared the interrogatories that were answered, and he prepared the interrogatories after he had an Interview with that colored woman, when there was no person besides themselves present; and the same woman comes beforejthe committee of Congress, not in an inner room, not when the light of God’s day is shut off, but' she comes before the committee of. Democrats and Republicans, and in that testimony, given under oath and under the test of a cross-examination by the Republican members of 1 lie committee, she says there was not a word of truth in the testimeny which she gave in answer to Garfield’s questions. [Applause. [ 11 4 » * * * * GARFIEAD KNEW THAT TILDEN HAD CARRIED LOUISIANA.

The next question is, what did Garfield know in regard to Louisiana? That we find on page 803. 1 say he knew that Louisiana was Democratic by 8,000 majority when he sat in that inner room and had private conversation with the witnesses and prepared interrogatories to guide and cont.iol their tcsO-nony, when he was at that work, and when he was brief to make it appear the other way, lie knew that had east a Democratic majority of 8,000, and hfere isnlMworn testimony on that subject: Q. JmTyou get any idea how the vote of Lou siana stood from the lace of the returns ? A. I bad all those ideas that could be got from t he newspapers and the leaders of the different parties ; we had had, ot course, very full iuforuiatiou of that, sort. S Q. Presuming that there were not some parishes to be thrown out by the Returning Boai-d, it Was very clear that the state had gone for Nicholls and Tilden, was it not? A. It was very well understood by the time I got there, and indeed before I got there, that if nothing but the face of the returns was to be considered, and if every vote sent up was to be treated as a legal vote, Mr. Tilden was ahead. Q. And if every vote sent up was a legal vote, and some more Republican votes were not found, it was very clear that the state had gone for Nichols and Tilden? A. Yes. A TAINTED CANDIDATE. There is your man, Republicans, that you propose to place in the chair that Washington occupied [a voice: “No, never ”1. It will never be done. No man with a record like that did ever take that chair, and in the kind providence of an eternal God it will never occur. He knew by the returns that Tilden for President and Nichols for governor were elected in the state of Louisiana, and yet when he knew that, he says when he got to New Orleans he stayed there eighteen days, and all that he did v. as to sit in that inner room where nobody could find him, except they passed from the public hall through another room ; and there alone with poor ignorant witnesses he prepared ifiterrogatories and talked with them, and those interrogatories and that talk went to the Returning Board and furnished the scoundrels of that board the pretext to return against the truth that Tilden was beaten in Louisiana. « ******* - * GARFIELD ON THE ELECTORAL COMMISSION. His work was completed, and an honest returaMras defeated. He came on to Washington, and then wha“do you think he did when there was a Dill proposed in Congress—the bill that did finally pass—to appoint a Commission, composed of five members of ths House and five mejnbers of The Senate, and five members of the Supreme Court, to hold a conference upon this great issue t When that bill was pending, Garfield got up and said r ‘ No, it must not be,” and here are the reasons that he gave. Let me give them in his own words if I can ; it is in very fine print and difficult to read. Speaking of the bill then pending in Congress he says (this was on the 25th of January ; he got back to Washington by the 2d of December, ana the bill came up for consideration in the House as to whether this Commission should be appointed to pass upon the right «f President and VicePresident. . Garfield opposing): This is what Gen. Garfield said: “ This bill assumes the right of Congress to go down into the colleges and inquire into all the acts and facts connected with their work. It-assumes the right of Congress to go down into the states to revie ,v the act of every officer, to open every ballot box, and to uiue every ballot cast by S IOO,OOO of Americans.” That was Garfield’s objection to e bill—that if it did pass and these fifteen pien were appointed under the law, it would be their duty to go back of all technicalities and returns, and to pass upon the real facts of tiie case; to go into the ballot box nud see how the votes were, and to decide the case upon the real truth? And after that, when the bill passed and he became one of the fifteen, he voted every time that they should not open the door to investigate, but that the law closed the door. He said that Kellogg’s certificate and the certificate of the Returning Board were stronger than law and the Constitution and the judgment of Congress. And his vote was the eighth vote against seven that declared that they should not go behind the Returning Board.

• GARFIELD’3 oath. “When he stood in the House, ft was Garfield speaking; but when he was upon the commission, it was the party demanding power, money and office.” [Applause.] Let me read you this oath he took: “I, James A. Garfield, do solemnly swear that I will impartially examine and consider all questions submitted to the commission of which 1 am a member, and a true judgment render thereon, agreeable to the Constitution and the laws, so help me God.” [Applause and laughter.] They say he is a preacher. [Laughter.] I don’t pretend to be anyth! ' but a wicked lawyer—that’s all: but there is not wealth enough in the state of Indiana to get me, in my place in the House or in the Senate of the U’nited States, to say, “ If you pass this law I hold that it opens the door to investigation, and we can go down to New Orleans and ascertain how the vote was in fact,” and then after 1 got upon the commission to turn around and say that the Returning Board and its findings is conclusive upon us, and we cannot investigate at all. I would not do it for a thousand years’ of tenure in the great office for which he is a candidate. ********* GARFIELD BRANDED. When I saw that the Journal said that if I did not make this good, I was disgraced, and if I did, then Garfield was disgraced—then, gentlemen, as soon as I saw that, I longed to see you and speak to you with more earnestness and feeling than ever I longed to do before. If I have failed in any one of the questions presented by the Journal I know it not. I have appealed to no witnesses except Garfield himself, and by Garfield is Garfield this night disgraced. [Applause.] ion fair minded Republicans, you gentlemen that love your country better than you do the Journal, better than you love Garfield, better than you love combinations of party, I appeal to you now, by this test, publicly. I have said that it the short-hand reporter is not here for the Journal, I have a report of my speech to-night, and I will furnish it to the Journal, and ask that it appear, and if it does not appear to-morrow morning, then it is admitted, as though it was written in the broadest and brightest capitals, “ We can’t stand upon the issues that'we made yesterday morning.” [Applause.] If they don’t publish what I have said to you to-night. not tn any inner room, but in this temple, then you may know that they admit that Thomas A. Hendricks is not disgraced, but that Janes A, Garfield is disgraced. [Applause.}

FROM THE SPEECH OF Hon. LYMAN TRUMBULL,

AT BELLEVILLE, ILLINOIS. HOW THE DEMOCRACY SUSTAINED THE UNION. But I have not done with this false claim of the Republican partv. 1 propose to-day to bury it so deep by facts and figures that only the dupes of demagogues can longer be gulled by it. The Democratic state of Missouri alone, in which Mr. Lincoln received but 17,028 votes in 1860 furnished 199,111 men to the Union army—a greater number than was furnished by all the Republican states of Vermont, Rhode Island, Minnesota, Nebraska and Kansas put together. Neither Michigan, Wisconsin nor lowa furnished ‘as many troops to the Union army as Missouri. John A. Dix and Daniel S. Dickinson, of New York, Lewis Cass, of Michigan, and Stephen A. Douglas, of this state, all life-long Democrats and leaders of that party, the moment Fort Sumter was fired upon came out iu public speeches for the Union. Gen. Cass said: “He who is uot for his country is against her. There is no neutral ground to be occupied.” Douglas declared: “ There can be no neutrals in this war—only patriots or traitors. * * * 1 express it as my conviction before God that it is the duty of evciy Amcricau citizen to rally around the flag of his country.” The eloquent Baker, then a Senator from Oregon, said : “We are all Democrats; we are all Republicans. We acknowledge the soverelgnti' of the people within the rule of the Constitution, and under that Constitution aud beneath that flag let traitors beware.” Had the Democrats favored the rebellion a« they are now falsely charged by the Republicans with having done, it must nave been a success, aud this glorious Union, with its present greatness end hopes for the future, must have perished from the earth. So far from the Republican party having put down the rebellion and saved the Union, It was the patriotic Democrats with Republicans who rallied to its support that saved it; a thing whichneither could have done without the aid of the ether. CAN A REPUBLICAN CONSISTENTLY VOTE THE DEMOCRATIC • TICKET ?

It seems to me that no original Republican who prefers principle to party, right to wrong, and fairness to dishonesty, can longer act with such an organization. Where, then, shall he go? Can he consistently vote the Democratic ticket? Th at party has been out of power twenty wars. More than half its voters, as well as those of the Republican party, have become such since 1860. It is not, therefore, composed of the same persons as were in power at the commencement of "the war of the rebellion. It is to-day the open and avowed advocate of the principles and policy declared in the fourth and sixth resolutions of the Repablican platform of 1860. One of the fundamental articles of its creed is “the right of each state to orderand control itsown domestic institutions according to its own judgment.” This does not mean the right of a state to secede • from the Union any more than it did when embodied in the Riqiublican platform of 1860; but it means just what it says: The right of the state to control its domestic affairs without interference by the federal government in its elections, by federal officials or a lawless, armed force under any pretext whatever. [Applause.] The Democratic party as sneh was never a secession party, though some of its members, as well as members of the old Whig and old Abolition party, were niillifiers and secessionists. Borne of tiie abolitionists were accustomed to denounce the Conrtitiitiiin of the United States as “a league with the devil and a covenant with hell.” It was General Jackson, the leader of the Democracy, who so effectually crushed out the doctrines of nullificat ion and secession in 1832, that it did not again show its head till 1860, when the war followed, and buried it forever beyond the power of resurrection. [Applause.] Neither secession nor African slavery will ever trouble us more. The charge that “the pledge to the constitutional doctrines and traditions of the Democratic party, as illustrated by the teachings and example of a long line of Democratic statesmen and patriots,” means a pledge to the doctrine of secession, is as far from the truth as it would be to charge the Republicans of 1856 with being secessionists because they favored restoring the action of the Federal Government to the principles of Washington and Jefferson. It is only to the constitutional doctrines of the fathers that the Democracy pledges itseli, and, unless Republicans believe that secession is a constitutional doctrine, how can they charge that pledge to mean secession? [Cheers.]

BUTLER FOR HANCOCK.

POINTS FROM HIS GREAT SPEECH AT FANUEIL HALL. THE DUTY OF TUE PEOPLE. “By a wise provision of the constitution the people are called Upon at every recurring period of four years to pass solemn judgment qf>on the policy, integrity and efficiency of the administration of the government in the past and to choose and appoint those who shall administer their government in the coming like period. If change of policy or administration of government is needed it can only be attained at a Presidential election. Under our system of elections, practically, the people must confer their power upon one or two men only, as the supreme executive head of the nation. No third person can be supported for President with any result save in the nature of a protest against the nominee of the conventions of the two great j>olitical parties. There is, therefore, no more solemn duty imposed upon any patriot than to determine which one of two candidates represents more nearly his convictions upon the greatest number of the measures and principles of govenunent. All history teaches that long continuance in power breeds corruption in the administration of governmental affairs ; that corruption always seeks perpetuation, and fears change of administration lest its wickedness may be* detected even if not* punished. When any one of my Republican friends desires to put to me a political question which lie deems unanswerable, he asks, “ How can you act with the Democratic party which undertook tw break up the Uniou which you fought to sus‘tain ?” The trouble with your question, my friends, is that you have forgotten the history of your Country. A portion of the Democratic party undertook to secede from the Union, and thereby broke up the Democratic party. If the Democratic party had undertaken to break up the Union tiie Union would surely have been broken up. Does any sane man not blinded by partisan prejudice doubt that without prompt, vigorous, loyal, courageous and patriotic action of the masses of the Dem<x ratic party that it would have been possible for-the Republican jiarty to have preserved the Union ? Look at the rank and file of our armies 1 They were as largely recruited from the Democratic as from the Republican party. For the correctness of this assertion let me speak of my own knowledge. I marched to the Gulf with a New England division containing 6,000 men, and there could not have been found 500 men .in that division who had ever voted any other than the Democratic ticket. They came back voting for the Union for which they fought, and they have been voting in the same direction since, ana will continue so to vote when they vote with the Democracy for Hancock, by whose side they fought.

TUB COLOR LINE. Can the Republican administration protect the Southern colored man in all his rights, and will they so do? Since the war closed, for sixteen years the Republican party have had absolute control of the executive department, and, until the last Congress, of the legislative department of tire government, and most of the time by a two-thirds majority. Has that party given protection to the negro in the sense in which they put the necessity for so doing before the people? Their very campaign cry is an admission that they have not so done. If at the end Of sixteen yet.s they claim they must be continued in 1 power four years longer that they may do it, how loni shall we, who have some convictions as to the misconduct of the party in other regards as well as in this, put up with all the other shortcomings of the Republican party, in order to have them fulfil their promises, so often solemnly made, and as religiously broken. PROSPERITY FROM ON HIGH. The only other reason given why the Republican party should be continued hi power is the present prosperity of the country, which, they do not explain how, is due to the legislation or administration of the Republican party. Is this claim a just and tenable one ? Every business that could not be affected by legislation or administration is prosperous. The Almighty, in his beneficence to us, has sent us the largest crops, of all kinds of provisions for a series of years we ever enjoyed, and at the same time also provided a market for the surplus of those crops, amounting in a single item to nearly 200,000,000 bushels of wheat in Europe by the failure of the harvest there. Had the Republican party anything to do with that? Yet the agricultural prosperity is claimed for that party. The balance of trade in our favor was due tothat excess of export over import. Is that due to the Rcpbuliean administration ? . SHOW THB BOOKS. (Fro/zi lAa Utica Observer.) The Republican party has been in power five terms—twenty years. During that time it has had charge of the books. Fully one-half the men Intrusted with responsibility during fifteen years are known of the people to have bee? venal and corrupt. The naval secretary stole whole million', outright; the war secretary took bribes; the Vice-Presidents of two administrations were clothed with shame; the interior secretary Delano sold post-traderships; and Garfield, who “ carried the purse of the nation,” aa Chittenden pnrased it, was a bribe-taker and perjurer. What W« want now to A chance to look at the books.

MONTGOMERY EI.AIR’B ton, d. JU. IAKY MIMIMAXS [ I'i'oiii the 'lr. roii prefaced > ; J remarks B . '\ i '■ f>j? ".•/', g Ikw-ock. lie then said : ■ ;.-a v, imh « JI be ■ t < ..pb-\ tnonev.W •V/ . •>, J * ,£i ■'■.■■eetivc o laud bis place byM ■ • , ■ . "B Im-e v. c.mnseM ir erirjM'’ r ..h' . -, '; >t - .A public records. * * * K? 17,’# I lir-t. io cal', ttfienti.m to {■‘J-.’/ ‘‘J / # ■ f.V'o, |o • >,,. « 'I lie .■irlilice consi-ts in present '> .• . ■: . for file )ia:s memioiid, " ■ i '"' '■ f.mnv that the expenditure is i he 'i o show ll.>w in, out, w this • ~ ‘ • ..f , ; .. .. -o di ions ;■ • of vbiill he ■;■■.> t'.ie.rp.M® v > t‘ye ■ nouiitlß'- ’'-■.‘l 1 L ? •■'••'. ... 4, ;> '/ # nt ■'• ■'■ 4B’’ - t-"’;'.-- *. ‘"i- / # printed gold. a;.propt ;t!i) n >s;.-, 1 U.. 017.758 » *.• ■ t uh) 'S .i" :■ • ls;s iJi,-> .T: ss.t.j; ;j.; • . . uio.-i >9 '.'■ ■■: ■ ‘ : ! “'’i ■> i,i,: B sjvs. ■ •>!' 11l e es lor con pni Jt .-I a t >■! ?#l .•«<( i h <■ j. s the small hoii nd i e . ■ j in . ,e-t . At Tie debt dm- b. I’m I'niled State-. a :id| 7i.‘ 7T-. it. I- ii > i ■'■ i .i. 1 i ii I, as s! btaiement. 'BW|B|BMBBI And :m the •< ' lu b\ the-e tiled lee collilpV io peethe bcm ceil the P-.ii• nos lie l liceiil. financial records, I ■ could im b- Iler meet tiiei sue thus tables I m, ,-, mmm . pm pa! •■ d from his 'I he m t orlinarx receipts, as he S’t of tin- i\m: years of Republican rule, June 30, 1875, are bo. for the sweeding four years itemocrals ran;rolled the House of sent at ives iBBIWWWSWw Slmwinm a decrease o! receipts Democrat 1c era of The net ordinary expenditure of the cans, during tiie first period was Do. of the Democrats during the last |w : v was Showing a saving of expenditure of and this, too, whilst I lie pav nieiit on account pensions was increased in IKT'.I uyjMBMMMMI and the Halifax award was ai oim-Jmied ,W>._ 4,?J '/ These items-, though iiielmled in the account ordinary expenses, are not in fact so, and deducted, asthey ought, to be, the Democratic era, as compared with that of the cans immediately preceding, shows a saving of about MBajSEBSSgSg INDIAN SERVICE. HWMMMMiI The Republican profiigaey is best displayed by examining some special branch of tin- service, tlri! of the Indian Bureau for example. The secretary's report shows that whilst the dian service cost.the count ry, forthe seventy- ■SgHaßMßggi two years ending in 1S(M) Tor the nineteen years of Republican rule its I® cost was An excess of An average of morethanfive times as much per I annum duringa period when the Indians were fewer in number, and when in con;-eqtience of the reduction of the number of Indiansand the country being traversed by railways, SSjOssaEffi the expenses of the service ought to have been reduced. But. instead it was steadily progressive, beginning in ISfil at $2,865,000 it had in 1875 reached the enormous sum of At the same rale of progress it would have been WMBMI in 1879 But in that year, through the control the Demoeracy had acquired, it was reduced to Matting a difference of near and a difference between this and the last.year of Republican rule of and between the four years of Democratic con- BMWmB trol in the House and the four preceding wMmMMM years of Republican rule, of CUSTOMS SCIIVICE. By the abstract from the bureau of statistics it "appears that there was expended for collect- ?|s|saS|j ing customs: From 1872 to 1875 2S.MIM From 187 G to 1879

A saving by the Democracy of The register’s report shows that, during the six WW years of Arthur’s regime at the port of New ■■■ York the expenditures amounted to S 1 An average per annum of After a Democratic committee had exposed the enormous abuses of this regime, Arthur and lamMj Cornell were removed, and the expenditure WWE was reduced, in 1879, to An annual saving of INTERNAL REVENUE. ■■ Expenses of collecting from 1.872 to 1875 “ “ from 1875_t0 1879 14, Saving CUSTOMS. Percentage of collecting in 1875>4 47 per IMi “ ' “ in 1879 399 “|| I Savingso 48 INTERNAL REVENUE. ■ Percentage of collecting in 187553 89 per BOO■ “ “ in 1879 816 ‘J'S Saving fO 73 “ 'tofl EXPENDITURES UNDER MISCELLANEOUS APPHOPRI From 1789 to 1 SGI—72 years From 1861 to 1879—19 years 996,088,00® Excess of Republican expenditure in 19 years I over previous 72 years $531.570,00® This class of expenditures is not affee'ed by the war, aa® is exclusive of fliat for the War and Navy DepartinetlOH Pension and Indian Bureaus, and on account of public debt® EXPORTS AND IMPORTS AND THE NATIONAL DEBT. From 1872 to 1875 our imports exceeded our exports, by $303,759,8f1M From 1876 to to 1879 our exports exceeded our imports, by 753,271,41* It was this revolution, effected under that Democratic I>egut»l lative ascendency, which gave repose and prosperity to tfik country, which alone brought about resumption and enabled us to refund the national debt, and save >14,290,000 of iM--> terest annuallly since 1877. REDUCTION OF THB NATIONAL DEBT. I During the five years, 1871 to 1875, the amount 1 was >156,953,000 3 During the four years from 1876 to 1880. 170,715,000 Difference in favor of Democracy. >13,702,000 > and this was effected on a decreasing revenv- > HEVENUB. The revenue for 1871 to 1875>1,584,962,000 , Whilst from 1876 to 1880, assuming the correct- ' ness of the secretary's statements for this year,it was.. 1,365,346,090 A difference of >219,616,000 8o that with nearly >22o,ooo,ooo‘less revenue, the bcinocratic House secured the payment of nearly >14,000,000 more of the, public debt than the Republicans daring the same time. The significance of these figures cannot be concealed. } They show that the advent of the Democracy to power means; reform in every branch of the public service; tbd lightening ‘of the burdens upon labor; the infusion of new life in 'eommerce; the restoration of tranquility and harmony between sections; the great Increase of prod action, ond the exaltation of the credit of the -country. To accomplish this the people now mean to elect the hero who broke the back of the rebellion at Gettysburg. Will the honest men of fixe country continue to be the dupes of the spoilers, who, whilst amusing them with idle clamor, have robbed them of untold millions fa money and bestowed 175,000,000 acres of land, nearly sB upon corporations—nearly double the area of all the filatoe lying east of.