Democratic Sentinel, Volume 4, Number 32, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 17 September 1880 — GEN. BEN F. BUTLER. [ARTICLE]

GEN. BEN F. BUTLER.

iffis (»rrat Speech at Fancnll IBali, j Host on All Effective Arraignment | of the Republican Early—Scathing References to Garfield. Benjamin F. Butler recently made a speech at Faneuil Hall, Boston. The hall was packed. The meeting was peaided over by Hon. Albert Palmer, of Boston, the Chairman of the Massachusetts Republican Independents of last year, who, in the opening speech, announced ! that he had decided to support Hancock. The | following is the substance of Gen. Butler’s j speech: Gen. Butler was enthusiastically received. When the cheering had subsided, he began to tell why ho had decided to support Hancock for the Presidency. In so doing he promised at the outset neither to detract from or add one ; jot or tittle to that declaration of principles which had been bis guide in political life—equal rights, equal powers, equal burdens, equal privileges and equal protection to all men by law under the Government. He said that he had examined-with care the platform of princi- | pies enunciated by the Democratic party at ; Cincinnati, and found nothing therein to eon- j travene them. Indeed, they were more dis- ; tinct.lv set forth therein, than in the platform of j the Chicago Convention. Neither of them went j so far ns he could desire in specific declaration j of the right of every man to vote in the election j of his rulers, and to be represented in his Government simply because lie is a man ; but in this regard even the platform of the Cincinnati Convention was the more specific. Gen. Butler continued: I unhesitating declare that, at the close of the war and .during the period of reconstruction, I was’Ono .Of those who believed stringent measures necessary for the protection of the newly-enfranchised colored citizens of the South. I was of tliis opinion in 1876, four years ago, and fought the 'Presidential campaign of that year upon that issue only. I was in earnest. I desired laws to he passed that should protect every man everywhere in his rights as a voter and citizen. But the first act, as we have Mr. Hayes, acquiesced in by his party, abandon all possible claim of right of interference in the South in behalf of the negro—td remove the few troops that were there, if anjfwere necessary, and to take pains to turn over the Governments of Louisiana and South Carolina to the Democratic party, destroying the Governments elected by Republican votes there, which, if they were not duly afld legally elected, then Mr. himgelf was not duly and legally elected. The assertion of the one fact must be the assertion of the other. The assertion of title to his office must he the assertion of title to the Republican State Government of Louisiana. The denial of the election of Gov. Packard to office was the denial of the election to office of Gov. Hayes. Indeed, Packard had some half a score thousand more of a majority than Hayes had. Nothing has been done, nay, nothing has been attempted to be done, to afford protection to the negro in tho South, or, indeed, anybody else there. Indeed, these States in the South were put in condition so that nothing could be done by the Federal Government. Nay, all, both white and black Republicans, have had no recognition at the hands of the administration, except the few men who wore engaged in the fake and fraudulent counting of electoral votes in the several States. In fact, Mr. Hayes, after his experience with them, would not admit there were enough Republicans honest enough to take the census, and his party now are finding fault with the enumeration made by his appointees. These facts are too notorious for comment even, much less denial. Am I, a friend of the negro, bound to fight another campaign in his behalf as a Republican, simply to see him abandoned and myself cheated once more ? What guarantee have I that Gen. Garfield will take a different view of this question from Gov. Hayes? They are both from Ohio, and each has been and is a supporter of the other. Why are Republicans to be deemed to have abandoned tneir political principles and gone over to the enemies of the country because we Sropose to vote for a Union General for Presient, while Mr. Hayes, who has been the moral and official head of the Republican party, second only to President Woolsev, of Yale, can with applause appoint a Confederate Genera! to a Cabinet office ? I fail to see any distinction between the two acts in any aspect, save that we are going to vote (or a great General, and Hayes appointed a little one. Now, then, it is because I am a friend of the negro ; it is because I desire to stand, for him ; it is because I desire to do all that in me lies to aid him in the difficult position in which he is placed by the attainment, so ueprepared, of the citizenship, that I now propose to act with the Democratic party. They can at least protect him, and, I believe, will do it. We have not heard of any oppression of the negro, or interference with his rights by any organized body of men, except at times of

election. Why ? Because we were asking him to then vote and sustain the Republican parly. But while wo are asking him to do that, wo are not defending him in so doing. That raised antagonism between him and the white people of the South, and that antagonism was accompanied with all the bad results that arise from such antagonisms between ignorant men who are unrestrained by law. But now, in my judgment, the condition of things has changed. Late political events in Virginia show that when the power departed from the Republican party thero the two parties in the State divided upon other questions, and the negro enjoys there today as much freedom in voting and as much freedom in all other respects as any White man enjoys—far more, I am sorry to be obliged to allow, than does the laboring man of Massachusetts uuder some of the millowners of Worcester* county, which is the home of the junior member of the United States Senate, who met him in conclave for that purpose. The industrial condition of the South shows that the negro, necessary as a laborer, must be protected, and will be as soon as political antagonism dies out. The negro has since his freedom disappointed both friend and foe in two regards. First, it was believed that he would not labor as a free man, yet the South has never-raised by hundreds of thousands so many bales of cotton as the present year. Again it was believed that ho would not multiply without a master to preserve and protect his offspring.' But if tlio returns of Republi-can-appointed census officers are to be taken, ho has shown such increase in population as has always been deemed by the statisticians the highest evidence of happy homes and a prosperous people. Believing, as I do, with the election of Gen. Hancock race collisions will be at an end; knowing, as I do, that he has the executive power, determination and steadfastness in right that has never faltered, I think I can trust him to see that the promise of his letter of acceptance that the Thirteenth, Fourteenth and Fifteenth amendments shall be carried out in their letter and spirit. I freely confess to you that I desire to be in such relations of political kindness and courtesy - with the Democratic party that I may be permitted to point out in behalf of the colored men what I deem would be for the best interest of all, and what I doubt not will be their wish to do m his behalf. But of one thing I am certain, that I cannot. he more powerless for good to the colored race under Gen. Hancock, the Democratic party holding the Government, than I have, been, and every other friend of the colored man has been, under the administration of Rutherford B. Hayes. The only reason given why the Republican party should be continued in power is the present prosperity of the country, which, they do not explain how, is due to the legislation or administration of the Republican party." Is this claim a just and tenable one? But, citizens of Massachusetts, let us consider affairs a little nearer home, with which we are better acquainted. Before the advent of the Republican party into power every river and harbor on our coast was engaged in ship building. It was a vast and successful industry. New there is not a single ship being built in Massachusetts and hardly a half score of smaller crafts. Under Republican rule our commerce has been swept from the sea. We have hut a single line of steamships bearing our liag on the Atlantic, and another on the Pacific ocean, to do all our freighting by steam. Republican administration has given up our trade with South America.. The American flag is hardly seen on the ocean. The port of Boston has not sufficient fort igu commerce to give decent support to its small pilot force. Boston is losing its importance as a commercial city because of Republican legislation and administration. Its standard insurance company can And scarcely more marine risks than enough to pay its office rent. All the facts tlio merchants of Boston who sit around mo know- And yet it is proposed that they shall permit Republican athninistration to go on under which the desiruetlon of its interests is being accomplished. When the war closed nearly every one of our Beaport towns had fleets of fitlieriuen. All those have passed away, save in one. And why? Under Republican administration we have been negotiated out of the rights of all our fisheries m the Northern seas. Claiming to be tlio party of protect ion, the Republi an party have allowed the fish'of the Canadian provinces to come in free of duty, the duties on which would have been more than the value of tho entire catch of our fishermen in Canadian waters, even after the fish were caught and prepared for market, to say nothing about their value when swimming in tho sea. And at the same time a Republican administration has taxed the country more than 65,500,000 in gold that the Canadian fishermen might have the pr.vilege of free market against our fishermen for twelve years.

The Republican party claim that they desire a tariff for protection. The Democratic party insists, as it always has, upon a tariff for revenue. I see no difference between these two claims. A tariff for revenue must always work incidental protection. No tariff will ever! e devised in tliis country hereafter for any other purpose than raising a revenue. There can be no fear of a diminution of the revenue raised by tariff. Incidental protection of our products will be a necessity if the Democratic party have the power. The interest on the public debt, and the expenses of tlie Government, must be paid from revenue, either internal or tariff, and if the Democratic party should cut down the revenue from tariff, it would require more revenue from internal sources, to-wit, whisky and tobacco, to which their several States would never assent. Gen. Butler next touched upon the abuses which have crept into the Republican party through a long series of years in power. Has the Republican Convention, he asked, given us for its candidate oue who can correct these abuses ? He reviewed the Credit Mobilier business and the investigation of the committee, and said: I believe most,.of 'tlie gentlemen of that committee now say that there was nothing to impeach tho integrity of the nominee of the Republican party in receiving that stock. I agree with them. Ido not think there was any harm, and never did think thereewas any harm, in anybody’s receiving the stpek from Mr. Ames under the circumstances. I took that ground before the House in 1873. I have seen no occasion to alter my opinion. All the members who frankly testified before the committee that they had received the stock received no censure from the committee or from the country. But that is not tho point of my objection, which 1 am trying to make plain. Having taken the money as a dividend —for, says the proverb • “Itis no worse to eat the devil than to drink his broth "—my ideal of a President would not have denied it. The case is not without parallel in history of men notable to withstand the pressure of public opinion. Teter, when he got among the servants and retainers of the High Priests, denied his Master three times over, and cursed and swore to it until the cock crowed shame on him, and then he went out and wept bitterly. But then, I should not have voted for Peter as a Fresh dent to stand up in a crisis. Should have preferred one of the other disciples—even the doubting Thomas, who stood by his Master after he was convinced. What surety have I if I support Garfield when this cry of the stalwart wing of his party, that the negro must be protected, now so loud raked, is hushed after the election and the overrighteous newspapers of the party insist, as they before have insisted, that nothing shall be done by hk administration for the protection of tho negro, that their President will have courage to stand up against that clamor and do what is now claimed to be right, and so protect the negro ? Indeed, I much fear that he will not stand up to this issue of the campaign upon which he is to be elected, if elected at all, m any event, for I find that in the House of Representatives he made a declaration upon thk question, takingpreciselythe same position that I take to-day. These are his words : “ The man who attempts to get up a sectional issue will find himself without a party and without support.” But the advance leaders of his party, seeing the necessity of a war cry, have made the sectional issue that of the campaign, directly in contravention of their candidate’s words/ If their nominee was convinced in his own mind; if he uttered this declaration as the result of his deliberate judgment; if he will give up that judgment now for the sake of an election, what surety have I that he won’t -return to it again after the pressure is relieved from him and he k elected. Ho, as well as Hayes, may change on thk question. I cannot do it so readily. Is this man a leader for a great party ? Turn your contemplation for a moment toward the gallant General nominated at Cincinnati, who, in a long public life, has held many positions of the highest responsibility, where ilia course of action must be decided by his own unaided judgment and senso of right, and show me an instance where he has ever shrunk from any duty, however painful, when it was his dutv? If any one desires to read his mind, and search ont the springs of his action, let him read that most admirable letter to Gen. i Sherman upon the unhappy condition of affairs I arising out of the Presidential election of 1876. ■Written in the confidence and under the seal

of private correspondence, it exhibit# Gen. Hancooke innermost thoughts as the Obedient.. soldier within The line where ohedvficO was duty, the anaulies 1 statesman who guided himself by research into the language ami principles of the constitution, taking that for his guide and evincing a determination not to recode one hair from its mandate, or stop one inch beyond its provision*) under whatever stress or pressure. Such is our leader, men of Massachusetts ! You have now the golden opportunity to put tho destinies of the country under the guidance of his firm hand, strong will, mature judgment, loyalty to the Union for which he battled and fidelity to its constitution, which he has ever made the guide of his action.