Democratic Sentinel, Volume 4, Number 31, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 10 September 1880 — Page 1

(ptq semocratii[ enttncl A DEMOCRATIC NEWSPAPER PUBLISHED EVERY FRIDAY, BT TAMES W. McEWEN TERMS OF SUBSCRIPTION. One copy one year fI.M One copy dx month* I.M Ons copy three month* M t* r "Advertising rates on application

NEWS OF THE WEEK.

JTOBEIGN NEWS. Dispatches from Afghanistan announce tho safe aiTival at Candahar of Gen. Roberts' relieving column. Preparations were making fur a n attack on Ayoob Khan’s forces. A telegram from Berlin states that apprehensions of. an impending chango in the currency are increasing, and that Bismarck favors the rcintroduction of a bi-metallic currency. In England tho newspapers are discussing tho probable magnitude of the movement of gold westward this year, and some alarm is manifested at tho continuous outflow. The steamer Hardwick, from Odessa for Bristol, with barley, shifted her cargo and foundered. Ail on board were lost except one fireman. Tho cable furnishes scant particulars of a frightful catastrophe in Spain. A battalion of troops was crossing the river Ebro on a new pontoon bridge, when the structure gave way, carrying into the river more than 100 men and officers. Tho scene that followed wan of indescribable horror. The panicstricken soldiers on shore were unable to assist ttheir drowning comrades, who were clinging to the debris of the bridge. The result was that most of them sunk to rise no more, all being in marching attire and armed with Remington rifles and supply cartridges. A dispatch received at London Btates that Ayoob Khan’s army lihb been defeated and dispersed by Gen. Roberts. The French agricultural authorities estimate that the French harvest will ho a good average. That of Upper Italy will be 30 per cent, above tho average; tlioso of lioumclia, Upper and Lower Bavaria, 25 per cent.; l’odolia and Swabia, 20 per cent.; South Italy and Wurtemberg, 15 per cent.; Bessarabia, 10 per cent.; and Hungary, Poland and Belgium, 5 per cent, above the average. Tho harvests of Prussia,, the Palatinate, Baden, Switzerland, Denmark, Sweden, Norway, Central Italy, Holland, South Russia, Servin, anil Egypt will bo up to tho average, and those of Austria and Mecklenburg 5 per cent, below; Great Britain, Ireland and Saxony, 10 per cent.; Courland, 20 per cent; Gothland, 25 per cent.; and Central Russia, 40 per cent, below the average. The report iliat the Imperial Bank of Germany had suspended gold payments on its notes has been authoritatively contradicted. The victory of Gen. Roberts over the Afghans at Candahar appears to have been complete. Gen. Roberts telegraphs as follows : *' A voob Khan’s army has boon defeated, anil dispersed, it is hoped, with but slight loss on our side. One Jsriti.sU regiment has three officers killed and six wounded, and eighteen men lulled and lifly-seven wounded. The loss of the native troops on our side is not known, hut its 'is believed not to be excessive. Ayoob KhaiiV camp was captured. The body of Lieut. MaeLaino was found in camp, anil appearances indicated he had recently been murdered.” A Paris dispatch says that a boat belonging to Prince Galitsin foundered off tha coast of Finisterrc. Viscount Floury, Airs. Honnossy, an American lady, and two natives of England were drowned.

DOMESTIC INTELLIGENCE.

Xlast. The Rev. Dr. William Adams, President of the Union Theological Seminary, New York, is dead. One man was killed and six others severely injured by on explosion in a colliery at Shenandoah, Pa. Troy, N. Y., is afflicted with a smallpox epidemic. Thirteen buildings have been do strayed by lire at Bchaghticoko, N. Y., cansing a loss of SIOO,OOO. A tire at Salamanca, N. Y., burned a hotel and several other buildings. Loss estimated ut $155,000. West. The new bridge of the Chicago, Burlington and Quincy railroad, spanning the Missouri river at Fluttamouth, Nob., has boon completed, tested and pronounced safe and satisfactory. It cost $400,000. J. 8. Morgan, proprietor of a jobprinting establishment in Cincinnati, wont to see a lady at Cleveland, who held his noto for $2,000, had an unsatisfactory interview with her, and finally seized a revolver, and shot himself dead in hor ■orosonce. Gen. Grant lias declined the Presidency of the Las Vegas Mining Company. Hon. Robert McClelland, ex-Govemor of Michigan, and Secretary of the Interior during President Pierce’s administration, has just died at his home in Detroit, Aged 68 years. Wyoming Territory’s population is shown by tho census returns to be 21,900. A man at Blanchester, Ohio, killed bis wife and child by putting poison in their coffee, and then made an unsuccessful attempt to kill himself. His neighbors completed tho job by hanging the scoundrel to a tree. The news from the Indian country is encouraging. It has been supposed that Ouray’s death would destroy all prospect of a satisfactory settlement of the question, as his influence with that refractory nation was unbounded ; but it seems that the new chief who has been chosen to succeed him has inherited his desire to secure the completion of tho treaty. Kapovonari is tho euphonious name of Chief Ouray’s successor. Victoria, tho hostile Apache chieftain, recently sent a message to tho Mexican Government, requesting a meeting for treaty purposes. The Mexicans refused to consider his proposition until they had ascertained the views of the United States authorities on the sub ject. * Thomas McDonald, a farmer of Pickaway county, Ohio, was taken from his house by a mob and hung to a tree. McDonald had for a long time been regarded as a desperado—quarrelsome and vindictive. A feud had existed betwcon him and his neighbors for some time, and they adopted this summary mothod of set tung the matter. Bishop Gliatard, of Indianapolis, has suspended for two months most of the members of the Ancient Order of Hibernians for dii obeying the older prohibiting dancing at tho picnic recently given by the society. During a heavy storm at Grand Rapids, Mich., the reservoir on the hill broko, liberating several million gallons of water, which damaged adjacent property to the amount of $50,000. Fifteen or twenty dwelling houses . were wrecked, and many streets and gardens were either scooped out or obstructed by gravel and bowlders. President Hayes and party, including Gen. and Mrs. Sherman, and about a dozen other distinguished people, passed through Chicago last week, ea route to the Pacific coast * . i The organ factory of A. B. Chase, at

The Democratic sentinel.

JAS. W. McEWEN Editor

VOLUME IV.

Norwalk, Ohio, has been burned. Loss, *70,000. A warehouse at Washington Comers, Alameda county, Cal., containing 150,000 sacks of wheat and barley, has been destroyed by fire. The loss is *200,000. A race to test the comparative speed and endurance of horses and men came off in Chicago last week. The contest grew out of a wager that a horse could cover thirty miles in less time than three men coaid go the same distance, each man going ten miles. The horse came in ahead, making the distance in 3 hours, 7 minutes and 36 seconds. The three men made tho total distance in 3 hoars, 25 minutes and 5 seconds.

South.

The city of Richmond, Va., has been visited by a tremendous rain-storm, damaging property to tho extent of thousands of dollars. Nearly three anil a half inches of water fell within a period of tub hours. Three murderers—all colored—were executed in the South on the 3d inst., namely : Stephen Richardson, at Wilmington, N. C., and Villiers Powell and Achille Thomas, at New Orleans. All three confessed their crimes. Dispatches from Louisville state that “ two stages, which run between that town and the Mammoth Cave, were stopped by highwaymen, and all the passengers robbed. Tho stage to the cave was first attacked about four miles east of Ca ve City, and the one passenger on hoard was rilled. The other coach, coming the other way, was shortly afterward met by two men on horseback, heavily armed, who ordered tlie driver to stop. They then compelled all the passengers to get ont and stand in line, and ordered them, at the pistol’s point, to give up all their property. The travelers were unable to resist successfully, so they had to shell out. Tho robbers took possession of all their money, jewelry, and valuables, aggregating in value about *1,200. After the exploit, they made the victims take a drink of whisky with them, and rode off.’’ A tire at Mobile destroyed several stores in the business quarter of tho city, involving a loss of about *375,000. Newberry county, S. C., furnishes a story of horrible anil mysterious murder. While an old man, named Henry Grier, was fishing in Little river, the other day, lie discovered the corpse of a man in the water. He gave the alarm, and people came and dragged the place, recovering two bodies, both victims being the sons of old man Grier. The young men had been shot to death, and their remains were afterward sunk by means of Htones tied to their limbs. .*

WASHINGTON NOTES.

The Treasury Department estimates that about *4,000,000 of foroigngold willarrivo at New York each week until the Ist of November. Tho Treasury Department has directed that *20.000,000 in gold coin in the New York subtreasnry be placed to the credit of the buperintendent of the Assay Office in that city, to pay for foreign bullion as it arrives. A Washington telegram says: “ The census returns as they come in are being carefully examined at the census office in order to detect fraud or incompleteness. Particular attention is being paid to returns from those States where it is alleged that fraud has been committed and a wholesale inflation of population made. All returns arc, however, subjected to tho closest scrutiny. While some apparent incongruities and irregularities have been discovered in returns from South Carolina, nothing that positively shows fraud has been brought to light. If there has been fraud it will be detected and remedied. Gen. Walker says that nothing upon which official action could he taken has yet been discovered. When it is discovered action will be taken promptly.”

Since the passage of ‘the Silver bill there lias been coined to date *63,189,750 in standard silver dollars. Of this amount, *19,886.443 is outstanding in circulation. The balance, *48,303,307, is in the treasury vaults. During the month of August there were paid out from the mints *1,285,483 in standard silver dollars, against *314,826 in July. The regular monthly public-debt statement, issued on tho Ist inst., is as follows: Six per cent bonds $ 226,440,150 Five per cents ' 480,410,450 Four and one-half per cents 250,000,000 Four per cents 738,241,350 Refunding certificates 1,106,450 Navy pension fund 14,000,000 Total coin bonds $1,713,198,400 Matured debt $ 6.128,035 Legal tenders.., 346,741,896 Certificates of deposit... 11,300,000 Fractional currency 7,181,995 Gold and silver certificates 20,835,940 Total without interest. • 386,059,831 Total debt $2,105,386,266 Total interest 15,951,139 Cash in treasury 196,668,332 Debt less oash in treasury $1,924,569,074 Decrease during August. 12,027,167 Decrease since June 30 17,603,221 Current liabilities— Interest due and unpaid $ 2,964,803 Debt on which interest has ceased 6,128,035 Interest tlioroon 771,413 Gold and silver certificates 20,835,940 United States notes held for redemption of certificates of deposit. 11,300,000 Cash balance available 154,668,141 Total $ 196,668,332 Available assets— Cash in treasury $ 196,668,332 \ = Bonds issued to Pacific i -•oN'V’ companies, interest payable qd mouey, principal outstandl -pV $ 64,623,512 Interest’accrued and I’Oj-x said 646,235 Interest paid by Unite, 47,589,861 Interest repaid by coi e V’lf.es — Interest repaid by jrtation of mails By cash payments of 5 per cent, of net eamingH 655,198 Balance of interest paid by the United States 33,291,329 It is estimated that four years will be necessary to complete the full compilation of tho census. This, of course, does not refer to population, but to tho statistics of trade, industry, mechanics and special subjects. This estimate is evidently large, but the persons having these special subjects in charge do not expect to be ablo to complete their work for the printer in less than a year from this time. Washington dispatches state that Gen. Walker’s investigation of the manner of taking the census in South Carolina has convinced him that wholesale frauds have been perpetrated. The evidence is sufficiently conclusive to warrant prosecutions under the law

MISCELLANEOUS GLEANINGS.

Chicago has at least one man with a conscience. The United States Treasurer the other day received a remittance of *1 from that city which the sender said that he obtained dishonestly from the Internal Rovenuo Department a few years ago. Heavy gales are predicted along the Atlantic coast during the present month. The transportation of mails is ordered over the Recently-completed portion of the Southern Pacific railway from Yuma, Ariz., to Benson, Ariz.; nearly 300 miles. This completes the continuons route of mail transportation by rail from San Francisco through tfie entire length of California, and nearly across the southern portion of Arizona, a distance over 1,000 miles.

RENSSELAER. JASPER COUNTY, INDIANA, FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 10, 1880.

MEASURES AND MEN.

Eloquent Speech of George W. Julian at Indianapolis. The Records and Candidates of the Two Leading Parties Discussed. Hayes’ Civil-Service Practice Compared with His Preaching. Garfield’s Connection with the Salary Grab. Credit Nlobilier and Do Go Iyer Affairs. His Double Part in the Electoral Controversy of 1876-7. Let us consider the issues of the pending canvass. What arc they ? The platforms of the two parties give us little help in answering this question. They aro as nearly identical as those of four years ago, If there was any party issue then it related to the question of finance; but both parties declared 111 favor Of specie payments, and they do now, and, while the Democrats demanded the repeal of the Resumption act, the Republicans voted down a resolution in favor of carrying it into execution. In the last Congress Republicans and Democrats united in the effort to repeal it, and they were jointly entitled to the honor of defeating that effort. Tho financial question has since licen complicated by tho silver agitation, but the Silver bill received the overwhelming support of both parties, while the Republicans now totally ignore the question and its vital connection with the continuance of our paper currency at par. As to the constantly-boasted achievement of resumption, the simplo truth is it has not coate through legislation, but as Iho natural result of favoring conditions, just as the gratifying reduction of our national indebtedness has been made easy and almost inevitable by our marvelous resources. I am glad to see in the platforms a well-defined issue respecting our tariff policy; for sooner or later our stupid and vicious tariff laws must be thoroughly overhauled and reformed; but no intelligent man of either party feels that the contest of this year is to turn upon that question. Nor is any issue tendored on the subject of civil-service reform, Chinese immigration, or the reservation of tho public domain to actual settlers; while in tho matter of maintaining the purity of tho ballot and tho principles of political morality both parties are wanting. The complexion of our politics, in fact, is peculiar. We have outlived the era in which clearly defined questions of policy formed the pivot upon which tho action of parties turned, and Justified their existence as the means through which they sought the adoption of their cherished views by the government. In a politiosl dispensation so amoi lons the army of independent voters should he largely reinforced; but, since one of these parties will certainly rule the country for tho next four j ears, the question submitted to the popular j dgincnt is a general one, involving simply tho choice t • be made between them, and the personal qualities of their standard-bearers. How should the sincere friends of administrative reform and the.'purificution of our debased politics cast their ballots?

The nnswer to this question necessarily invites a comparison of these parties; but the task is not a'together free from difficulties. One of them has been in power for nearly twenty years, and has thus supplied us with very ample means of forming an opinion; while the other has been out of power nearly the whole of thiß period, and haH necessarily left us with a comparatively meager data of judgment. Senator Hoar, in his opening speech at the Chicago Convention, told us that the parties which confronted each oilier in 1860 confront each other now, “ unchanged in purpose, in temper, and in character.” If this is true, the question is greatly simplified, Rnd can be readily Jeoidod. But the assertion is an affront to common sense and a reckless defiance of facts, and if he believes it he is pitiably infatuated by party blindness. Tho attitude of these parties, twenty years ago, at all events, has no necessary connection with the question of their fitness for civil administration to-day. The Democratic party was then divided on two rival candidates for the Presidency, and after the election of Lincoln a very formidable division of it appealed from the ballot to the bayonet as its last and desperate method of preserving the ascendency of slavery. The result was the overthrow of secession, the extirpation of slavery, the enfranchisement of the negro, and the reconstruction of the Government. The resistless force of events completely changed the political horizon; and now, in the new heavens and the new earth which we witness, we find the Democratic party, North and South, East and West, united as one man under the banner of one of the foremost heroes in the war for' the Union. It is not the Democratic party of 1860, but the Democratic party of 1880, inevitably molded and instructed by great historical events; and we are to judge it in the light of to-day and the interest of the people of all sections in national unity and peace. We have no right to reproach it for an administrative recotd which it had no opportunity to make, nor condemn it on Mr. Hoar’s ingenious theory of constructive guilt and imputed depravity. The same reasoning applies to the Republican party. Twenty years ago it disavowed any right or purpose to interfere with slavery in the States. It denounced John Brown’s raid into Virginia as “ the gravest of crimes. ” At the beginning of the war it was willing, for the Bake of peace, to abide by the Dreil Scott decision and the enforcement of the Fugitive Slave uct. If I have not forgotten, it was ready to surrender the principle of Congressional prohibition cf slavery in ail our national Territories. It even favored an amendment to the constitution making slavery perpetual in the States of the South. For nearly two years after the war began it did its best to save the Union and save slavery with it, and after the war was over it offered to make a complete surrender of the freedmeh to their o d musters on ttie single condition that they should not bo counted in the basis of representation. The fitness of the party to administer tho Government now is not to be judged by thc-e facts, nor is it by any means established by the grand achievements of the party in crushing the rebellion ■ and abolishing slavery, in which it had the powerful and indispensable co-operation of the Democrats. We are now in the sunshine of peace, and must be mainly guided in our judgment by tho facts which make up tho civil administration of the Government since the close of the war and the sett’ement of tho questions it involved. What claim has ttie Republican party to a longer lease of power, founded on tho reoord it has made during the past dozen years? This is the question which now concerns us, and, in seeking an answer to it, let us remember that it is the future, and not the distant, past, which chiefly interests us, and that the reformation of great po itieal abuses has become the vital issue demand of the time. In its National Convention of 1868 the Republican party adopted the following resolution as a part of its platform. The Government of the United States should bo administered with the strictest economy; and the corruptions which have been so shamefully nursed and foftered by Andrew Johnson call loudly for reform. ■ These were timely words. The responsibility laid at the door of the President was exaggerated, but the hand of reform was urgently invoked by the situation. All the great industries of the country demanded a thorough reorganization. Our tariff legislation called for a thorough revision. Our finances invited a prompt and complete overhauling. Our civil service was becoming a shameless system of political prostitution. Roguery and plunder, born of the multiplied temptations which the war furnished, had stealthily crept into the management qf public affairs, and claimed immunity from the right of search. What the country needed was not a stricter enforcement of party discipline, not military methods snd the fostering of sectional bitterness and hate, but oblivion of tho past, both North and South, and an earnest, intelligent and catholic endeavor to grapple with the problems of practical administration. But what did the leaders of the party do ? After the freedom and enfranchisement of the negro had been established by constitutional amendments in which all parties acquiesced, they seemed utterly incapable of realizing the fact They were not willing, for a single moment, to relax their hold upon the party machinery. The animosities engendered bv the war were to be nursed and coddled as the appointed means of party unity, while tho party itself was regarded as a permanent establishment, like the Christian religion, divinely appointed and necessary to salvation. It was not to be maintained for the legitimate purpose of embodying certain doctrines and polities in legislation, but chiefly on the score of its general blessedness, and Its immense usefulness in holding in check a purely satanic opposition. This view was openly avowed by some of its great champions, who declared, as they do to-day, that the party is no more responsible for the corruptions and defalcations ofits leaders than the church for the individual sinß of its priests and prelates. Of course, the contianed existence of such an organization was indispensable, not only to the welfare, but the life of the republic, against which the “ rebels ” were still plotting, while it was strangely taken for granted that its disruption would immediately be followed by the translation of the honest men who belonged to it to another and better world, instead of leaving them among us to serve the country under some other banner and a better leadership. This concubinage of polities and theology was a very tempting contrivance, sinoe it would place the administration of the Government in the hands of the Republicans forever. It is trne that the corrupt and venal elements of society would inevitably gavitato into such a party through its prolonged hold on power, and finally form a perfect hierachy of knaves and reprobates, while the good men in Its ranks would be obliged to keep their places, instead of joining the other side or becoming the nucleus of a new party; but this wqnld be less dreadful than the ruin of the country in the hands of an organization hopelessly disloyal aqj&depraved. The management of pnblio affairs during Gen. Grant’s first term was in accord with this hew theory of polities. The mercenary and trading element of the party naturally came to the front, and became a regular purgatory of political ußcleennees, I seed

“A Finn Adherence io Correct Principles.”

not recite the story of its shameful performances. You know it by heart. The people will not soon forget thfe exploits of Tom Murphy in the New York Custom House, and the plundering of New York merchants by l«etand Stocking; the sanctioned rascalities of Casey in New Orleans; the executive assumption of the war-making power in the affair of San Domingo; the violation of the President’s oath of office in the appointment to civil places i f men in the military service; the official corruption of Orville Grant, Powell Clayton, Gen. Babcock, Boss Shepherd and kindred spirits, who shared the smiles of the President; the party expulsion of Charles Sumner from the Chairmanship of the Committee on Foreign Relations, and the installation of Simon Cameron in bis stead; the action of the famous “ Senatorial group” in denouncing every proposition looking to the reform of administrative abuses, and branding as enemies of the Republican party the distinguished members of it who demanded such refomj; and the open and systematic repudiation of all attempts to purify the civil service, while falsely pretending to espouse them. Ail this has become a part of the history of the Government, and forms the first half of that “ moral interregnum ” in our politics which is best Indicated by the word “ Grantism,” and fairly entitles it to a place in our growing dictionary of Americanisms. Indeed, so flagrant y did the prophets of this new dispensation belie all their professions that nearly a year before the end of Gen, Grant’s first term the chief founders and pre-eminent representatives of the party wore obliged to desert it as the only means of preserving their honor and self-respect. But the men who had so marvelously succeeded to the leadership of the party which signalized its early life by its championship of ihe rights of man bad now only entered upon the threshold of their career. Nothing daunted by their record, and hold.ng fast their theory that the existence of the party was absolutely necessary to savfe the country from rebel ascendency, these body-guards of the President intrenched themselves behind its early achievements and previous good character, while plotting his nomination and election for a second term. He was renominated as their standard-bearer by the National Convention of 1872, which incorporated into its platform the following resolution: “ Any system of the civil service under which the subordinate positions of the Government are considered rewards for mere party zeal is fatally demoralizing, and we therefore favor a reform of the system by laws which shall abolish the evils of patronage, and make honesty, efficiency, and fidelity the essential qualifications for public positions.”

On this platform Gen. Grant was nominated unanimously. Notwithstanding the revolting record he had made, he was ohosen by 286 electoral votes, and a popular majority of nearly 750,000, carrying thirtyone of the thirty-seven Btates, while Horace Greeley, for refusing to follow his party and earnestly seeking the reform of great abuses which had found she’ter under the strife of sections, was branded as a traitor, and hunted to his grave by political assassins. But what was the record of the party during Grant’s second term? In comparison with it his first administration was next to immaculate. I hope you have not forgotten the Republican “ Rogue’s Gallery,” which I painted four yeai-B ago. You will remember that the civi’-service rules, which had been framed An ring his first term, now became a more glaring political mockery than ever before. You have not forgotten his disgusting prostitution of the civil service in connection with his brollier-in-law Casey; tho prompt appointment of Shepherd as one of the Commissioners of the District of Columbia, after its Government had been abolished in order to get rid of him ; his sympathy with the safe-burglary criminals, and official aid to his brother Orville in making merchandise of post-tradersliips J the disgrace of the Department of Justice by Atty. Gen. Williams, which was followed by his appointment as Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of.‘the United States; the crime of Secretary Belknap, and tho Unsavory performances of Secretary Delano ; the Brosident’s hostility to Secretary Bristow and his subordinates for their efforts to hunt down whisky thieves, and his undisguised sympathy for Gen. Babcock ana other criminals ; his personal lobbying in both houses of Congress for the passage of tho salary theft; his defense of tho moiety system, by which the revenues of the country were farmed out to his favorites; his friendship for the horde of thieves and deinagogr.es win had fastened themselves like leeches upon the people of the South, and were backed by the whole power of the administration ; and the entire system of carpet-bag spoliation and bayonet rule under which that section was given over to lawlessness and crime! I need not pursue these recitals, and would gladly draw a veil over tho sickening picture if the lessons of political wrong-doing could safely be slighted. In fact, the spectacle of our public affairs became so revolting under this dynasty of huckstering politics and personal government, of groveling purposes and raveuous greed, of bribery and nepotism and shamelessness, that before the middle of Grant’s second term all the great Republican States of the North were lost to the party, while leading Republicans began to agitate the question of remanding the States of the South to Territorial rule on account of ttieir disordered condition. In 1868 the Senate contained a Republican majority of 54 members, and the House of Representatives 104, but at tho enil of Gen. Grant’s second term the majority in the Senate had dwindled from 54 to 17, while in the House the majority of 104 had been wiped out to give place to a Democratic majority of 77. These were the Inevitable fruits of Grantism, for its career had been inaugurated in its overwhelming ascendency, and with the amplest possible opportunities to demonstrate its capacity to govern the country. While they completely vindicated the great y-ma-ligned Liberal Republicans of 1872, they summoned to the bar of history the party whose fatal blunder then brought disgrace upon the nation and a stain upon republican institutions throughout the World. But let us still further continue our survey of the Republican party in tho clear perspective of its history. Notwithstanding the perfectly deficient repudiation of its professions, the party faced the country in its National Convention of 1876 with the following declaration, embodying its confession of faith on the subject of reform:

“Senators and Representatives who maybe Judges and accusers should not dictate appointments to office. The invariable rule for appointments should have reference to the honesty, fidelity and capacity of appointees, giving to the party in power those places where harmony and vigor of administration require its policy to be represented, but permitting all others to be filled by persons selected with sole reference to the efficiency o{ the public service, and the right of citizens to share in the honor of rendering faithful service to their country.” On this platform Gov. Hayes was nominated, and he emphasized it in his letter of acceptance, in his inaugural address, and in his famous civil-service order, which followed a few months later. By these documents he unequivocally pledged himself that Senators and Representatives should not dictate appointments, and that they were no longer to be made merely as rewards for partisan services; that no officer should be required or permitted to take part in the management of political organizations, caucuses, conventions, or election campaigns; that no assessments for political purposes on officers or subordinates should be allowed, and that this rule was applicable to every department of the civil service. Here were promises and pledges quite as sweeping as those which had been invariably trampled under foot for eight years. How were they carried out by the party under its new leader? Some of you may remember tho prophecy I made four years ago, and my quotation from Senator Morton, that “in a Government of parties, like ours,the President must have his friends,” and that “the administration of any JPreddent will bo. in the main, what the party which elected him makes it.” That this would prove true in the case of Mr. Hayes was rendered certain during the canvass. Morton, Conkling, Blaine, Cameron and Chandler assumed exactly the same leadership as if a politician of their school had been nominated. The administration of Gen. Grant, which had brought the party to the verge cf ruin, was indorsed by the National Convention which nominated his successor. The managers of the canvass studiously avoided all reference to civil-service reform »nd the letter of acceptance of their candidate, while tneir conduct constantly assumed that his administration, Bhould he bo elected, would be a continuation of that of Gen. Grant. The canvass, in fact, was merely a renewal of the struggle between the policy of hate and the policy of reconciliation wliich had so long divided the people, and under cover of which the Republican leaders were still determined to maintain their hold on power. Gov. Hayes himself serenely looked on, and, if he did not expressly sanction this mode of conducting the canvaoß, he certainly could not have been ignorant of the issue on which the battle was being waged and the methods employed to secure the victory. His e’ection, in short, was the unquestionable triumph of the “ machine politicians,” and they had a perfect right to claim it as logically redounding to their glory and ftdvantage. It was not a matter of the least surprise, therefore, that the civil-service policy of the new President proved to be a perfect travesty of the party platform and his own declarations. Indeed, the very beginning of his administration was signalized by acts of the most shameless recreancy to his pledges. For several months following the election the result was in doubt. It depended on the votes of Florida and Louisiana, and these were to be counted by State officials of exceedingly bad repute. M. L. Steams was Governor of Florida at the time, and, contrary to law, withheld from the Tilden electors the certificates to which the returns entitled them, and gave certificates to the Hayes electors, who had not received a majority of the votes of the State. Steams was defeated for Governor at tho same election in which Hayes was held to have carried the State, and was subsequently appointed one of the Hot Springs Commissioners, with a compensation of $lO per day. McLin was one of the State canvassers, without whoso arbitrary acts in throwing out Democratic votos Florida would have been counted for Tilden. He waS rewarded by the office of Justice of the Supreme Court of New Mexico at a salary of $3,000 per annum. Dr. Cowgill, another member of the Board of Canvassers, received «n appointment in the Treasury Department, which, for some reason,, he declined, while L. G. Dennis, Chairman of the Republican Committee of Alachua county; Richard H. Black and Thomas H. Vance, who acted as Inspector and Clerk at the election in that county; Joseph Barnes, Inspector of Elections in Leon county; James Bell, of Jefforson county, and J. W. Howell, a slippery employe in the office of the Clerk of Baker county, all received official recognition for diversified acts of rascality and fraud connected with the election. These were remarkable illustrations of the rule which made “ honesty, fidelity, and capacity,” and not partisan service, the test of fitness for office. Nor were the visiting statesmen from the North, who gave their attention to the Florida count, overlooked. Gov. Noyes was appointed Minister to France, Gen. Lew Wallace was made Governor of New Mexico, and John A. Kasson Minister to Austria. The facts as to Louisiana are still worse. Without the vote of this State Hayes could not be counted in, and the count devolved upon a Returning Board of precious political cherubs, of which J. Madison Wells was President. Their work was done with infernal fidelity to the Republican party, and gave further occasion for the display of civil-service reform. Until recently Mr. Wells held the office of Surveyor of the Port of New Orleans, at a salary of $3,500 per •mm«i Qm of bil sons, witom Mr, Hayes reoently

nomini ted for the position held by his father, occupied the place of Special Deputy Surveyor at New Orleans, at a salary of $2,500 per annum. Another son holds the position of Inspector at New Orleans, while a son-in-law is a clerk in the Custom House. Thomas C. Anderson, another member of the Returning Board, is Special Deputy Collector at New Orleans, at a salary of $3,000 per annum, and his son, his father-in-law, and his brother-in-law all hold important places under the Government Louis M. Kenner, a colored member of the Returning Board, is Deputy Naval Officer at New Orleans, on a salary of $2,590 per annum, while two of his brothers hold subordinate positions. Casanavc, the remaining member of the board, strange as it may seem, has never been rewarded with an office, though his brother holds the position of United States storekeeper at New Orleans. But, in justice to the administration, it should be said that after a heavy judgment had been rendered against him for counsel fees he had agreed to pay for his defense against an indictment for fraudulent conduct as a member of the Returning Board, and when, after an execution had been levied upon ids property for the satisfaction of the judgment, he came to Washington and appealed to the President and his Cabinet for financial relief, very touchingly reminding them of the services he had rendered in counting the vote of his State, and their obligation to befriend him, the required amount was contributed, and Casanave sent Home with an Unburdened mind, 1 need not ' say that the honors and emoluments heaped upon these men, through whose official action the administration mounted to power, would have been an insult to political decency and a vile caricature of civilservice reform if there had been even a well-founded suspicion as to their integrity. 4 must add that Gov. Packard was finally rewarded for his disgraceful career in Louisiana by the best consulate, in Europe, and Mr. Stoughton made Minister to Russia, as a reward, undoubtedly, for his services in carrying the State for the President in defiance of “clerical errors;” while the ringleader of the gang of visiting statesmen who went to New Orleans “in the interest of ft fair count” was made Secretary of the United States Treasury. But the civil service of the new administration has supplied still further illustrations. Mr. Filley, a politician and intriguer of bad repute, was reappoinfi ’ Postmaster at St. Louis. Gen. Babcock continued to bask in the sunshine of executive approval. The office of Consul General at Frankfort-on-the-Main was treated as a personal perquisite by bestowing it upon his private secretary. A Kentucky lawyer and partisan was made Judge of the Supreme Court of the United States for timely services rendered in the Cincinnati Convention, in semiring the nomination of hiR chief, and afterward in settling the dispute in Louisiana. The offer of the English mission to the Pennsylvania delegation in Congress was a palpable disregard of civil-service reform as the President himself had defined it, and so was the offer of the* German mission to the delegation from Illinois. He has allowed his First Assistant Postmaster General to send out blanks through the mails to members of Congress, to be filled by them with the names of such persons as they miay see fit to recommend for office, just as if he had made no public pledge that this practice should be discontinued. I give him credit for the removal of Mr. Arthur from the New York Custom House, for the excellent reason that he had made it “ a center of partisan political management,” and that it was necessary “ in order that the office may be honestly administered.” These reasons were reinforced by Secretary Sherman, who said to the Collector that “gross abuses of administration have continued and increased during your incumbency;” that “persons have been regularly paid by you who have rendered little or no service;” that “the expenses of yotlr office have increased, while its receipts have diminished;” anil that “bribes, or gratuities In the shape of bribes, have been received by your subordinates in several branches of the Custom House, and you have in no case supported the effort to correct these abuses. ” But notwithstanding these grave charges the removal of Mr. Arthur was only made after great and inexcusable delay, and was then accompanied by the ofler to him of the Paris Consulate, being an evident maneuver of tho President to keep on both sides of • the civil-service question. I must aißo give the President due credit for removing Mr. Cornell from tho office of Surveyor, on account of his defiance of the civil-service order. He did this in the face of Senator Conkling’s denunciation of the administration, and his insolent remark that “reform is the last refuge of a scoundrel.” But when Mr. Cornell, at Conkiing’s dictation, was nominated for Governor of New York, last year, and was known to be in alliance with the Tammany wing of tue Democratic parti, Mr. Sherman entered the canvass and earnestly advocated his election ; so did Secretary Evarts, while the President himself caused a statement to be made In the newspapers that if he were in New York he would cordially give Mr. Cornell his support. During this canvass Mr. Sherman i wrote to Appraiser Dutcher.7 “ 1 cordially approve of your taking pa tin. the Cornell and Hoskins campaign and will do all in my power to favor their election. I have no objection to the Government employes making contributions to the fund.” So pitiful a game of fast and loose, is more detestable than the absence of any prefer se of principle or consistency, and forcibly illustrates the omnipotent foulness of this administration. Every feature of the civil-service order of three yea s ago, every phase and similitude of the reform, is openly diregarded, and everywhere treated with contempt. So completely, In fact, has the civil service become the mere foot-ball of scheming party managers, and fashioned itself into the old warp and woof of Grantism, that in the late Chicago Convention the Committee on Resolutions,halting before tho accusing party record, repeatedly voted down the proposition to allude in any way to the subject. When the convention afterward was compelled to deal with it on its introduction by a Massachusetts delegate, the resolution offered, according to George William Curtis, “was pared into the utmost possible harmlessness,” and then practically blotted cut by the nomination of a man for the second place on the ticket w hose management of the New York Custom House had been the beau ideal of

the spoils system, and an insult to the administration which atterward crouched at his feet in atonement for the only decided spasm of virtue wliich had exercised its conscience. J f anj thing was wanting to round out and beautify these closing acts of the convention, it was the keen irony embodied in the hungry and woiii.-h inquiry of the patriot Fiannegan, of Texas: “ What ate we here for if not for office and patronage?” and if any political fact could be made absolutely certain, it is that civil-service reform, alter a life of great travail and sorrow, was at last in its grave; while you all know that Gen. Garfield himself, in his letter of acceptance, haß preached its funerai aud written its epitaph. This, gentlemen, is the record of the Republican party since the close of the war and the settlement of the questions it involved. This is the sum total of its promised achievements in the work of “reform within the party;” and it shows how entirely safe Secretary Schurz is in predicting that the millennium will not follow the election of the Republican ticket. I have spread out before you its reiterated professions and promises, and the unfailing violation of them which has followed as the night the day ; and I ask any fair-minded Republican to give me a single reason, or even a respectable pretext, for believing that the long-delayed work will be accomplished. It violated its pledges made in 1868. It proved equally false to those made in 1872. It has defiantly mocked its plighted promise in 1876, which still kept alive the hope of many Republicans, and now, as the climax of its unrebuked recreancy, it even musters the courage to disavow the stock professions which have so long masked its real character. If any honest man is still inclined to trust it, I point him to these danger signa's ail along its pathway, beckoning to beware. By its fruits it must be judged, and if so it will be nailed to the pillory by an overwhelming popular verdict. The Republican leaders • understand this perfectly ; and hence, at the very threshold of this canvass, we find them resort ng to the old game which they played so skillfully in 1872 and 1876. They are asking us to excuse or condone their multiplied acts of misgovernment for the last twelve years, on the score of what the party did during the war; and they insist, with their old-time vehemence, upon »the total depravity of the Democratic party and the exhaustless saving grace of their own. The key-note of the canvass was struck by the Republican candidate for Governor in his opening speech at Indianapolis. He gave us to understand that, should Gen Hancock be elected. Utah, with her polygamy, would be admitted as a State, and thus give the party two Senators; that the Indian Territory would be carved into another State, with two more Senators; that Texas would be divided into five States, and thus give the party eight additional Senators; that the Judges of tho Supreme Court of the United States would be duplicated, and three-fourths of them selected from the South; that then the reconstruction acts and constitutional amendments would all be pronounced unconstitutional and void; and finally, that we should bo paddled with the rebel debt and rebel pensions, and be compelled to pay the value of tho slaves unconstitutionally set free, who, of course, would l s put back into slavery. This brilliant unfurling of the “ bloody shirt ” at the opening of tho canvass, by a gentleman of Mr. Porter’s coolness and proverbial moderation, seems a little remarkable, and suggests the suspicion that his picture of Democratic diabolism may have been painted with a pencil bequeathed by the late Senator Morton. Mr. Porter says this is “no fancy sketch, no picture of the imagination, but a sober danger, which may. before we knew it, become an appalling one. ’ If he really believes this, his friends phould provide him with a guardian or responsible committee to take charge of his person and estate, instead of trying to make him Governor. If he does not believe it, but is simply seeking a party advantage bv a base appeal to popular ignorance, he 1b a demagogue of very considerable promise, and should be rebuked by the people according to his deserts. But this is the Republican argument, and Mr. Porter is only one of the many leaders who are giving it voice. When Secretary Sherman was in Maine he told his audience that “ questions of money, labor, and property sank into insignificance in the presence of the great sectional issue.” Senator Hoar, as we have seen, treats the Democratic party to-day, united under a famous Union General, as imbued with the same treasonable purpose and spirit which anin ated the revolt against the Government in 1861. Even Senator Edmunds, of Vermont, lends himself to the same madness. These ideas will shape and inspire the Republican canvass in every section of the Union. I quarrel with the Republican party to-day because its machinery in kept in working order by unholy appeals to passions and animosities that need nothing so much as forgetfulness. It lives upon the consuming fires of sectional hate, and makes crimination and recrimination respecting dead issues the fuel of OHr politics. If anything could drive the people of the South into the madness of treason it would be the policy of the Republican leaders in perpetually branding them with it, and arraigning them in the language and spirit of 1861. How can a quarrel ever come to an end if the parties to it, after a formal settlement, make it their constant business to taunt pach other with their mutual accusations? If the ashes of the past are to be constantly stirred, and our parties rallied on the memories of the war to-day, who can predict the time when a real union of the sections will be possible ? If the North and the South are to be dealt wiffi as two hostile camps,

who can expect emigration to flow into the States which else would invite it, aud thus work out their redemption through an intelligent and homogeneoua population ? The best and only possible way to inaugurate political reform is to drive the Republican party from power, and place the Government in new hands. By no other means can the era of sectional estrangement be closed, and the orderly and healthy administration of affairs be re-established. This conclusion is not at all affected by the conduct of the Democratic party years ago in its relation to slavery and the war, nor by its record since. It bas not been charged with the administration of national affairs for many years, with - tho slight exception of its recent ascendency in Congress, during which the power of the lobby has been broken, tho political and social atmosphere of Washington greatly improved, and the annual expenditures of the Government greatly reduced. But I do not rest the case upon these facts. The Democratic party is not innocent of very grave political mistakes and offenses. This has been especially true in particular States and districts during the dispensation of plunder and misgovernment which marked the two administrations of Gen. Grant. During the years of sectional bitterness unavoidably resulting from the War, and needlessly aggravated by demagogues, tho Democratic party ltad a very trying experience, and often sadly failed in meeting the obligations of patriotism and statesmanship. I am not here to defend it where its conduct is not defensible, Ido not disguise the faot that should it now regain power it will have on its hands a work of exceeding difficulty. . I do not bqijeve hi the power of any party to work miracles, but it is the only instrument through which the Government can now be rescued from the depraved dynasty which now controls it, and which, as I have shown, has completely lost the power of selfrocovery. We cannot afford to postpone the work of saving the country till a perfect party shall offer to undertake it; and it i 3 always wiser to run the hazard of possib’e, or even probable evils, than voluntarily to accept those which aro certain. Twenty years of poiver would demoralize a party of ange’s. It would convert them into a governing class, with interests wholly apart from those of the peop e, and the complete overhauling of their misdeeds would only be possible through a new party, stimulated in its work by a political victory, and having complete control of their records. In following out the lino of argument indicated in my opening statements let me now briefly refer to the personal character of the candidates. Of Gen. Hancock I need say but little. It is the singular good fortune of his country and of himself that lie does not need to be defended. In private life he is above reproach. HiR honor There is no stair, of bribery or official gre’ed upon his garments. His loyalty to the Union has been tried by fire, and demonstrated by acts which will make his name as imperishable as the history of his country. His subordination of the military to civil power, while holding an important command, is a guarantee that, if elected, the arbitrary methods which have brought shame upon the Government under Republican rule will oease, and that state.-manship, and not mere brute force, will guide the conduct of public affairs; while there is no reason whatever for believing that he will imitate the conduct of Gen. Grant by surrounding himself with political bummers and knaves. He is a clean man, and, if political reform should not be thoroughly accomplished under his administration, it will at least be made possible by breaking up the organized machinery which now stands in its way, and assuaging the bitterness of sectional strife.

As regards tUe Republican candidate, I know him pretty well, having served with him in the House of Representatives eight years. Our personal, as well as political, relations Wore at all times friendly, and I have no disposition wnatever to do him any injustice. But the character of Gen. Garfield is involved in certain particular charges, to which I propose to refer. Among these I shall briefly refer to the Retroactive Salary act, the De Golyer pavement swindle and the Credit Mobilier developments. In dealing with these it may be well to remember that every one of them has a Republican pedigree, and, therefore, when complaint is-made about throwing “campaign mud,” I refer the account for settlement to the Republican leaders and journalists who made these charges, years ago, and are now ro ready to brand them as Democratic lies. They dumped this “ mud ” on the doorsteps of their candidate, and" it is their business to cart it away if they can. Let me say, further, that I wish to deal only in facts. I shall indulge in no denunciation, no personal abuse, and no extravagant assertions as to Gen. Garfic'd’s criminality. If his eariy accusers and present champions had shown more candor and less partisan bins in dealing with his conduct, I should have feit less disposition to arraign it. If, instead of attempting to prove his character stainless, they had been willing, like the Springfield Jlepublican, to admit his weakness, and "refer his conduct to the corrupt atmosphere of the period in which he yielded to temptation, and the charitable judgment of the public, there would have been less motive and less inclination to overhaul the facts and sift the evidence. The people have a right to know the truth respecting the character of a candidate for the highest office within their gift, and, if it cannot pass their scrutiny unscathed, no amount of whitewash should be allowed to conceal the fact. The material facts connected with the Retroactive Salary bill may be briefly stated. On the last day of the Forty-second Congress this measure appropriated nearly $2,000,000 to pay the members of that Congress for salaries they had never earned. It was regarded by the people as a naked legislative theft. Gen. Garfield was Chairman of the committee of conference having charge of the appropriation bill containing the retroactive provision, and as such engineered its passage and voted for it. It is true that he had previously and repeatedly voted against the salary increase as a separate proposition, but this does not relieve him of the responsibility of finally voting for and urging its passage. It is also true that he attempted to justify tun action on the plea that, if the appropriation failed, an extra session of Congress would be necessary. But this was a pretense, and not a justification. If the measure had fai'ed through his opposition, there was time enough for another committee of conference, and a further effort to save the treasury. If, however, he clearly saw, or could have seen, that an extra session of Congress would be the result, it did not justify him in ro flagrant a game of robbery. He should have washed his bands of it, and scouted the Josuitical principle which invited him to pick the nation’s pocket to avoid a greater evil. That Gen. Garfield was really in sympathy with the measure is shown by his faise pretense that it was not a robbery or • theft at all, but justified by legislative precedents, and by the fact that he allowed the salary to stand to his credit, and, of course, meant to retain it. Six or seven weeks afterward, it is true, he covered it into the treasury, and thereby confessed his 'guilt. But this was in the midst of a popular indignation which had spread iilte fire throughout the Union, and a few days after a Republican Convention at Warren, in Trumbull county, in his Congressional district, had censured him for his action respecting the measure, and requested him to resign. He only dropped his swag when he found the police on his tracks. These are the simple facts bearing upon lus connection with this transaction, and the people will decide whether they do not signally fail to lelieve him of his conspicuous ,responsibility for this memorable legislative outrage. The Do Golyer pavement matter is connected with the scheme of street improvements in Washington, inaugurated by the Board of Public Works in 1872. In response to bids which were Invited by the board, De Golyer k Co. applied for a large contract for laying t’«eir patent wooden pavement, wbicb was rejected by the Board of Engineers. They thereupon determined to raise a large fund through which to influence the action of the board In their favor, and the evidence taken before two Congressional investigating committees shows that sundry influential parties in Washington were enlisted in the work, including R. C. Parsons, then Marshal of the'Supreme Court, who was to receive a large fee for his services, contingent upon an appropriation by Congress. Out of this fee Mr. Parsons agreed to pay Gen. Garfield $5,000 for professional services before tho board, in behalf of the application of De Golyer & Co. for a contract If Gen. Garfield was at that time known to the people as a lawyer, it is quite certain that he had won no celebrity. The question to be decided Involved the character and comparative value of many- patents, both wooden and concrete, and could scarcely be considered a judicial one at all. There was no case in court, because no one had been sued. It was a matter for experts, and not for lawyers, and it was not to be tried by a judicial tribuna'. Gen. Garfield neverappeared before the board, and never filed any written argument. If he prepared one, as he declares he did, it strangely failed to find its way to the tribunal it was intended to influence. He once spoke to Gov. Shepherd on the subject, in behalf of his clientß, and received $5,000 for serving them. I think he must have known that his opinion of wooden pavements was not worth this sum. That he received it for his factitious influence as a member of Congress and Chairman of the Committee on Appropriations is as perfectly manifest as any fact can be, short of a mathematical demonstration. If, as he declares, he did not himself know it, nor suspect it, it is a psychological phenomenon which may well awaken doubt as to that mental soundness which is the special boast of his friends. Gen. Garfield and his champions are endeavoring to whiten his record by asserting that the money to pay for these street improvements did not come from the national treasury, but from the resources of the District, and had already been provided by the District Government, so that the only question involved was the kind of pavement which should be used. If this were true, his official position would have been less influential in his employment, and he would be at least partially exonerated. But the truth is that behind the District Government and its revenues stood Congress, the ultimate responsible authority for appropriations, and that large appropriations for the De Golyer xhvement were afterward reported by Gen. Garfield’s committee and passed. That his official position and influence constituted the motive of his employment is shown by the fact that after he had been secured his employers made their boast that they had now the influence of tho man who held “the pursestrings of the United States,” and was “ the strongest man in Congress;” and on this ground it has since been judicially determined that the contract procured by such methods was against public policy and void. I commend these pregnant considerations to Gen. Garfield’s over-zealous friends, whose efforts in wrestling with unmanageable facts promise-to become an interesting campaign study. Respecting Gen. Garfield’s transactions with Oakes Ames, Ms champions make the t ame extravagant claim sos complete vindication as in the charges I have noticed. They decline to make any excuses on the score of weakness or ignorance, but attempt to defend Mm absolutely. Oakes Ames testified before the Poland committee that be agreed to take ten shares of the Credit Mobilier stock, and that he (lines) paid Mm a dividend of $329. The committee,a majority of wMch was composed of Republlcafis, unanimously found these facts to be true. Undoubtedly they believed him; as the public did with scarcely a dissenting voice. But, although several excellent reputations were destroyed or badly damaged by the evidence of Ames before the committee, yet now, under

$1.50 Der Annum.

NUMBER 31.

the impelling pressure of aPresdontial election, and when he has been seven years in Ms grave, it is insisted that Ms statements respecting Gen. Garfield are wholly untrustworthy. The report of this committee is a-sailed by leading newspapers which strongly condemned its culpable moderation at the time of its publication in not including sundry other members of Congress (Gen. Garfield among them) in the same condemnation it pronounced upon Ames and Brooks. Among these was Harper’s Weekly. Indeed, it was then very generally regarded by the public as a whitewashing report, and this view had strong confirmation in the fact that the members of the committee were Gen. Garfield’s daily associates, and a majority of them his personal and political friends, who would spare him as far as possible. And yet Harrier's Weekly now says: “ The authors of the report may have thought it necessary to .show their impartiality by sacrificing some of their own party friends. This suggestion is as stupid as it is dishonorable to tho members of that committee, and shows to what desperate straits an uncommonly decent newspaper may be driven by the exigencies of a political campaign. - This journal also says: “The whole ease, as far as Mr. Garfield is concerned, is a question of veracity between him and Oakes Ames,” and it lias no hesitation in completely discrediting the evidence of the latter, although the friendly tone of his statements respecting Mr. Garfield clearly indicates the disposition to spare him; and although this committee had unanimously reached an opposite conclusion, after hearing all tho evidence, weighing tho character of the witnesses who came before them, the manner in which they testified, and all the circumstances of the ease. The Nation falls into the sama vein, although at first it spoke of the conduct of Gen. Garfield in this affair as having “at the time, a very unfortunate appearance,” and said : “ He undoubtedly boro himself bad'y when the uproar began, and he discovered what a very serious view the pub ic took of Ames’ dealings with Congressmen.” It now strongly accentuates the bad memory of Mr. Ames, indulges in several charitable suppositions as to the conduct and motives of Gen. Garlie'd, and tenderly weighs tho charges against him in the light of his good character, ab >ut which it should remember that opinions are very greatly divided. These organs likewise overlook certain circumstantial statements made by Mr. Ames before the committee, on the 29th of January, which, in fairness, f-hou’d have keen noticed in their review of '.he transaction, lie then testified to the effect that Gen. Garfield, in interviews alter tho investigation had begun, did not pretend that any money had been loaned Mm; that he admitted that $2,400 were due him in stock and bonds; that he said Ibis affair would lie very injurious to him, and was a cruel thing; that he was in very great distress, and hardly knew what he did say ; and that he said he wanted to say as little about the affair as ho could, and get off aR easily as possible. These statements related to recent conversations, and cannot be got rid of on the ple.a of the bad memory of Mr. Ames., They wear the appearance of truth; and if they' were fa’se, they deserved a point-blank contradiction by Mr. Garfie’d oil his oath before the committee. But he never made that contradiction. He failed to confront Mr. Ames as a witness respecting these statements, and subject Mmsclf to the wh lesome test of truth afforded by a cross-examination, but contented himself with an cx-parte printed statement of his defense several months later, and after Ames had died. These facts do not favor the theory of his conscious innocence. I will not brand him as guilty, but the very utmost that can bo claimed in his behalf is that his wrong-doing is “ not proven.” He is entitled to the benefit of all reasonable doubts, and to a fair and impartial hearing on the appeal now taken to (he public from the finding of the Poland committee; but the public will remember that this appeal Is asked seven years after Ms conviction, and in the midst of a national canvass in which the fate of his party is Involved in his vindication, and It will not fail to weigh the evidence accordingly. I freely give him credit for liis ingenious and elaborate defense of himself in resiionse to the popular clamor in the sxiring of 1873, but the truth is, after all, that he stands before the nation under the shadow of suspicion. That shadow cannot be removed by calling Judge Poland, Gen. Banks and Judge McCrary as witnesses to imxieacli their own record. It cannot lie removed by the opinion of Senator Thurman that his guilt is not demonstrated by the evidence. It cannot be removed by the friendly letter of Judge Black, expressing the strong assurance of Gen. Garfield s ignorance of the criminal purposes of Oakes Ames, but leaving unnoticed the conflict between bis sworn statement and that of Gen. Garfield respecting liis agreement to take ten shares of stock. Nor can it be removed by the alleged action of his immediate constituents in condoning his errors. They have not condoned them. In 1872 his Congressional majority was 10,944; but in 1874 it was reduced to 2,526, while in his last election, when the memory of this transaction had considerably faded out of the public mind, his majority was still 4,594 less t'lan his full strength. But I must pass now, In conclusion, to other and still graver chargOß. Gen. Garfield was one of the “ visiting statesmen ” who repaired to New Orleans soon after tho iast Presidential election, In response to the invitation of President Grant, for the ostensible xiurpose of securing “ a fair count ” of the vote of Louisiana. The President ordered to that State an imposing military force to preserve the peace and see that the Returning Board of the State was unmolested in the performance of its duty; but, ns he had already destroyed civil government there by the bayonet, the necessity for this military order was not apparent, unless some new outrage was contemplated. The situation was critical, and a feeling of uncertainty and alarm prevailed throughout the country. The Chairman of the Democratic National Committee invited several representative public men, of both xiolitical xiarties, to visit New Orleans in the interest of peace and the furtherance of the faithful performance of its duty by the Returning Board ; and, on their arrival in the city, they pr<iposed to t-'en-ator Sherman, Gen. Garfield and tin ir Republican associates, a joint conference and friendly co-oxieratiou with a view to a just and satisfactory settlement of the threatening controversy. But this pro])ositiou was summarily rejected, on tho pretext that these representative Republicans had no legal authority to interfere with the vote of the State, or the action of the officers in canvnssingit. To this it was replied that no such authority had been thought of, and that the proposed conference contemplated only such moral influence as it might be able to exert. In response to this, the Rnxiublicans disavowed any authority or wish to interfere with he Returning Board, even to that extent, and thereby left tho public completely in tho fog as to the meaning of their mission. There could, however, lie but one exxilanation, since a single earnest word on their liart in the interest of fair xi'ay would almost certainly have been liceded, wlii'e their xmreonal x»resence and refusal to act showed that they sympathized with tiie determination < f the board to count the State for the Republicans at all event", and were present for the purpose of abetting that object. The known character of the board confirms this view. It was the creature and instrument of a State Government founded in flagrant usurpation and fraud. Although the law creating it required that its members should licking to different parties, they were all Republicans, and two of them officers in the Custom House at New Orlea'ns. The law also required the lioard to be composed of five members, but there were only four, and they utterly refused to fill the vacancy. The entire clerical force of the board v,-as also composed of Repub'icans, who would, of course, lie the ready instruments of their employers. Its members were the same men who sat uxion it in 1874, and after the election of that year took the majority of votes from one side and gave it to tho other, by “unjust, arbitrary and illegal act 3 ,” as reported by a Republican Congressional committee. The President of tho lioard had branded himself as a perjurer in the testimony he had given rcsxieeting the State election of that year and had disgraced himself by his xiolitieal rascality and disregard of law while holding Ms gubernatorial office in 1867. The other members of the board were his fit associates, and it had lieen characterized by Hon. Wm. A. Wheeler ah “ a disgrace to civilization,” and was covered with universal suspicion. And yet Gen. Garfield and his Republican confederates, in rejecting the proposition fora joint conference, declared that they had no reason to doubt that a perfectly honest and just declaration of the results of the election in Louisiana would be made by this tribunal 1 That this declaration was a deliberate and conscious falsehood must be accepted as certain, unless v.e can defend these distinguished statesmen by attributing to them a density of ignorance respecting well-known events as disgraceful to them as lying. That Gen. Garfield had lent himseif to the Returning Board in jts conspiracy to cheat the peoxilo of the United States Is still more fully confirmed by its action while canvassing the votes. It refused to fill the vacancy in its body and supply the wanting political element. It wraxqied itself 111 the mantle of darkness by excluding from its sessions the public, the general press reporters, the Supervisors and Registrars of elections, and the candidates for office and their attorneys. In a number of instances the sealed returns from distant parishes were clandestinely oxiened, and the jiaxiers tamxiered with after they had been received by the board. AH these facts were known to Gen. Garfield. It was simply inqiossible to attend its daily sessions and scrutinize its action without realizing that forgery, perjury and fraud were liberally woven into its work. On the alleged ground of intimidation it flagrantly violated the law from which it derived its authority, by throwing out he ballots of 7,000 to 8,000 legally qualified voters, in order to secure a Republican victory. TMs action was founded solely on this ground, there being no charge of rexieating, ballot-stuffing, or fraudulent reriirns; and inasmubh as the board could take no action in any way on thosubjcctof intimidation,without i strict compliance with the detailed and circumstantial provisions of the State election law, and as the fact is undenied and undeniable that no such compliance was mad*>, the board had no jurisdiction whatever except to count the votes returned. Its action in counting them for Hayes and Wheeler was therefore an utter defiance of the laws of the State, a flagrant outrage upon justice and decency, and a hideous m ckery of representative Government. I hi", gentlemen, is my indictment against Gen. Garfie'd. He was an accomplice in the crime of cheating the xieople of the United States by placing in the Presidential chair a man who was never elected, and by this act of treason against free institutions has rfcltcd Ms right to the suffrages of the American IKV p e. Bit this is not all. After the Louiriana fraud had i ecu consummated, and the apprehens'on of civil wav led to the proposal cf an E.ectoral Commission o settle the dispiuted question, Gen. Garfie d ox>posed the measure for two remarkable reasons. He denied the necessity for any such tribunal, on the ground that the Vice President had the right to count the vote and dec'are the result. It is true that this right bad been (tenet by nearly all the leading men of the country, of whatever party, and that, according to an unbroken line of precedents, beginning with the e'octiou of Washington, and reaching down to the i oar 1876, the counting of the electoral vote is rightful'y done by Congress, or under its authority a d <’ir ttins. But Gen. Garfield knew that the V re jPo cidout • as ready to assume tho disputed ui lmrity, and thsf the President, with the army and

(P? fflmocrutiq Jg sntiim JOB PRINTING OFFICE 6*a better feeflitiea than any office In Hortfaweater* Indiana for the execution of all branches of STOB PRIKTTIKTG. PROMPTNESS A SPECIALTY. Anything, from a Dodger to a Price-List, or from a nmphlet to a Pewter, black or colored, plain or sanes; SATISFACTION GUARANTEED.

navy, was ready to back him; while he saw that the plan of an Electoral Commission might, possibly, give tlic Presidency to Gov. Ti den. His party hail the military behind it, and he knew how that power warn'd be employed. But be also strenuously opX'oscd the particular features of the electoral plan, liis principal ground of oi>posiliou was that it would enable tho commission to go behind the returns and sift the real facts In disputo. TMs was' altogether natural, for It is now known through official documents that, aa a “ visiting statesman,” he had taken a leading jjart in manipulating the returns in Louisiana, and smoothing the way for a favorable decision by its Returning Board. In a sia-ech in the House ofr Representatives of the 25th of January, 1877, ha declared that the Electoral bill “grasps ail the l>ower and holds States and electors as toys in its right hand. It assumes the right of Congress to go down iuto the colleges and inquire into a'l tho eete and facts connected with their work. It assumes tho right of Congress to go down into the States, to review the act of every officer, to oxien every ballotbox, and to pass judgment upon every ballot cart by 7,000,000 Americans.” This was Gen. Garfield’s opinion Its a member of Cong ress ns to the pow ers conferred tqion the commission; but after the i>assage of the bill ho became a member of this tribunal. He had assisted in doctoring the returns and preparing the case which was to sett’e the righti of “7,000,000 of Americans;” but he saw no impropriety iu becoming himself a mejulnr of this great national Returning Board, and as such lie look the following oath : “1, James A. Garfield, do solemnly swear Unit I will impartially examine and consider all questions submitted to the commission of which I am a member, and a true judgment give thereon, agreeable to the constitution and the laws, so helxi me God.” But how did he discharge his duty under this oath 7 In every instance ho voted to conceal and suppress the very facts which, on liis own showing, he was solemnly bound to aid iu uncovering. He knew all the facts to which I have referred relative to the frauds and violations of law in Louisiana. He knew that its Returning Board had openly .and defiantly trampled under foot the law creating it, and from which it derived its authority to count the vote of the State; and that Us action in counting it for Hayes and Wheeler was therefore utterly null and void. He know that the commission, without violating the rights of the State, withoiil going “down into the colleges” and inquiring “Into all of the acts and facts connected with their work,” but simply by ascertaining whether tho election laws of Louisiana had beOn complied with, would lie warranted in rejecting the action of the board and awarding the State to Tildon and Hendricks. But ho had joined liis party associates in the foregone conclusion that tho Democratic x>arty must lie defeated at all hazards, and it was too late to call a halt in the devilish march of events through which 45,000,000 of people were to be deprived of the l ight to choose their chief functionaries. The stupendous national juggle must ho performed, and he was ready to act his part. The voice of the republic had to lie strangled, and ho nerved himself for the work, and it can not ho denied that in accomplishing it ho achieved a perfect triumph over liis conscience and liis country. He was, however, only the faithful servant of his master. He was a xiart of the long-used machinery which had allowed nothing to stand in its way. The theft of tho Presidency was simply the leaf and flower of that xiarty idolatry which has been xironouneed a more soul-destroying evil in our republic than the worship of idols in a heathen land. It was the inevitable fruitage of long years of organized x«ilitical corruption and prosperous maladministration; and nothing could be more perfectly natural than the effort of his xiarty to crown Gen. Garfield witli the great office which ,he aided in matching from its rightful claimant four yearn ago, while nothing could more absolutely demonstrate its unfitness to govern the country and the duty of tho xieojle to sentence It to death.

IOWA DEMOCRATS.

A Burge, Harmonious and Jlnllmsiaslic Con veil I ion. Tho Democratic State Couventim of lowa, held at Des Moines, on tho 2d inst , was one of the largest over held in tho Slate. Eightvcight counties wore represented, casting 492 votes. Mayor Merritt, of Dob Moines, niado a welcoming address. Tho temporary Chairman wah F. \Y. Lehmann, of Folk ; Secretary, Hon. W. W. Garner, of Louisa county ; assistant Secretaries, T. W. Drees, of Carroll, and Byron Webster, of Marshall county. Mr. Lehmann made a felicitous address, which was frequently aj>planded. The following committees were appointed : On Permanent Organization—First district, L. P. Wells, of Louisa ; Second district, 11. .T. Lauder, of Muscatine; Third district, E. M. Carr, of Delaware; Fourth district, Louis Lichty, of Blackhawk ; Fifth district, J. J. Snouffer, of Linn; Sixth district, J. A. Pearson, of Appanoose ; Seventh district, .1. M. Ostes, of Clark; Eighth district, O. F. Chase, of Cass ; Ninth district, M. D. Davis, of Woodbury. On Credentials—First district, Wm. Gladden, of Henry; Second district, E. C. Holt, of Jones; Third district, T. F. Kenyon, of Buchanan ; Fourth district, D. Dougherty, of Cerro Gordo ; Fifth district, A. J. Morrison, of lowa ; Sixth district, J. B. Elliott, of Mai ion ; Seventh district, Henry Mobly, of Guthrie; Eighth district, M. C. Ridenour, of Page ; Ninth district, Geo. L. Wright, of Crawford. On Resolutions—First district, George Smith, of Van Buren ; Second district, M. V. Gannon, of Scott ; Third district, John Van Slade n, of Clayton ; Fourth district, James B. Adams, of Butler ; Fifth district, L. 11. Worth, of Tama ; Sixth district, W. It. Hollingsworth, of Keokuk ; Seventh district, E. T. Best, of Lucas ; Eighth district, E. W. Sherman, of Mills ; Ninth district, S. S. Webb, of Boone. State Central Committee.—First district, J. Dodge, of Des Moines ; Second district, M. It. Jackson, of Cedar; Third district, I). H. Malien, of Delaware ; Fourth district, George It. Miller, of Cerro Gordo ; Fifth district, L. G. Kinne, of Tamas Sixth district, E. H. Gililes, of Mahaska ; Seventh district, J. M. Walker, of Polk ; Eighth district, R. G. Phelps, of Cass Ninth district, John Dond, Jr., of Webstir. The following was reported as the permanent organization : President—Daniel F. Miller. Vice Presidents—First district, T. O. Carroll, of Henry ; Second district, P. Mitchell, of Jackson ; Third district, David Bell, of Fayette; Fourth district, T. C. Medary, of Cerro Gordo ; Fifth district, J. F. Hamilton, of Linn ; Sixth district, It. W. Duncan, of Monroe ; Seventh district, G. W. Huffman, of Decatur; Eighth district, P. Brytle, of Pottawattamie ; Ninth district, J. J. Hartenbowor, of O’Brien. Secretary—Col. W. W. Garner. Assistant Secretaries—J. M. Drees, of Carroll ; Byron Webster, of Marshall ; T. O. Walker, of Davis. Chairman Miller, in his speech, alluded to the number of prominent soldiers who were lemocrats, which evoked the wildest enthusiasm. Col. Trimble was called to the platform, and announced that an lowa Soldiers’ Hancock Association had bien formed, and that by closo count there were 126 old-soldier delegates in the convention. The following platform was reported from tho Committee on Resolutions: 1. We, the Democracy of lowa, in delegate convention assembled, indorse the platform that the party adopted at Cincinnati, and pledge our earnest efforts in its behalf. 2. The Democracy of lowa are heartily in favor of the national nominees, Hancock and English, as they give a decided assurance of a pure and more thoroughly-careful administration of national affairs. 8. We are in favor of a judicious license law, and condemn all efforts to legislate against those natural rights which do not trespass upon those belonging to the whole community, and we applaud the action of our representatives at Des Moines in the Eighteenth General Assembly for their manly and able opposition to tho attempts at sumptuary legislation made by the Republican Legislature. On motion, the following nominations of District Electors were approved : First district, J. D. M. Hamilton, of Fort Madison; Second district, G. L. J lekson, of Maquoketa; Third district, L. E. Fellows, of Lansing; Fourth district, C. G. Shater, of Grundy Centre ; Fifth district, L. B Patterson, of lowa City ; Sixth district, J.H. Stubenrauch, of Pella ; Seventh district, 8. J. Gilpin, of Winterset; Eighth district, W. H. Stowe, of Hamburg ; Ninth distiict, John B. Allison, of Sioux City : at large, J. A. O. Yeoman, of Fort Dodge, and J. H. Murphy, of Davenport. Tho following nominations for State officers were made without balloting : Secretary of State—A. B. Keith, of Crawford. Treasurer—Martin Blim, of Blackhawk. Auditor—C. A. Barker, of Des Moines. Attorney General—C. A. Ciark, of Linn. Land Office Register—D. Dougherty, of Keokuk.

Worth All He Got for Him.

‘‘Well, I ’ve sold my dog, ” said ho as he leaned against the door jamb. “Have you, though? How much did you get?” inquired a bystander. “Seventy-five dollars.” “ Well, somebody got bit on that dog trade,” remarked bystander No. 2. “Oh, no. I threw in a croquet set, an old campaign flag, a file of the New York Tribune, my last year’s fishing tackle, army overcoat, and —let me see. Oh, yes! I let quite a good second hand buggy go with it. Oh, that’s a mighty good dog. He’s worth all I got for him, ” —New Haven Register.