Democratic Sentinel, Volume 4, Number 13, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 7 May 1880 — MR. THURMAN AT HOME. [ARTICLE]

MR. THURMAN AT HOME.

Speech of the Ohio Senator at Columbne, Ohio. My Friends and Fkixow-Townsmenj If any one of you were far from home, and should receive a warm and cordial welcome from strangers whom you had never seen, you would feel deeply, profoundly grateful for that kind attention. But, grateful as one may feel for the welcome of strangers, there is something much nearer the heart in the welcome to his home by one's friends and neighbors. We may be grateful for politeness from those we have never seen, but when we are welcomed home by those with whom we have dwelt, whom we recognize as onr own townsmen, and with whom we expect to live as long as life shall be spared, there is a feeling more deep than gratitude, more powerful than respect So I feel to-night at this welcome which you have been so kind as to give me, and I but feebly express my emotions when I thank you for it with all my heart, and when I also return to the orator who has spoken for you to-night my sincere appreciation of his too-flattering remarks. Mv friends, as I passed through Newark today I purchased a Columbus paper, and to my great surprise I found that I was expected to make a speech here to-night. I speak in all sincerity and truth when I say that that surprised me, for it was only yesterday morning that I knew I could come and visit my home, and I had no certainty at all that you would know that I was coming, and, if you did know it, I had no idea I would be expected to make a speech ; and this being the case, my friends, I have no prepared speech to deliver you. I did not come to Ohio charged with a speech. I did not think a speech from me was at a Unnecessary. I came here to get a little rest, after five months’ intense labor without any recreation at all. Although enjoying.fine health, I needed some rest; some repose; and I came to get it among my friends at Columbus; but, since you have been told that I would speak to-night, and have been kind enough to come to hear me, it would be unjust in me not to say something, at least, upon the political questions, or some of them, that agitate the country. You will pennit me, however, my friends, to be very brief. At no ||me am I a long speaker, and, therefore, it is but seldom that I am tedious. I shall speak to you, therefore, very briefly indeed, but what I do say I commend to your careful and thoughtful consideration.

My friends, it has been said that every Presidential election is a crisis in this republic, and, though it might be doubted whether in the past that remark is so absolutely true that there was no exception to it, yet it would be admitted that in later years every Presidential election has in fact been a crisis in our affairs, and no one can tell how long it may thus continue to be. But of one thing I think wc may be absolutely certain, and that is that this Presidential election will be regarded, as long as the history of this country shall be read and studied, as a crisis in the affairs of the republic. And why do I say this? lam not ac-i customed, it is not my wont, to magnify things. Why, then, do I say that this is a crisis in public affairs? Because, my friends, in my serious judgment the election this year will go far to determine whether substantial liberty, substantial free institutions, shall longer exist in America.

Judge Thurman then spoke for some minutes upon the phrase so often repeated bv the opponents of the Democratic party, that “We need a strong Government.” The meaning of the phrase was that we should have a stronger National Government to rule over the whole people of this country. The people should be content with the Government as it has existed for three-quarters of a century, under which we have flourished as no other people have flourished. There are but two modes of giving strength to a Government; one mode is fraught with beneficence to the people, and safety, security, and prosperity to the state. The other mode means despotism over the people, and means ruin and ultimate destruction to the state. The firrt is .to so constitute your Government, and so administer it that it will challenge and receive the affection of the people who dwell under it, that they shall not merely obey, but that they shall revere, esteem and love it. A Government thus supported by its people, whatever may be its form, however few may be the powers expressly conferred upon it, is one of the strongest Governments upon the earth, if not the very strongest. Such a Government our forefathers thought they had ordained for the people of the United States, and such a Government the Democratic party has always advocated. The other mode of strengthening a Government is to strengthen it merely by force —by great standing armies. The point was dwelt on at some length, and the illustrations of the results of such kind of government were given by reference to the rule of Great Britain over Ireland, the empire of Russia, etc. The application made of the principles underlying the two forms of Government was that the former mode was that by which the Democratic party sought to administer the Government, while the Republican party resorted to the latter mode. He concluded as follows : “ Now, my friends, in my judgment, the great question which is to be solved is whether or no the strength of our Government in the future shall come from the affections of the people, or whether it shall be that strength that despots, and despots alone, employ. There is much more that I might speak to you about, of the necessity of reform, of the necessity of economy, of the necessity of lowering taxes, and all these subjects with which you are more or less familiar; but I promised you that I would not weary your patience, and I hope you will not allow me to weary myself.” Again thanking the crowd, he retired, amid enthusiastic applause.

Btabie and the Credit Mobilier. The defiant attitude and “moral heroism” presented by James G. Blaine, when, in the sessions of 1872-3, he left the Speaker’s chair and boldly asserted his innocence of any complicity with the great Credit Mobilier scandal is well remembered, as a dramatic picture in American politics. A letter in the Springfield Republican recently reviews this matter for apparent edification of Mr. Blaine:

Recently the writer had a conversation with a near friend of Mr. Ames, who has always defended his memory and challenged any proof of the assertion that he was an untruthlul man. I had not asserted to him that I thought Mr. Ames untruthful, but 1 told him that I always had great difficulty in reconciling the alleged testimony of Mr. Ames before the, Poland committee relative to Mr. Blaine with the facts as shown by Mr. McComb’s statements and the memorandum book itself. “You, yourself, well know,” I said to him “that Mr. Blaine’s name was on Mr. Ames’ memorandum book with the other names, and that he was a sharer with the others in the distribution of the Credit Mobilier stock ?” The reply was as follows: “If you knew what I know you would say that Mr. Ames was a perfectly truthful man. I was in the committee room when Mr. - Blaine made his statement, and I know all that happened. The record makes Mr. Ames corroborate Mr. Blaine. It is not true. He did not do it. I was standing by Mr. Ames when the question was asked him whether Mr. Blaine’s i statement was in accordance with his recollection, and I trembled for him I then, but he never opened his lips—no 1 matter what the report of the evii dence may say —he never opened his lips 1 ” The gentleman who made this statement is a man whose word will be taken anywhere, and his testimony that Mr. Ames’ lips were closed when the record made him vindicate Mr. Blaine startled me. The statement has been made by friends of Mr. Ames that Mr. Blaine, when offered a share of the Credit Mobilier, scouted the bargain on account of the smallness of the amount and demanded SIOO,OOO worth of it. Whatever may ,be the facts his name stands in Mr. Ames’ memorandum book with the figures “ 3,000” against it, and Mr. Ames’ remark: “You have heard Mr. Blaine’s testimony and my acquies-

cence in it, ” is certainly a remarkable one. He does not say that Mr. Blaine’s statement is true, but only that he acquiesces in it. Mr. Ames was in a very difficult position at that time. He knew that he would be threatened with expulsion, and the Speaker’s influence was very valuable to him. Besides, he felt "kindly toward Mr. Blaine, while he did not feel so toward Mr. Colfax and some others who were trying to place him in a false attitude. So he let Mr. Blaine’s statement pass with his “ acquiescence.” But this does not prevent numbers of people who believe themselves conversant with the facts from saying and believing that the memorandum book was correct, and that Mr. Blaine did receive the dividends on thirty shares of C. M. stock. Mr. Blaine recently, when squarely confronted with the statement that there was proof in the possession of the heirs of Oakes Ames to show that he (Blaine) was interested in the Credit Mobilier, did not deny the fact, but replied, “Do you suppose the children of Oakes Ames are going to make public anything that will cast everlasting disgrace upon the name of L. ir father?”

Illinois Democracy—No Longer Lethargy in the Ranks. There is no longer lethargy in the Democratic ranks in Illinois. The rank and file of the party in our State have already begun to' enlist in the contest with the determination of rescuing Illinois from Radical rule; and. with a com plete union, under courageous leaders, we shall accomplish the good work next November. Experience has taught us some dear lessons, and we shall now reap our reward. Dissensions have been buried, and the old Jacksonian spirit of Democracy is now cropping out all over the State. Under its inspiring influence we shall march to victory. Our cause is the cause of the people, and the people will sustain it. The seal of popular condemnation will be put upon all attempts to turn the Government over into the hands of men who would change it into a central despotism. The people are opposed to the increase of the power of wealthy corporations and to a wealthy aristocracy. The Government must be preserved as our forefathers intended it should be. Equal rights, equal justice and fair reward for labor can only be obtained when -the Government dispenses its blesssings and bounties to all alike. Subsidies and rings have been eating up the vitals of the-country, and we can no longer be blind to our interests. Let the people push the glorious work of a grand revival in the Democratic ranks. Victory is within our reach, and, when she perches upon our banners, the plaudits of a saved country will be our reward.— Belleville (III.) Democrat.