Democratic Sentinel, Volume 4, Number 12, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 30 April 1880 — Troops at the Polls in 1880. [ARTICLE]

Troops at the Polls in 1880.

The Republicans fought desperately in the House of Representatives to defeat the mild provision attached to the Army bill, which declares: That no money appropriated in this act is •appropriated or shall be paid for the subsistence, equipment, transportation or compensation of any portion of the army of the United States to be used as force to keep the peace at the polls at any election held within any State. This was the compromise between Congress and the Executive at the extra session, over which the Republicans rejoiced as over a victory achieved. They then taunted the Democrats with having surrendered the principle on which the prolonged contest had been made, and with accepting terms against which they had proclaimed war to the bitter end. All the Republicans but twelve voted for this amendment as their own cherished bantling. When the same proposition was before the House on Tuesday they voted directly against their previous record, after having factiously opposed it for days. Some of them hail decency enough to abstain from such an exhibition of partisan violence and unblushing inconsistency, but leaders like Hawley, Baker, Cannon, Conger, Hiscock, Monroe and others of less degree, willingly stultified themselves, after threatening a veto. The false pretence of this opposition was that the section was a “rider,’’and, therefore, ought to be resisted as irregular legislation. But this sham was soon shattered by proof that the amendment was in the interest of economy, as provided by the rules, and germane to the bill itself. Mr. Hawley was particularly conspicuous and vehement in denouncing “riders” on appropniation bills as revolutionary and in monstrous violation of the constitution. In closing the debate Mr. Ewing exposed Mr. Hawley’s course as a member of the Forty-third Congress—one of the worst Congresses in the history of the Government—when he voted for fortyfour different riders on appropriation bills, every one of which was political. In twelve years the Republican party mounted 387 riders on the backs of appropriation acts—more than thirty-two every year—and that, too, when they had majorities of two-thirds in Congress, and could have passed any independent legislation they wanted. The real underlying motive of this opposition is that the Republicans desire and intend to use troops at the elections this fall, and to repeat the outrages of 1876, when they were employed to intimidate voters in Louisiana, South Carolina and Florida, and to aid in consummating a fraudulent court, if necessary. Hayes is a subservient instrument of the machine leaders. He is quite willing to obey any orders they may give. When Mr. Evarts was sent to New York, last October, to speak in the name of the fraudulent administration and to kiss the rod that had scornfully smitten the whole concern, he bore witness to' the self-abasement to which he and his associates had descended, in order to

propitiate Conkling’s good will and to bo permitted to walk in the ranks of the stalwarts. The stalwart leaders were not content with this voluntary humiliation. When Grant visited Washington, after having refused to be a guest of the White House, among the first to rush forward with professions of devotion and homage on his lips was the de facto Secretary of State. No demand can be made on the present Administration to which cheerful response will not be given, in order to conciliate the stalwart chiefs. Hayes and the Cabinet will go even further than the extremists would do under like conditions. They want recognition, and are ready to purchase it by menial work and degrading sacrifices. The army will be utilized at the coming election, and every other engine of power that can be brought into requisition, to make Grant President by force or by fraud. — New York Sun.