Democratic Sentinel, Volume 3, Number 51, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 30 January 1880 — THE NEW SCHEME TO ELECT GEN. GRANT. [ARTICLE]

THE NEW SCHEME TO ELECT GEN. GRANT.

Changing the Mode of Appointing Electors in New York. [.Washington Cor. New York Sun.] The movement in the New York Legislature to change the established practice of choosing electors for President by general ticket has produced a profound impression in political circles here at the capital. To suppose thab so grave a proposition could be ventured without having been well considered and matured by the Republican leaders, or that it is merely tentative, with a view of testing public opinion on a hazardous political expedient, would be absurd. , ■ -~ That bill was introduced without any previous announcement, and was a surprise to both parties not in the secrets of the managers. This fact is of itself significant as to the design of the scheme. Only the faithful few who run the machine and who dictate the party policy, with their staff in the Legislature, were permitted to know when and by whose hand the trap was to be sprung into which the unwary and the feebly protesting moderates will ultimately fall. The inspiration of this trick, to take away from the body of the people of New York their accustomed privilege of voting squarely for a full ticket of electors, which is the nearest approach to voting directly for the President of their choice, is easily traced. Mr. Conkling last fall, and on previous occasions, assumed the Democratic theory of the Presidential campaign to rest on the following basis: Given 138 votes frond the solid South, add Indiana, 15, axd New York, 35, and the Demociatic candidate would bo elected by 3 majority. Therefore, said he, New York is the necessary factor to make this calculation a success. Hence the importance of breaking the column, by hook or by crook, in order to elect a Republican. To that object, above and beyond all others, Mr. Conkling’s efforts, ability and boldness have been directed. The last three test elections have demonstrated that the Republican party, under his management, is iu a minority on the popular vote. The figures are worthy of notice. Here they arc: 1876. I’ltEt-IDENT. Tilden. Hayes. Cooper. 521 949 459.2117 1,987 Tilden's majority over both 3'.',75S 1878, JUDGE OF COURT OF APPEALS. Bradley (D.) Dan forth (R.) Tucker (G.) Tan Coll(Pro.) 356,451 391,112 75.133 4 294 Republican ma jority overD-moerat 34,661 Republican minority on total Vcte 40,472 1879. GOVERNOR. Robinson (D.).... 37 5 71.i)|Kelly (B. D.) 77.56 C Cornell (It.) 481,567 Lewis (G.) 24,286 Alears (Pro.) 4,4371 Corneli’A majority over Robinson 42,777 Cornell’s minori y against Robinson and Kell* y 34.789 Cornell's minority* n total vote 59,512 These consecutive expressions at the ballot-box have informed Mr. Conkling that his machine electors for President cannot be chosen this year, if a proper candidate be nominated by tho Opposition.

Mr. Conkling proposes by a revolutionary trick to overthrow the consecrated usage in New York, and to strike down the popular mode of appointing electors, now accepted all over the Union. Or, in other words, he intends to repeal the present law of a general ticket, and to substitute for it an election by Congressional districts under the existing apportionment. By this he would expect to carry nineteen or twenty of the thirty-three, even if the two electors-at large were carried by the Opposition. If this programme should succeed, the Democratic calculation, as stated by Mr. Conkling, of the solid South, backed by Indiana and New York, would be upset, and the Republican chance to elect a candidate would be largely increased. It may be asked, Will Mr. Conkling dare to drive this measure through, and thus to defy public opinion? Certainly he will do it, because it is the only mode by which his aim can be compassed, if at all. With a revolt against him by the young scratcliers and anti-third-termers inevitable, and defeat staring him in the face beforo the people, he is forced to this resort of circumventing a free and full vote. Of course the Republican Legislature, with a majority of two-thirds in the Senate and more than three-fifths in the House, will do whatever the leaders may order. Discipline and dictation have made them obedient instruments of arrogant authority. A few may at first be inclined to resist, but their scruples will yield to the expectation of reward or to menaces of proscription. Your cowardly politician dreads most of all things to be caught in a minority of bolters and malcontents, which yould throw him out of the regular line. Behind this movement the figure of the Strong Man for a third term looms up at full length. He cannot cany New York if the people are allowed to vote their true sentiments, and therefore it is proposed to jockey them out of nearly two-thirds of the electors of the State by transferring the choice to gerrymandered districts. It is essentially a Grant scheme. This is one of the results of the great Baud by which the Presidency was stolen, and the consummation of which Mr. Conkling was morally pledged to prevent when be fled to Baltimore the day that the electoral vote of Louisiana, with false and forged certificates, was counted.