Democratic Sentinel, Volume 3, Number 18, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 13 June 1879 — ELOQUENT PLEA FOR PEACE. [ARTICLE]

ELOQUENT PLEA FOR PEACE.

Congressman 8. 8. Oox on Test Oaths and the Like. * A Burning Rebuke to the Policy of Hate and Unforgiveness. (From the Congressional Record.] The distinguished gentleman from Ohio [Mr. Garfield] in his opening speech at this session sought to place the onus of repealing these obnoxious statutes upon the Southern Democracy. I beg to say that the action taken st the last and st this session was not the setion of one section or of one class of Democrats. The points of the compass hsve no bearing upon this matter. Our action binds all sections. The advice which led to it was not taken exclusively from any part of the country. The gentleman found no end to his admiration of the Democratic Congressmen who seceded from this hall in 1861. Their noble and heroic conduct was the theme of his admiration; but he more than intimated his detestation of their present conduct in seeking to obliterate these legislative anomalies, born of the war. It was so unhandsome and unheroic in contrast with their splendid heroism as rebels. Ah! the gentleman’s purpose is understood. It is not so much to fix opprobrium upon the solid South as to revamp the old slander against the Democracy of the North. He would admire the military heroes of 1861 to derogate from their civil courage of 1879, and by reviving the bad blood of other tomes, endeavor to regain for his party their lost power over roads macadamized with stale libels noon the Nortnern Democracy. I regret to say that some color to this view has been given by Southern men; especially by one gentleman, who in the heat of debate said that the South learned secession from the Northern Democracy. I wish he had waited until my eloquent friend from Mississippi [Mr. Chalmers] had spoken. He fitly discriminated between the Northern and Southern Democracy when he said: “ When the war was closed and the Republican party undertook to destroy the constitution, history will say that the same gallant Northern Democracy, with the same flag in their hand, rallied tbe Southern Democracts and drove the Republicans back to their duty. We, sir, in the" South loved the constitution more than the Union; the Republican party loved the Union more than the censtitution; but it wili be written :n history that the gallant Democracy of the North were the truest patriots of the land, and that they loved bo h the Union and the constitution, one and indivisible.” This statement might go further and be equally just. Does the gentleman forget, what Mr. Greeley in his volume on the “Conflict” would inform him, that the great body of men of the South were opposed to secession? He will find the facts and votes furnished in that volume. Does he forget, too, the men of the Democratic party who opposed secession and risked and lost their lives for the Union? Would ho ignore the McClellans and Hancocks and men of no less note, who maintained the viger of our Federal system against secession, and who fought for both Union and constitution? It pleased him and others to derogate from the Northern Democracy, when he arrogated unto his parly ail the praise of quelling the “so-called” heroic rebellion. We understand Ids eulogy and its subtle intent, when he praises his party and the Southern Democracy in 1861, in order to dispraise the Democracy of the North then and the Democracy of both sections now. Does he remember that in 1860 the Democratic party divided, one great portion of it, under Douglas, representing the Union-consti-tutional sentiment, with 1,365,976 votes, and the other representing the Southern sentiment, with 847,953 votes? Is it manly, just and fair to ignore his Democratic brothers-in-arms and those of us •ho voted all supplies to quell the rebellion? When the democracy were sundered, was there no patriotic principle for us North, to guide our conduct? He forgets that the Northern Democracy, in States like Illinois, Indiana and Ohio, favored Douglas, while the extreme' States of the South only were largely for Breckinridge. He forgets that in tbe three great States of Illinois, Indiana and Ohio the whole Democratic vote was cast for Douglas, with the exception of some 25,C00 for Breckinridge. He forgets that the Southern secession leaders could muster only about one-fifth of the total votes of the United States, and that the Northern Democracy fought through the crisis of 1863-’6l, and the remaining years of trial and blood, like men as heroic as those from whom they parted. He forgets that in Illinois seventy-five votes were given to Douglas to one for his extreme Southern competitor; yet the gentleman glorifies Southern heroism to detract from his Northern Democratic neighbors. At what particular time did the gentleman from Ohio learn to love rebellion, that he should make an apotheosis to its heroism? Ah! why? Is it because we of the North opposed extra-constitutional methods of conscription and confiscation; or is it because since the war the Democracy have shown the spirit of forgiveness and favored amnesty, that all might come under the shadow of the Government? Is it because we have sought to make our Southern brethren equals here, when they come back redeemed from their prostration and the oppression of your military satraps, under the reconstruction? Is it because Southern men have joined with us in the back pay and pensions of Union soldiers? Is he sorry that we would build up by generous policies the waste places of the South, and lift up a highway for the people yet wandering in the mazes of test-oaths, military force at elections, and Supervisor espionage and oppression? Would he make a desert or an aceldema of the South ?

Is it a pleasure to denreciate, denounce and degrade the Northern Democracy? Does his own party need require this? Did our party fail in furnishing troops for the war? Was it a falsehood when a Republican Legislature of New York gave Gov. Seymour the credit for even exceeding the call for soldiers? Did they fail to pay their taxes? Did they fail in giving their youth, their manhood, their sympathy to the union which their fathers loved, and to the constilution which Washington helped to frame? How can such statements be characterized? Allow me to say that from the time the war closed until the present time, I have objected to individual amnesty bills, though voting for them, preferring a general bill, because based on a principle. In the Forty-fourth Congress, on my motion, such a bill passed this House by a two-thirds vote. Gentlemen seem to forget that I have not favored this principle altogether because it would be a grace ana help to the South, but oecause it would be a grace, an anodyne, a comfort and a benefit to ourselves. It has been said that forgiveness to your enemy is a charming way of revenge. It leaves your foes your friends and brings about grateful retaliations. An enemy reconciled by force is not so readily to be trusted. As the Italians have it: “tiosjietto licenzia fede;* suspicion dismisses faith. I would appeal to gentlemen on the other side, if they have not the spirit of kindness toward others, not to be cruel to themselves. As Sir Thomas Brown has said, “It only feathers the arrow of the enemy.” It destroys all that is knightly and magnanimous. There is no lack of patriotism in following the precepts of history as to clemency. It teaches that revenge is injustice and hurts most those who ludulge in it Fourteen years have passed since the war was closed. We have felt, those of us who are Northern Democrats, that a great wrong was done by this long delay in healing the wounds of the war; but we were prompt to draw the curtain upon onr wrongs. Christian, Hebraic, and even pagan lessons are plentiful to teach ns to regard such civil wrongs as though they had not been. Gentlemen on the other side would forgive; yet they “powder their opiate with scorn and contempt.”' They punish while they forgive. This is no charitv. Reservation in forgiveness is a species of hatred. Let us imitate the divine forgiveness. It lies in the principle of loving and being loved: “to 1 »ve Him because He first loved us.” It is the doctrine of peace and good will. Is it for us, who have our brothers near us here as our equals, to harbor the spirit of separation, distrust, and enmity? Let us. if we can, be bound and solidified by one constitution, for one inseparable Union, and under it, for the untrammeled will and rich heritage of its past wisdom and glory. If we must have a test, let us swear to each other by each and every star upon the blue field of our ensign, by the white radiance, in which all colors—red, white, blue, aye, and gray—blend as one—not, as in the old Italian code, by the God who avenges, but as the old Anglo-Saxon kings were adjured, by the grace and mercy of His bon—that good-will and amnesty shall be the spirit and aim of our legislation. Let us swear that no check shall be placed upon the will or the tribunals of the people but for the people, and never, by the Eternal! never to yield our rights, however and how often defeated, to grant the money and substance of the people, that it may be used for their own undoing! Whep our laws require of all officers, jurors, and agents of the Government, that they should take the test oath, so help them God—what God do they invoke? On whom do they call’ Is it the God of vengeance and hate, or is it the God of love and mercy? If it be the latter then what a mockery is the oath which is the proof and perpetuation of revenge and unforgiveiiess? The God we would invoke for amnesty and peace has given us a code of ethics whose Highest illustration is drawn from the Sermon on the Mount Would that I could picture to you that mountain, with its divine orator speaking those ineffable truths! Is it possible that my friend from the Silver State could have used these words? “Prosperity sleeps benumbed in the frozen vault of fear, and the great and mighty North with its generous and forgiving heart, stands at the door, as Jesus stood at the tomb of Lazarus, ready to resurrect and quicken it with the inspiration of a new life.” 1 observe thia eloquent language in the

Record. Could a representative of our Mountain State have forgotten the teachings of the Saviour? Mr. Speaker, it may be a fancy, but I sometimes think that the loftiest and purest thoughts come down to us from the mountain. But in the mountain* we do feel onr faith. All things responsive to the writing there Breathed immortality, revolving life. And greatness still revolving; infinite; There littlem ss was not; the least of things Seemed infinite. I hope it may not be presuming to say. Mr. Speaker, that I have been something of a traveler, and have been upon many mountains of our star. 1 would that my observations had been better utilized for duty. I have been upon the Atlas, whose giant shoulders were fabled to have upheld the globe. I have learned from there, that even to Northern Africa, the Gotha brought their fueros or bills of right, with their arms from the cold forests of the North to the sunny plains and mgged mountains of that old granary of the Boman world. I have been amid the Alps, where the spirit of Tell and liberty is always tempered with mercy, and whose mountains area monumentthrougha thousand years of Republican generosity. I have been among the Sierras of Spain, where the patriot Riego—whose hymn is the Marseillaise of the Peninsula—was hunted after he had saved constitutional liberty and favored amnesty to all—the noblest examplar of patriotism since the days of Brutua. From the seven hills of Rome, down through the corridors of time, comes the story which Cicero relates from Thucvdides; that a brazen monument was erected by the Thebans to celebrate their victory over the Lacediemonians, but it was regarded as a memento of civil discord, and the trophy was abolished, because it was not fitting that any record should remain of the conflict between Greek and Greek. From the same throne of ancient power come the words which command only commemoration of foreign conquests and not of domestic calamities; and that Home, with her imperial grace, believed that it was wisest to erect a bridge of gold, that civil insurgents should pass back to their allegiance. From the Acropolis at Athens, there is the story of the herald at the Olympic games, who announced the clemency of Rome to the conquered, who had been long subjected to the privations and calamities imposed by the conqueror. The historian says that the Greeks, when the herald announced such unexpected deliverance, wept for joy at the grace which had been bestowed. Au these are but subordinate lights aroffnd the central light, which came from the mountain whence the great sermon was spoken. Its name is unknown; its locality has no geography. All we know is that it was “ set apart.” The mountains of our Scriptures are full of inspiration for our guidance. Their teachings may well be carried into our political ethics. But it was not from Ararat, which lifted its head first above the flood, and received the dove with it-t olive branch; not from Sinai, which looks proudly upon three nations and almost three count ies, and overlooks our kind with its great moral code; not from Horeb, where Jehovah with His fearful band covered His face that man might not look upon His brightness; not from Tabor, where the great transformation was enacted; not from Pisgah, where Moses made his farewell to the people he had delivered and led so long; not from Carmel, where the praver of Elijah was answered in fire; not from Lebanon, whose cedars were the beauty of the earth; not from the Mount of Olives, which saw the agony of the Saviour; not from Calvary, at whose great tragedy nature shuddered and the heavens were covered with gloom; not from one or all of these secular and sacred mountains that our best teiching for duty comes. It comes from that nameless mountain, set apart, because from it emanated the great and benignant truths of Him who spake as never man spake. Here is the sublime teaching: Ye have heard in the aforetime, that it hath been ■said. Thou shalt love thy neighbor and hate thine enemy. But I say unto you. Love your enemies, bless them that curse you, do good to them t! at hate you, and pray for them which despitefully use you. and persecute you. That ye may be children of your Father which is in heaven: for He make th His sun to rise on the evil and on the good, and sendeih rain on the just and on the unjust. The spirit of this teaching has no hospitality for test oaths, and asks no compensation'for grace. Along with this teaching and to the same good end, are the teachings of history, patriotism, chivalry, and even economic selfishness. Yet these teachers are often blind guides to duty. They are but mole-hills compared with the lofty mountain whose spiritual grandeur brings peace, order and civilization! When these principles obtain in our hearts, then our legislation will conform to them. When they do obtain their hold in these halls, there will arise a brilliant day-star for America. When they do obtain recognition, we may hail a new advent of that Prince of Peace, whose other advent was chanted by the angelic choir? In conclusion, sir, let me say that, in comparison with this celestial code, by which we should Jive and die, how little seem all the contests here about armies, appropriations, riders, and coercion, which so exasperate and threaten! Let onr legislation be inspired by the lofty thought from that Judean mountain, and Goa will care for us. In our imperfections here as legislators, let us look aloft, and then “His greatness will flow around our incompleteness, and round our restlessness, His rest?” Then, measures which make for forgiveness, tranquillity and love, like the abolition of hateful oaths, and other reminders of our sad and bloody strife, will rise in supernal dignity above the party passions of the day; ana that party which vindicates right against might, freedom against force, popular will against Federal power, rest against unrest, and God’s goodness and mercy around and above all, will, in that sign, conquer. To those in our midst who have the spirit of violence, hate and unforgiveness, and who delight in pains, penalties, test-oaths, bayonets and force, and who would not replace these instruments of turbulence with love, gentleness and forgiveness—my only curse upon such is: that God Almighty, in his abundant and infinite mercy may forgive them, for “they know not what they do.”