Democratic Sentinel, Volume 3, Number 16, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 30 May 1879 — FOR 1880. [ARTICLE]

FOR 1880.

[From the New York San.] The Republican programme for 1880 is fully revealed in the united and obstinate resistance of the leaders to the section of the Army bill as first passed, forbidding the use of troops at elections, and to the separate bill, where the objection raised by the fraudulent President to the inclusion of civil officers in the repeal was met by striking out that word, and by confining the operation of the proposed act to the army and navy specifically. Instead of resporicliiig to this concession of the majority in Congress, made to relieve every pretext for opposition, the hostility of the Republicans became more bitter because their motives were now exposed, and the hypocrisy of the veto was unveiled. Like men in a violent storm of passion, they lost balance, and the wild utterances of Zach Chandler expressed the real feelings of the party for which he spoke. The cooler and more sophistical Mr. Edmunds sought to furnish reasons for a second veto, by misrepresenting the statutes, and with a full knowledge, too, that until 1865, in the midst of flagrant war, there had never been an enactment of any kind which in any way, or under any construction, permitted the presence of troops at elections. In framing the constitution, the fathers kept in view the example of England, which, for more than a hundred years before, had expressly prohibited the military from, being at or near a polling-place. The Republicans are desperate, and they mean to hold the Government by force of arms, if necessary. They are to-day in a minority of more than a million of votes throughout the Union, the great States of New York and Pennslyvania and Illinois and Ohio having been carried by them at the last elections only because their opponents were divided. The figures are instructive now, when the plans of the Presidential campaign are taking form and shape: NEW YORK— IB7B. Republican v0te.391,112 | Democratic v0te..35'*,451 National 71,133 Prohibition 4,294 Tot 1 4*1,878 Deduct Republican vote 3a1,112 Republican minority 40,766 PENNSYLVANIA— IB7B. Republican v0te..319,490 | Democratic vote. .297.137 National 81,7.38 Prohibit on 3 75J Total ...........................3^2,651 Deduct Republican vote 319 49l Republican minority 63,164 Ohio— lß7B. Republican v0te.274,120 | Democratic v0te...270,966 Natinal 88.832 Prohibition 5,682 Total 314.981 Deduct Repub’ican vote 274,120 Republican minority 40,860 ILLINOIS— IB7B. Republican v0te.215,283 | Democratic vote. .169.965 Nat onal 65.673 Prohibition 2.1t>2 Total 237,830 D< ducting Republican vote 215,283 Republican minority 22,547 These four States cast 107 electoral votes, much more than a fourth of all the colleges. Measured by the elec tions of last fall, the Republicans are in a minority of more than 167,000 in these States alone.

The Republican managers are fully aware of these facts, and they know that other States are in the same condition. Their policy is narrowed down to a small compass, and it may be expressed in the words: Divide and conquer. They propose to divide by raising an immense campaign iund from the pet banks, the officeholders, the syndicates and the great Government contractors, all representing special interests whose future success depends upon a continuation of Republican ascendency. This money is to be applied mainly in keep up the National or Greenback organization separately in every State where a fusion with the Democrats would endanger the Republican ticket. The experiment was tried on a large scale in Indiana in 1876, under the direction of the late Senator Morton and of his henchman, James N. Tyner, now First Assistant Postmaster General. One Greenbacker withdrew as a candidate for Governor, but another was found ready to take his place. A million or two of cash will go far to remove the scruples of patriots who may be in market. Having thus divided the opposition, 'according to the programme at least, the next step will be to conquer remaining difficulties by the use of the army at the polls. This element is essential to complete success, for without it the first part may fall, because of a latent belief among the managers that one cannot succeed without the other. The stalwarts have captured Hayes, and henceforth they will run him and overcome all resistance in his Cabinet, if any there be. Hayes has been made to believe that the danger of impeachment is past, and that he is now in secure possession of an office to which he was not elected, and of what to him is far more valuable, $50,000 a year and a free living. He desires to reinstate himself in favor with his own party, the leaders of which recently discarded and denounced him. The humiliation of a surrender to Conkling, Chandler, Hamlin and their associates costs him nothing. He has no honorable pride to wound and no manhood to defend. It is thus seen that the army at the polls, as it was used in 1870, in 1872, in 1874, and in 1876, consecutively and openly, is needed to carry out the plan of the Republicans for 1880. Allow the law of 1865 to stand, and vote appropriations for the present army, and what is there to prevent the fraudulent President from massing thousands of troops in this city and ships of war in the harbor, as Grant did in 1870, under that authority? A pretext can easily be invented, and a thousand will be found, if necessary, to excuse such interference. He may scatter the whole army among the great cities and supplement the troops with another army of Supervisors, Marshals, general deputies and special deputies at $5 a day. Let Congress, then, stand firm. Better disperse the army to the four winds than submit to the dictation of a fraudulent President and his party keepers. We want no standing armies to manage our elections. In the race for the 2,000 guineas at Newmarket in which Uneas was engaged, a hare was started, and instead

of making for the heath got in among the running horses and raced "with them for a good spurt.