Democratic Sentinel, Volume 3, Number 12, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 2 May 1879 — Page 4

ODIOUS ELECTION LAWS.

Reasons Why They Should Be Repealed. Their Tendency to Abridge the Bights and Privileges of Citizens. Hon. Daniel W, Voorhees in the United States Senate.

Sir, these laws are not the offspring of that great instrument which ha*- descended to us with ever-increasing strength and glory from the days of our Revolutionary ancestors. They emanate rather from that malignant spirit of political'oppression and tyranny which preceded the French Revolution, and caused its fires at last to break forth; which filled the prisons of Franco with victims arrested on secret orders, and made every citizen tremble as one who fears a blow in the dark. They emanate from the spirit which ruled over Venice, when a whisper or a look of suspicion was more to be dreaded than the blow of a dagger, and when the silent and voiceless accusation doomed its object to walk the Bridge of Highs into the caverns of a ruthless and lingering death. In English history there never was a period in which they could have been executed. Charles the First lost his head, James the Second his throne, and George the Third bis American colonies in attempting far less encroachments on the liberties of Englishmen than these laws perpetrate on the li jerties of Americans. Dionysius, the tyrant of Syracuse, suspended a sword by a single hair over the beads of his guests at a banquet, and enjoyed their terror. The party but yesterday in power in this Chamber has suspended over the heads of the American people and put into operation in their midst euactmeuts far deadlier than the sword; for wbhout the unassailable saiegnards of personal liberty lite itself is of no value. Tue Senator from Maine [Mr. Blaiue] has urg -d that opposition to these enactments is a raise issue on the pajt of those who have not felt their cruel enforcement. He asserts that because the Federal election laws have not been called into active execution in some portions of the country, and troops have not Lmmju placed at all the polles, therefore the people have no reason for risentment The Tones of the Revolutiou argued the same way 190 years ago on tne Stamp act and the tax on tea. They insisted that the claim of right to bind the colonies in all things put forth by the British Parliament could do no barm, and ought to be submitted to as long as no attempt was made to enforce it. But it was that very claim of light winch made tne Revolution. It was not ti.e amount of the tax collected, or even demanded, that caused the sword of Bunker Hill to bo drawn. It was the naked assertion ot a ! principle subvurs.ve ot local self-government , winch drove the colonists to armed resistance i and kept the army of the Revolution iu the ' field Under Washington until American inde- ' pendeuce was secured. Our fatheis were un-I willing for a claim of despotic power to hang ■ over them as a threat liable at any time to be ! put in execution. They revolted’ against the idea that they were ’to hold their rights subject only to the fortxaranee of tneir rulers, j They resented the menace of the British Gov- \ eminent contained in its declaration of power as they would a pcrsoual’indigoity. Burke, in bis s;>eeeh of March, 1775, on conciliation with ' America, thus describes the colonists:

“In other r-ouutr.es tue people, more simple and of a less mercurial cast, judge of an ill principle in government only by an actual grievance; here they anticipate tlie evil, and Judge of the pressure ot the grievance by the badness of tue principle. 1 bey augur misgovernment at a distance and snuff the approach of tyranny in every tainted breeze.” Inis was the sublime sentiment of liberty which inspired Jeffoison and John Adams, Patrick Henry and John Hancock; which welded together the toil-worn and destitute veterans of Virginia and Massachusetts in mauy a bitter and bloody charge. The sound of the clanking chains of political bondage was heaid in the distance, aqd it was enough. They did not sit supinely and heedlessly until the manacles were fastened on their limbs. Are their descendants of this day so degenerate that they wi 1 wait uuiil the hand of power clutches them by the throat and hurls them intoprieou before they will ‘urn and destroy the laws which provide for such debasement? Shall we salute with reverence the tokens of tyranny, the emblems- of our enslavement? TneSwiss peasant refused to bow his uncovered head to the cap of the Austrian tyrant elevated as a sign of subjugation; and the hearts of brave men and fair women in all the four quarters of the globe have poured incense to the name of William Tell. John Hampden thought 20 shillings of ship-money too dear a price to pay for security, ease, peace, and life itself, as long as the prerogative to levy such a tax was claimed by the King; and ho yielded up his peerless spirit on the plains of Clialgravo in defying an unjust principle of government. Notwithstanding the derision of the Senator from Maine, all history attests tne danger of leaving instruments of usuroation ami oppression ready for the use of those intrusted with executive authority. The usurper will come at last. The hour of his adve it is inevitable. The temptations of supreme and arbitrary power have never yet failed-to develop a t.'resar, a Cromwell or a Napoleon, whenever the people have relaxed their vigilance and suffered their laws to pave the way toward despotism. But in the present instance we have vastly more than the mere menace or threat of future subjugation by virtue of the laws under discussion. We are not left to conjecture what will bo done hereafter. Already these laws have been executed over the prostrate forms and liberties of American citizens in a manner and to an extent which would arouse any peoJ>le in Europe to revolt, except, perlaps, the serfs of Russia. I speak not now of the South, which has so long been considered a legitimate prey to the spoiler, but of the great, dominant, and stalwart North. Lxiok to New York, that mighty emporium of the wealth and commerce of the western hemisphere, Scenes have been enacted there within the fast few years which bring shame and disgrace to the republic wherever they are known. John I. Davenp-rt is Chief Supervisor of Elections iu the city of New York, appointed by the Circuit Court of the United States. He is also the Clerk of the United States Circuit Court, and a United States Commissioner. With all the powers of these manifold official positions combined in his own person he has indeed been the autocrat of the ballot box. In the elections of 1876 he had under him 1,070 Supervisors, 2,500 Deputy Marshals, and an indefinite number of Commissi ners, at an expense for them and for himself of <94,587.

In 1878 he employed 1.225 Supervisors, 1,350 Deputy Marshals, and Commissioners in proSortiou, for all whoso pay and expenses he rew upon the money of the people in the treasury. In June, 1876, as Clerk of the United States Circuit Court, he issued warrants for the arrest of 2,6(.K) naturalized voters to be brought before him as United States Commissioner and Chief Supervisor for the purpose of making them surrender their natui alization papers. The Federal courts themselves afterward held that the naturalization papers in question were all legal and valid, but the desired result had been accomplished. The terror inspired by these arrests intimidated thousands from going to the p. lla. It became well known that there was no personal security in New York in connection with the elections, and lhe poor, the timid, and the humble stayed away. The same course was pursued in 1878. During the summer of that year 9,400 citizens were notified that they would be arrested unless they surrendered their naturalization papers to the head-overseer, John L Davenport. In the month of October, 1878, 3,100 persons were actually arrested and a reign of terror inaugurated just in advance of the election. The pretense that these persons held fraudulent naturalizati >n papers had already been shown to be false, but it was necessary to party success that an alaim should be raised and a panic created in the minds of foreign-born citizens and of the poor laboring classes generally. The movement was successful, and it has been estimated that 10,0i:0 legal voters remained away from the polls rather than risk the jails and the prison-pens of the Chief Supervisor and his subordinates. But it was reserved for the day of election itself to give free scope to the frightful powers with which this band of Federal Ku-Klux is invested. Those who braved the dangers which environed the ballot-box, and approached it as if they were still freemen, soon found their mistake. They quickly ascertained that the previous threats and warnings which they bad neard were neither idle nor unmeaning. As a specimen of thousands of similar occurrences on election day, I quote a statement recently made by a member of the other branch of Congress from New York. Speaking from his place on the floor, be said: “ A neighbor of a mine, who had resided in tho same district for seventeen years, and a soldier of the Union army at that, was arrested. I was asked to go to the liepublican headquarters in an adjoining district, whither he had been taken. The street for an entire block was lined with carriages, in which the unfortunate citizens who had fallen into the hands of the Philistines had been or were to be conveyed. When I entered the building I found the front room decorated with the paraphernalia of a political headquarters, and filled with Bepublican politicians. In the back room a United States Commissioner was holding court The door was closed, watched by a Cerberus. No one was allowed inside but the prisoners and the Republican managers. After about half an hour’s waiting I was informed by the doorkeeper that the man I was looking for was no longer there. I asked whither he hid been taken. * Suppose to Fort Davenport,’ was the laconic reply. Sir, most likely this soldier of the Union armv was with Grant in the Wilderness, at Cold Harbor and at Petersburg. Or perhaps he was with Sherman in his march to the sea, and as a soldier of the Army of the Tennessee took part in the bloody battle of Atlanta. Wherever

he was, however, and on whatever field he was baptized with fire, he was assured that he was offering his life for the preservation of the Union under the safeguards of constitutional liberty. He was also assured that human slavery should not survive the triumph of the Union cause, and he rej need to believe that his country would in fact soon be the land only of the free. What must have been his reflections, therefore, in November last to find, in attempting to cast his ballot, that he was as very a slave in the hands of a brutal overseer as any negro ever driven in a cotton-field, and that he had no more power under existing laws to protect his personal freedom than an African bondsman on the auction-block before the war. Did he not, most probably, conclude that one of the fruits of the war, under the nurture and cultivation of the Republican party, was the extension of slavery, rather than its overthrow and destruction ? Was he not impressed with the fact that the liberation of one race had been followed by the enslavement of another* What were his thoughts, and the thoughts of his fellow-victims, who had also Wen his fellow-soldiers, as they lay like felons in prison, in “Fort Davenport,” for offering to vote? How did their bitter thoughts in that hour of degradation compare with their glorious dreams as they often lay together in the tented field; when th-ir— Bugles sang truce; for the night-cloud had lowered, And the sentinel stars set their watch in the sky; And thousands had sunk on the ground overpowered— The weary to sleep and the wounded to die. In such an hour as tbis they dreamed not only of returning to the dear ones at home, of their rapturous, clinging embrace, and burning kiss, but they likewise dreamed of returning to a land of liberty, to homes made free from ' the invasive steps of the spy and informer, and to a state of personal security under 'laws of their own making. These bright dreams have all vanished, ana in their place the returned soldier, and all others, have embraced a reality as horrible and as unbearable to the soul of a man fit to be free as Dante’s conceptions of Inferno are to the Christian mind. The following description of election-day in Davenport’s c >urt in New York is said to be but a tame and imperfect presei tinent of the facts as they there transpire from year to year as the elections occur :

“Such a scene as the rooms of this court presented on that election day has never before been witnessed in this city or in this country, and it is to be hoped never will again From early morning until after the polls were closed these rooms were packed and j tmmed with a mass of prisoners and Marshals. Not only were they crowded beyond their capacity, but the halls and corridors with those who were unable to gain admission, so that the counselp-ep-reeeutiug the prisoners and die bondsmen who were offered to secure their release had the greatest difficulty, and were frequently unsuccessful, in obtaining entrance. In addition to all this was that delectable iron ‘pen’ on the upper floor, in which men were crowded until it resembled the Black Hole of Calcutta, and where they were kept for hours hungry, thirsty, suffering in every wav, until their cases could be reached. With scarcely an exception these men had gone to the polls expecting to be absent but a short time. Many of them were thinly clad; numtiers had sick wives or lelativea; some were sick themselves. There were carmen who had left their horses standing iu public streets; men whose situations depended on their speedy return; nieu who wished to leave the city on certain trains. Every imaginable vexation, inconvenience, injury aiid wrong which the mind can conceive existed in their cases, so that it was painful for the counsel who were endeavoring to secure their release to approach sufficiently near the railing to hear their piteous appeals and witness the distress w Rich they had no power to alleviate And, over all tin's pushing, struggling, complaining ciowd, Mr. Commissioner John I. Davenport sat supreme, with a sort of Oriental magnificence, calmly indifferent to everything but the single fact that no man who wae arrested was allowed to vote. ”

May I not, in view of this dark and shameful picture, appeal to Senators, without impropriety. to know whither we are drifting ? Are we still hugging th ■ miserable delusion that there is no danger, while scenes are being enacted in strict accordance with the Jaws on our statute books which would be a disgrace to Turkish civilization if enacted by the arbitrary authority of the Sultan? Has a fatal lethargy seized the American people, and are we indeed to follow the downward pathway of all the republics that hive ri en and fallen in the past? The sailor in Northern seas veers off into safer waters the moment he feels the current of the great maelstrom under his keel. Wo are in the very vortex of the whir pool wherein everv local privilege, every right of citizenshi , all the sanctuaries of home, and the strip of state itself, are being drawn down and dashed. to pieces, and yet the cry that all is well, uttered by false pilots, lulls us into a sense of security and repose. I call upon my countrymen to awaken, for the hour of mortal peril to their institutions is here. What has happened in New York has happened elsewhere, and may happen everywhere. Shall the laws which make such scenes possible remain in force? I invoke against them the memories of the mighty dead who fell for independence; who enriched the soil of Massachusetts with their blood at Lexington, Concord and Bunker Hill; who struggled with Washington at Brandywine, and charged under his eye at Princeton, Trenton and Monmouth; who tasted death at Camden, the Cowpens and Eutaw Springs, in order that we might be free; who yielded up their brave spirits on the plains of Yoi ktownin the precious hour of final victory. By these great souls, by their privations, sorrows, anguish and pain, I implore the American people not to forget the value of those liberties which are now tramp’ed under foot with every circumstance of scorn and contempt.

At this point, however, and in this connection, another branch of legislation on the subject of popular elections calls for our consideration. In presenting the elaborate and care fully-constructed system of laws for the suppression of self-government, we are next confronted by those provisions which place the land and naval forces of the United States at the polls. Those who conceived and enacted these laws were not content until the sword as well as the purse of the nation was prostituted to the suppression of free elections. I have only to appeal to the laws themselves to make good this statement, strong as it may appear. The section most familiar to the public mind is 5,528 of the Revised Statutes, ana is ofteh cited in proof of the harmless purposes of the army. It has, in fact, at a hasty glance, a somewhat innocent aspect, but a moment’s inspection will show that, like tho Trojan horse, its real object is to carry armed men into a citadel—in this instance the citadel of liberty—without exciting suspicion or resistance. It was enacted in February, 1865, and its language is as follows : “ Every officer of the army or navy or other person in the civil, military, or naval service of the United States, who orders, brings, keeps, or has under his authority or control any troops or armed men at any place where a general or special election is held in any State, unless such force, be necessary to repel armed enemies of the United States or to keep the peace at the polls, shall be fined not more than SS,(MX), and suffer imprisonment at hard labor not less than three months nor more than five years.” Here is simply a cheap display of nretended severity against military interference with elections, while the sole purpose of the section was to authorize the presence of armed troops at the polls under the vague pretext of keeping the peace. Sir. who is to determine the necessity of the presence of the i.rmy or the navy at the place of voting on election day to keep the peace? Who is to pass upon this plea of military necessity and give the command to close in on the ballot-box with the bayonet? Under this section it is evident that the President of the United States as Commander-in-Chief would have that duty to perform. What a dazzling field here opens for the operations of a usurper! It is a matter of history that Caesar while in Gaul sent his emissaries to Rome to i ocite riots and disturbances at the elections in order to give him the pretext he craved, to keep the peace at the polls with his trained legions at his back. Napoleon the Great crushed the liberties of Fi ance under the tyrant’s usual guise of preserving public order by force of arms; and Napoleon the lesser in our own day followed his example. What a temptation is presented, by the section I have read, to some American Executive to practice the same usurpations! He has only to stir up troubles through his partisan emissaries in the South, as has often been done heretofore, and the occasion is made for the use of the army to any extent he may choose. He is the judge of the number of troops and the time they are to move and the places they are to invest. He may order any number of ships of war into the harbor of New York or in front of New Orleans on election day or at any time before that day to overawe the people, simply avowing that he does so under this law to keep the peace at the polls. It is difficult to conceive that such an enactment could be found among the statutes of a republic, but it is my painful duty to show two others on the same subject far moreldangerous, if possible, than this Section 1,989, found in the Revised Statutes under the title “ civil rights,” confers on the President in express terms the powers which are implied in section 5,528. There is no attempt here to deceive. The army and navy are boldly placed at the disposal of the President to use at his discretion over a range of subjects and in the control of their details as extensive as the rights of man under a free constitution. The words of the section are as follows: “It shall be lawful for the President of the United States, or such person as he may empower for that purpose, to employ such part of the land or naval forces of the United States, or of the militia, as may be necessary to aid in the execution of judicial process issued under any of the preceding provisions, or as shall be necessary to prevent the violation and enforce the due execution of the provisions of this title.” There are fifteen sections in this title, and they embrace the assertion and enforcement of every right and privilege known to American citizenship. They were prepared and enacted for the purpose of placing the negro on an exact equality in every particular with the white man before the law, and they consequently cover as much ground as the constitution itself. For instance, the first section of this title provides for the right to make and enforce contracts, to sue, be parties, and give evidence; and the second section provides for the right to inherit, purchase, lease, sell, hold and convey real ana personal property, It is made lawful for the

President, at his own will and pleasure, and without reference to State laws on these subjects, to launch the army into any State he may choose to crush, under the pretense of enforcing these provisions or preventing their violation. The thi d section of this title relates to actions at law and suits in equity for damages by such as deem themselves deprived of any rights, privileges or immunities secured by the constitution and laws. The fourth section treats of conspiracies—first, to intimidate persons from accepting and holding office; second, t) deter witnesses from testifying in any United States court to influence grand or petit jurors, or in any manner to impede or defeat the due course of justice: and, third, to deprive any class of persons of the equal protection of the laws, or to prevent any one from voting for the candidate of his choice. The section concludes by giving a right of civil suit for damages to any one conceiving himself aggrieved under its provisions Other sections follow of intricate and diversified character, but I have cited en ugh to show the vast and sweeping scope of the duties devolved on the army and navy by virtue of section 1,989 and the abs flute supremacy of oneman power there created. Under the wide and universal provisions of the civil-nghta title, which we are now considering, there is not a phase in human affairs wherein the army and navy of the United States cannot be called by the Executive to prevent or to enforce the execution of some act by individuals, States, and Territories. Section 1,989. contemplates the military control of slections not only, but of everything else that belongs to the States, Territories, counties, cities, and every other species of municipality. It u-terly abrogates the constitution of the United States. By that instrument, section 4, article 4, the extent of the power of the Federal Government to send troops to a State is defined: “The United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a republican form of government, and shall protect each of them against invasion, and, on application of the Legislature, or of the Executive (when the Legislature cannot be convened), against domestic violence. ”

This short and pregnant sentence marks the boundaries, as understood by the fathers, between the Federal Government and the States in regard to the character and enforcement of State constitutions and laws. There has been much confusion of ideas and the wildest vagaries of construction growing out of this clause of the Federal constitution, and especially in relation to that part of it which guarantees to every State a republican form of government I have heard it contended in debate in Congress that by virtue of this power of guarantee the Federal Government could unseal members of a State Legislature, annul laws of their enactment, direct other members to be sworn in and other laws to be enacted, and in a general and in an especial manner take charge of all local interests. All this, too, was to be upheld and enforced by United States military authority, if necessary. Sir, may it not be well to understand exactly what it is that the Federal Government is called on to guarantee to the States? A republican form of government is something easily defined. The term “republic,” as applied to a political organization, is derived from the two Latin words, res, a thing, an affair, and publica, public, meaning a public affair in which all have a common interest, in which there is neither royalty nor rank fixed by law. Webster defines a republican form of government to be: “A state in which the sovereign power is exercised by representatives elected by the people; a commonweal’ll.” Taking tbis as the true meaning of the expression used in the Federal constitution, and we have no difficulty in understanding that when a State has framed and adopted a constitution in harmony therewith, and maintains it, the Federal Government has no more power to interfere with or send armed forces into the State, except upon its own application to resist invasion or to suppress domestic violence, than the State has to assume the functions of the Federal Government. If the Legislature of a State should pass laws repugnant to the constitution or the laws of the United States, which t< gether with treaties are the supreme law, the courts are charged with the duty of arresting them. If riots break out at elections, or on any other occasion, begetting domestic violence which the State cannot put down; or if invasion occurs, and the State calls for assistance in the manner prescribed bv the constitution, then and only then can the Government of the United States come to its relief in martial array. A contrary doctrine to this, the doctrine contained in the section under discussion, changes this Government in the twinkling of an eye from a republic to a consolidated military despotism, governed in all parts and details by the army and navy, at the sole behest of the Commander-in-Chief, the President of the United States. There is no more escape from this conclusion than there is from the evidence of our senses that light follows the morning and darkness the night. By this section the President is left to determine everything, and to execute without restraint from any quarter his arbitrary conclusions. He may declare it necessary to aid in the execution of judicial process with the army in any portion of the country, whether it is so or not. He may declare any city of over 20,000 inhabitants, or any county or parish in the United States, in a state of insurrection, station troops in them,proclaim martial law,and cut them off from all communication with other parts of the world.

But there remains one more section authorizing the use of the army and navy to subvert free elections which demands our attention. I turn to it, I confi ss, with feelings of repugnance. It completes the degradation of that army and navy whose fame and glory fill the whole earth. It shows to what base uses the heroes of a hundred battles may be put bv the vaulting ambition of radical partisans. It is section 1,984, and reads as follows: “The Commissioners authorized to be appointed by the preceding section are empowered, within their respective counties, to appoint, in writing, under their hands, one or more suitable persons, from time to time, who shall execute all such warrants or other process as the Commissioners may issue in the lawful performance of their duties, and the persons eo appointed shall have authority to summon and call to their aid the bystanders or posse comitatus of the proper county, or such portion of the land or naval forces’of the United States, or of the militia, as may be necessary to the performance or the duty w'ith which they are charged; and such warrants shall run and be executed anywhere in the State or Territory within which they are issued.”

The warrants or other process mentioned in this section, and which the Commissioners may issue, are such as are provided for the arrest and intimidation of voters before elections, on election day, and afterward. They are such as are contemplated m chapter 7 of the title “Crimes,” on which I have already commented. We behold, therefore, by virtue of this most amazing section, tho army and navy of the United States, not placed under the command of the President or such person as he may empower, presumably an officer of high rank and character, to regulate and control elections, but ordered to obey the “ summon and call” of the lowest agents, and, naturally, the vilest instruments of this whole pernicious business. Let us pause and look for a moment at the scene which is here provided for. The Circuit Courts of the United States and the District Courts of the Territories are authorized by section 1,983t0 increase the number of Commissioners from time to time, so as to afford a speedy and convenient means for the arrest and examination of persons charged with crimes against the election laws, until the whole land shall swarm with Commissioners bent on the success of their party. Then these Commissioners, appointed for a political purpose, are empowered in every county in the United States to appoint one or more persons whom they deem suitable to execute their process and carry out their edicts. And how astonishing and incredible it seems, in this age of advanced civilization, that these innumerable Deputy Commissioners, these irresponsible sublessees of unconstitutional power, should have, by the express words of American law, the authority to summon and call to their aid, not merely the bystanders and the posse comitatus of the county, but such portion of the laud or naval forces of the United States or of the militia as they may consider necessary to the performance of their duties. Here are lhe plain words of the law, and there is not a Senator on this floor who will gainsay my statement Sir, who are these people on whom the most tremendous powers known to human governments have been so lavishly bestowed? I have no word of disparagement for United States Commissioners, appointed to perform the legitimate duties of that useful office, but for political instruments, thrust by partisan hate and ambition into that position, and for those still below them, I have neither respect nor forbearance. The experience of the last few years in the different States, and notably in New York, shows that political Commissioners, their deputies and subordinates, foisted into the control of elections, belong tssentially to that class of human pests so powerfully describe! by Curran in his defense of Rowan, who, in the language of the great Irishman, “overwhelmed in ihe torrent of corruption at an early period, lay at the bottom like drowned bodies while soundness or sanity remained in them; but at length, becoming buoyant with putrefaction, they rose as they rotted and floated to the surface of the polluted stream, where they were drifted along, the objects of terror and contagion and abomination.” Yet of such as the-e are made the commanders of the military and qaval forces of this Government; to these miserable, cringing camp-followers of any party in power, occupying, as they do, the lowest and most disreputable places in the rear rank of political warfare, the proudest plumed chieftains on land and sea must bow their tall heads and obey their mandates. Will some Senator tell me how the brave and brilliant Sherman, bearing a higher rank than even Washington ever bore, is to escape obedience to a Deputy United States Commissioner? Will some one point out to me how, under the law as it now stands, Sheridan, Hancock, or the Secretary of War himself, is to refuse military subjection and co-opera-tion to any offspring of the political sewer appointed by a United States Commissioner and bearing a warrant or other process for the arrest of a citizen charged with an offense against the election laws ? I assert, fearless of contradiction, that under the section I have read the veriest reptile of ward politics, the most abandoned scavenger of party warfare, armed with a Commissioner’s appointment and any sort of process against the liberty of an American citizen, can call the whole army and navy to hjs

support, and the tallest heads must bow to his command. The scarred and veteran legions who bore the eagles of the republic in triumph in Mexico Mid who are yet in the army; the dauntless chivalric, and generous hearts who losed with their own equal kindred in the mortal grasp of civil war; all these, and others besides, are placed at the beck and nod of a commander selected by a United States Commissioner. I will not stop to say that this is monstrous. That will be the universal verdict I will not pause to denounce such laws as wholly infamous, for that will be the judgment not only of the American people but of all the civilized nations of the world. Simply to call up and exhibit such a horrible death’s head as this in the laws of a commonwealth pretending to be free is enough to excite the jeers, the hisses, and the execrations of every lover of liberty on the inhabitable globe. The army and the navy of the United States! How often the banquet nail and the festive board have rung with eloquence in their praise! How often their achievements have been the theme of poetry and of song! Whose heart has not swelled with emotion at the mention of Revolutionary fields of fame? Whose eye has not kindled at the story of Lundy’s Lane, the Thames, Tippecanoe, and New Orleans? Whose spirit does not feel exalted when Buena Vista, Monterey, Cerro Gorao, Chernbnsco, and Chapultepev pass in stately review? And whose eyes have not grown moist and dim with enthusiasm in reading the battles of the ocean, those deadly conflicts of the sea which have male American genius and courage as imperishable in history ai the fixed stars are in the heavens ever our heads?

Sir, these sentiments are universal in the American heart, but who now will speak the eulogy or sing in heroic verse the deeds of the army and the navy of the United States used to overthrow tree elections under the command of Deputy United States Commissioners? Others may answer the question; I cannot. History, however, gives no uncertain answer as to the final result of such legislation. All the free governments of the past have withered awav and perished by the introduction of militarv force into the management of their civil affairs. We will prove no exception to th s invariable rule. Even in England, the home of monarchy, governed by Kings and Queens and a hereditary nobility, the people, nearly a hundred and fifty years ago, demanded and enforced the entire absence of troops from the polls on election day, in order that they might preserve their rights, whatever they were, under the British constitution. A committee of this body, on a former occasion, described the objects "of the well-known statute of George IL in the following terms: “It cannot escape notice that the leading object of this ancient statute, as sufficiently evidenced by the preamble, was the preservation of the rights and liberties of the kingdom, not their destruction. And the history ot the times shows that the prohibition to keep military forces near places where there was an election of members of Parliament arose from outrages practiced upon the electors by the Ministers in posting troops so as to overawe them and coerce them into the returning of candidates friendly to the Ministerial party, and the supporters of prerogative against popular rights.” This description of the use of the military on election day sounds painfully familiar at this time to American ears. Our ancestors, even in the dark reign of the second George, a century and a half ago, would not brook such outrages upon the electors. Are we, with all the increase of light and liberty in the world, to be denounced for demanding just what they did? The Senator from Massachusetts [Mr. Hoar], in his recent speech, found nothing to censure or disapprove in the use of the army or the navy to control elections. Another Senator from the same State held different views. Daniel Webster declared : “If men would enjoy the blessings of republican government they must govern themselves by reason, by mutual counsel and consultation, by a sense and feeling of general interest, and by the acquiescence of the minority in the will of the majority properly expressed; and above all the military must be kept, according to the language of our bill of rights, in strict subordination to the civil authority. Wherever this lesson is not learned and practiced there can be no political freedom. Absurd, preposterous is it, a scoff, and a satire on free forms of constitutional liberty, for forms of government to be prescribed by military leaders, and the right of suffrage to be exercised at the point of the sword. ”

Remarkable Preservation of YellowFever Germs.

The detailed accounts of the Plymouth’s outbreak of yellow fever show a very remarkable fact. After the disease broke out on her last November she was brought to Boston, thoroughly fumigated and afterward frozen out. Everything-movable was removed at the time, and all bedding and other matter of that kind was thoroughly fumigated, disinfected and frozen. In spite of all this care and cold yellow fever broke out on her the 23d of March, when she had reached a warm climate, but before she had touched at or been near anv Southern land and while 200 miles at sea. But the most curious and remarkable fact of all is that the first man attacked, Richard Sanders, machinist, had his hammonk slung in the precise place of the man who first showed symptoms of yellow fever in Santa Cruz in November last. This is worthy of the attention of medical experts, for it seems to show that the infectious matter not only resisted extreme cold, but that it remained in one place. The vessel lay all the winter in Boston, where everything known to sanitary science was used to disinfect her of the yellow fever. She was entirely broken out, all the stores landed and exposed to freezing temperature and the ship thoroughly fumigated several times. A part of the time the ship was in dock, where large quantities of ice remained, and the temperature frequently reached a point below zero. The water in the tanks and buckets in the storerooms was constantly frozen, and when she was removed from the dock and fires lighted under her boilers she was so thoroughly chilled that for several days the water remained frozen in her bilges. When the Plymouth left Boston all men of weak constitution or susceptible to climatic influences were removed from her and she went to sea with a crew entirely healthy.— New York Herald.

A Bird That Turns Summersaults.

There’s a pretty little bird that lives in China, and is called the Fork-Tailed Parus. He is about as big as a robin, and he has a red beak, orange colored throat, green back, yellow legs, black tail, and red-and-yellow wings. Nearly all the colors are in his dress, you see, and he is a gay fellow. But this bird has a trick known by no other birds that ever I heard of. He turns summersaults! Not only does he do this in his free life on the trees, but also after he is caught and put into a cage. He just throws his head far back, and over he goes, touching the bars of the cage, and alighting upon his feeton the floor or on a perch. He will do it over and over a number of times without stopping, as though he thought it great fun. All his family have the same trick, and they are called Tumblers. The people of China are fond of keeping them in cages and seeing them tumble. Travelers often have tried to bring them to our country, but a sea voyage is not good for them, and they are almost sure to die on the way.—“Jack-in-the-Pul-pit,” in St. Nicholas for May.

An Arizona Venus.

Miss Carrie Burne, in company with her father, passed through El Moro yesterday on a wild mustang, en joute for Kansas from Tucson, Ariz., some 700 miles away, and having yet 600 more to make before their journey is ended. Miss Carrie has rather a pretty face and impressive form—not such a one as the young man of to-day with blonde mustache and hair parted in the middle would select to whisper sweet sentiments over the garden gate to—but a girl for an Indian fight or a “bar” hunt you could rely on every time. She sported nary diamond nor coral necklace, but was muscled like an Amazon, and had a fist like a Morrissey. She was a girl of nerve, too, we reckon, for on her saddle hung a Ballard rifle and a brace of Colt’s revolvers. She informed the writer that she had seen much of life in the past twelve months, and but little of newspapers, and was anxious to know what was going on in the world.— Trinidad (Col.) News,

Trees and Shrubs for the Lawn.

There must be a catholic taste shown in selecting plants, if the lawn is to be properly laid out. The tendency to follow mere fancies, or to use particular and favorite plants, must be kept in strict abeyance. Many and various plants should be employed intelligently. Hardy deciduous trees, shrubs, evergreens, herbaceous and bedding plants —in short, everything that conduces to the beauty of the lawn, must, be united into one harmonious whole. Doubtless there are occasions when a mass of color, obtained by using many plants of one kind, is desirable, but generally a variety of plants and methods of combination is more desirable. The eye thus never becomes sated, and is ever renewing its pleasure. But what is the actual condition of lawnplanting as practiced to-day on myriads of small places throughout the country —places, moreover, that belong to intelligent people? The entire collection consists frequently of a few fruit-trees in the background, an elm, a Norway spruce, an arbor vitae hedge, with a bed of the glowing coleus. All these plats, be it noticed, are of the most pronounced and coarsest type, They may be and are valuable in suitable positions or in other combinations, but are decidedly illfitted for the interior of a small, place, both from the character of their beauty and their habit of excessive growth. We intend no disrespect fcr either of these varieties, many of their qualities being, in their own way, most admirable; but we do say that if other and good selections were made after studying parks or nurseries, fewer poor lawns would exist. Were this the general practice, the übiquitous tree dealer, with his wonderful plates of impossible plants, would be forced to seek for pastures new, and leave the field open for intelligent lawn-planting. Landscape gardening (or lawn-planting, which in a sense is a synonymous term, although the latter treats specially of planting, while the former includes also drainage, road-making, etc.) seems very difficult to some, and is practically considered a myth by others. To one class we can say, practice it yourself and difficulties will soon disappear; it has no arcana into which you cannot pierce. To the other we answer, lawnplanting exists, and has its aesthetic laws, just as taste in general has definite laws.— Scribner for May.

Vulgarity in Fiction and on the Stage. Writing of this topic in Scribner for May, Dr. Holland says: “The average playwright has a fixed opinion that certain definite appeals must be made to the groundlings, in order to produce a successful play. There must be coarseness or profanity, or the half-disguised obscenity that can be put forth in a double entente, or else the great multitude will not be satisfied. As a consequence of this, many ladies do not dare to go to the theater, or to take their children there. There is no question that these objectionable elements in plays have kept many more people out of the theater than they ever attracted thither. People—even vulgar people—are not pleased with vulgarity, and it is quite worth while to call attention to the things that the people are pleased with, both in the fictions of the book and of the stage. “We have had a lyrical comedy running in all the theaters of the country during the last season—“ Her Majesty’s Ship Pinafore which will illustrate a part of what we mean. Since we began to observe theaters at all, nothing has had such a run of popularity as this. Young and old, rich and poor, have been amused by it, and there is not a word in it, from beginning to end, that can wound any sensibility. It is a piece of delicious absurdity all through, and a man can enjoy two hours of jollity in witnessing it, which will not leave a stain upon him anywhere. It is simply delightful pure fun and the most popular thing that has appeared on the stage for the last ten years. We call attention to it specially to show that fun, when it is pure, is more popular a thousand times than when it is not. Nothing can be more evident to any man of common sense than that any admixture of unworthy elements in this play would damage its popularity. What is true of this play is true of any and every play. There is no apology whatever for making the stage impure. Even vulgar people do not seek the stage for impurity. They seek it for pleasure, and they find the purest plays the most satisfactory, provided only that the pleas-ure-giving element is in them. A playwright who is obliged to resort to coarse means to win the applause of coarse men, convicts himself of a lack of capacity for writing a good play.”

The Army Worm in Illinois.

Prof. Thomas, State Entomologist of Illinois, states that there are indications that the army worm will make its appearance in Illinois this season. He has observed the night-flying moth, of which the army worm is the larvae, in several different localities, especially in Southern Illinois. This moth is now depositing its eggs in the meadow fields in large qnantities, and the weather is very favorable for this operation in nearly all the State. The eggs are deposited upon grass, notably on timothy, and on grain, notably winter wheat, and they begin to hatch out early in May. It destroys oats, grass, wheat and corn in its very earliest stage of growth. The worm travels in large bodies, literally in armies, and its destruction is complete. The only method of protecting fields is by plowing a deep furrow around so that as the army approaches it will fall into it. The steep side of the farrow must be next the grain to be protected, so that the worm cannot crawl up it. When the worm falls into the trench or furrow, straw is to be placed therein and set on fire, which, of course, destroys the pests. When they are found moving along or across a road or level field, a roller may be run upon them so as to destroy them. Prof. Thomas considers that the indications of the appearance of these pests are such that the farmers should be alert to discover the first appearance, and to report the fact, and then should take the earliest and most vigorous measures to prevent the invasion from becoming successful.

Buford and Johnson.

One good word is spoken for Buford, the Kentucky assassin. When ex-Pres-ident Andrew Johnson went to Lexington, in 1861, he found the famous raider, John Morgan, there and the town swarming with Southern sympathizers. Johnson was put forward by a few Unionists to make a speech, but the crowd jostled and pushed him and swore that he should not open his lips. Buford shoved his way to the front of the stand, and, brandishing a revolver, declared that he would kill the first man who dared to interrupt the champion of Northern rights. And Johnson poured out Union eloquence for an hour.

Judge Black’s Joke.

Judge Jere Black, famous in contemporary history and law, has long worn a black wig. Having lately donned a new one, which looked new, and meeting Senator Bayard, of Delaware, the latter accosted him: “Why,Black, how young you look; you’re not so gray as I am, and you must be twenty years older.” “Humph,”said the Judge, “goodreason; your hair comes by descent, and I get mine by purchase.” Albany Law Journal.

The Blessing of Strong Nerves

Is recoverable, not by the use of mineral sedatives, but by a recourse to effectual tonic treatment Opiates and the like should <mly be used as auxiliaries, and then as sparingly as possible. Vigorous nerves are quiet ones, and the most direct way to render them so is to reinforce the rital energies. That sterling invigorant, Hostetter’s Stomach Bitters, will be found all sufficient for this purpose, since it entirely removes impediments to thorough digestion and amunilaJon of the food, so that the body is insured its due amount of nourishment, and consequently of stamina. Rheumatic tendencies and affections of the kidneys and bladder are also counteracted by the Bitters, which is besides a pleasant medicinal stimulant, infinitely purer than the raw excitants of commerce, which react injuriously upon the nervous system.

California.

A California Colony is being formed at Buffalo, N. ¥., to settle a tract of 7,000 acres in California. Those wishing to know all about it and California Colonies, can learn by indosing6 cents in stamps, to California Colony, 14 W. Swan Street, Buffalo, N. Y., or to Wendell Easton, 22 Montgomery Street, San Francisco, California.

How to Be Beautiful.

Many hundred thousand dollars are annually expended by ladies, for “artificial” appliances to hide the shrunken and wasted form, or the sallow skin, blotches, or liver spots, which are due to female weakness, dyspepsia, torpid liver, and constipation. If a small per cent, of this sum were invested in Dr. Pjprce’s Favorite Prescription, ladies would soon really be what they now seem to be. It readily co; rect those weaknesses and diseases upon which debility and emaciation depend. It cures dyspepsia by toning up the system, and, when used in connection with Dr. Pierce’s Pleasant Purgative Pellets, speedily overcomes all irregularities of the liver and bowels. No “blood of youth,” no “ beautifier of the complexion,’’canimpart such permanent beauty of face or form as Dr. Pierce’s health-giving Favorite Prescription. A police order recently issued in Dviliu aixocAo ovpry traveler arrivjnir there in the company of a lady to furnish satisfactory evidence that the lady belongs to his family, or that his relations with her are of a legal kind, or that they are otherwise. The order has caused great trouble among foreigners visiting Berlin.

Send for a Catalogue.

Platform-spring wagons, $75; three-spring wagons, s<so; lumber wagons, $45; best team harness, 125; single harness, $8 to sl2. Harness all hand made. All work warranted, and if notsatisra<-tory can be returned. Send for catalogue to F B. Pratt, -Secre'ary of the Elkhart Buggy Manufacturing Company, Elkhart, Ind. Safety, efficiency and reliability are the three cardinal virtues of a remedy, whether in the hands of a physician or in those of the people at large. For the cure of all malarial or miasmatic diseases, such as Chills aud Fever, or Intermittent Fever, Dumb Chills, and Chronic Enlargement of the Spleen, we have such a remedy in Dr. F. Wilhoft’s Anti Periodic or Fever and Ague Tonic, the composition of which has been published by its proprie ors, Wheelock, Finlay & Co , of New Orleans, and is approved by the medical profession, aud for sale by all Druggists. To be of permanent benefit a medicine must reach the source of the disease. The reason why Scovill’s Blood and Liveb Sybup is so successful in overcoming scrofulous, poisonous and eruptive complaints is that it entirely roots out those impurities which give rise to them. The cause of the evil being thus removed and the normal pu ity of the circulation restored, the skin resumes its original clearness and sores and pimples disappear. Sold by all Druggists. An Established Remedy.—“ Brown’s Bronchial Troches” are widely known as an established remedy for Coughs, Colds, Bronchitis, Hoarseness, and other troubles of the Throat and Lungs. 25 cts. Not at one, two or three only, but at the five great world’s expositions held during the last twelve years, the Mason & Hamlin Organ Co. have received highest honors. This is nothing less than demonstration that their organs are the best. CHEW The Celebrated “ Matchless” Wood Tag Plug Tobacco. The Pioneer Tobacco Company, New York, Boston and Chicago. Ks. ike Pogue’s “Sitting Bull Durham Tobacco.” Chew Jackson’s Best Sweet Navy Tobacco.

THE MARKETS.

NEW YORK. Beeves $8 75 @lO 75 Hogs 360 @ 4 10 Cotion H? 4 Flour—Superfine... 3 k 5 @ 3 50 Wheat—No. 2 98 @ 1 12)4 Cohn—Western Mixed 41 @ 44'i Oats—Mixed 31 @ 32 Rye—Western @ 59 Pork—Mess 8 87}s@10 0) Laud 6 @ 6J4 CHICAGO. Beeves—Choice Graded Steers 4 75 @ 525 Cows and Heifers 2 75 @ 4 UO Medium to Fair 4 25 @ 4 45 Hogs 2 56 @3(5 Floub-—Fancy White Winter Ex.... 5 25 @ 5 60 Good to Choice Spring Ex. 375 @ 4 5() Wheat—No. 2 Spring 66 @ 87 No. 3 Spring 75 @ 76 Cor.N—No. 2 33 @ 34 Oats—No. 2 25 @ 26 Bye—No. 2 46 @ 47 Barley—No. 2 75 @ 76 Bunm—Choice Creamery 19 @ 21 Eggs—Fresh Pork—Mess 8 00 @ 9 30 I.AIID 5’4 @ 6 MILWAUKEE. Wheat—No. 1 95 @ 98 No. 2 87 @ 88 Corn—No. 2 ?3 @ 34 Oats—No. 2 23 id) 24 Hye—No. 1 45 @ 46 Babley—No. 2 58 @ 5.) ST. LOUIS. Wheat—No. 2 Red Fall 101 @ 1 05 Corn—Mixed 33 @ 34 Oats-No. 2 25 @ 26 Rye 48 @ 49 Pork—Mess 8 75 @ 908 Lard 6 CINCINNATI. Wheat 1 00 @ 1 05 Cohn 37 @ 38 Oats 28 @ 31 Bye 56 @ 57 Pobk—Mess 9 75 @lO 00 Lard sJs@ 6 TOLEDO. Wheat—Amber Michigan 1 02 @ 1 03 No. 2 Bed 1 03 @ 1 04 Corn—No. 2. 35 @ S 6 Oats—No. 2 27 @ 28 DETROIT. Floub—Choice . 500 @ 600 IVheat—No. 1 White 1 01 @ 1 02 No. 1 Amber..... 1 0J @1 01 Corn—No. 1 39 @ 40 Oats—Mixed 29 @ 31 Barley (per cental) 1 00 @ 1 65 PoßK—Mess 10 25 @lO 50 EAST LIBERTY, PA. Cattle—Best 5 12 @5 37 Fair". 4 25 @ 4 75 Common 3 B'l @4(O Hogs 3 40 (<$ 4 00 Sheep 3 90 -a 5 si>

»A MONTH—AGENTS WANTED-36 BESi selling articles in the world; one aamph 1 A fWWk AGENTSWAMTEDStheBouthJL". VW era and Western States for the Grandest Triumph of the Age. B*loo per Month and Expenses. H 8 Outfit free. AGENTS’ BUREAU, Louisville, Ky. ® TRUTH IS MIGHTY I J f I lock of hair. seod te yau a rwrwl afetars I -e- - 1 of ywur fatnrs hooLond or wife, iuitiala of | W JZHgt J tana, ths Uaso sad whoro you will tiro* nwH, and the date of Marrite*. r>of. MAfcTINKZ. MABON&HAMLINWINET ORGANS l^?.VlX a,ed b,J " byHIGHEST HONORS AT ALL WORLD’S EXPOSITIONS FOR TWELVE YEARS, vis.: At Paris, 1867: Vienna, 1873; Santiago, 1875: Philadelphia, 1876; Paris, 1878; nnd Grand Swedish Gold Medal, 1878. Only American Organs ever awarded highest honors at any such. Sold for cash or installments. Illustrated Catalogues and Circulars, with new styles and price*, sent free. MA*SON A HAMLIN ORGAN CO., BOSTON. NEW YORK, or CHICAGO tie smiitii'to; Birst Established ! Most Successful! THEIR INSTRUMENTS hays • standard value in all the LEADING MARKETS OF THE WORLD! ™ Everywhere recognized as ths FINEST IN TOMB. OVER 80,000 Made and In use. New Designs constantly Best work and lowest prices. -SF" Bend for a Catalogue, taod St, op?. WaUna 8, Mo, fa,

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AGENTS WAITED FOR BACK FROM THE MOUTH OF HELL” By one tcAo Aas been there! “Rise and Fall of the Moustache.” By the Burlington Bdiekeye humoriit. Samantha as a P. A. and P. I. By Josiah Alin’s wife. The three brightest and best-selling books out Agents, you can put these books in everywhere. Best terms flven. Address for Agency, AMERICAN PUBLISHNG CO., Hartford, Ct.; Chicago, 111. P AGENTS WANTED FOR THE ICTORIAL HISTORY OF THE (J. S. The great interest in the thrilling history of our country makes this the fastest-selling book ever published. Prices reduced 33 per cent. It is the most complete History of the U. 8. ever published. Send for extra terms to Agents, and see why it sells so very fast Address NATIONAL PUBLISHING CO., Chicago, lU. Now Music Books The Gospel of Joy. aSMTS Speck. A book of great beauty, being in effect “ The Gospel in Song,” full of good texts, with the beat of new hymns and melodies made for them. In I*reee and nearly ready. Wait for it. (35 cents.) The Shining River of Sunday School Sony Books. (35 cents.) Examine it! Gems of English Song noble Home Musical Library, which contains nearly all the good Sheet Music ever published. Full of the best Songs. 250 pages. $2.50 boards. $3.00 cloth. T*inaFnr><x continues in great demand. SI.OO for AlllrtlUlV Vocal copy, complete. 75 cents for Instrumental arrangement. THE SORCERER, also complete, is equally good, nt same price. The Musical Record Weekly Musical Taper. ($2.00 per year.) 6 cents for single copy, containing 50 cents’ worth of music. OLIVER DITSON & CO., Boston. C. H. Ditson «fc Co., J. E. Ditson A Co., 843 Broadway,N. Y. 922 Chestnut St., Phils. If you can't procure Ridge’s Food in your vicinity, send 85 eta. in stamps, with full directions, to WOOLRICH A CO.. Palmer. Mass., and a can will beeent. P wilboru compound or | PURE COD LIVEB L OIL AHD LIME. J To the Consumptive.—Wllbor’s Compound or Cod Liver Oil and Lime, without possessing the nauseating flavor of the article as heretofore used, is endowed by the Phosphate of Lime with a healing property which renders the Oil doubly efficacious. Remarkable testimonials of its efficacy shown. Sold by A. B, WILBQR, Chemist, Boston, and all druggists, HOW TO BIT acre, for .ale. • 1 or Tree eopy of «• Kanawa Padts Romestead,” address 8. J. Gilmore, Lead Ccm’r, laliaa, Xan.ee. rUHt stock in the country; quality and terms the boot. Country storekeepers should call or write THE WELLS TEA COMPANY/*®! Fulton St.. N. Y. P. O. Box 4560. i MILITARY | 'SR Caps, etc., made by W. C. J Alley Ab Co., ■ gnji Columbus, Ohio. Send for Brice LwU. gggg Firemen’. Ceps, Belts, «nd Shirts. |M Dfr.~CRAIG’B KIDNEY - CIfKE, for all KIDNEY DISEASES. A Sure Remedy; failures unknown. Send for circular. Noyes Bros. A Cutler, St. Paul: Lord. Stoutburg A Co., Chicago; A. Smith, London : Xv. Maddox, Ripley, Ohio; E. Cary, Des Moines; F. Steams. Detroit. The most popular medicine of the day.

SPECIAL OFFER, mt rnlFwio (A LARGE 8-PACE PAPER) Will be sent to any address in the United States or Canada, postpaid, until January 1, 1880, for FIFTY ceivts. The Cheapest Newspaper in the United States, The Leading Democratic Journal of the Country. TRY IT ! TRY IT I TRY IT ! Address i THE WORLD, 35 Park Row, New York.

$77 fi Tf^ n pav of tIOO ]>er n>o n *b expenses, or allow a large commission, to sell ourwew and wonderful inventions. We mem whal vt toy. pie free. Address SHERMAN A CO M Marshall, Mich. JLR mMFOR FOUR MONTHS. The CHICAGO NEWS emu but 93.00 a Yaaa, or for Foua Months, poiiag. Inrluiled. IMImB lufacillde.for neweiratb.riasare unsurp-wed. ■ It la a number of both the gr»al Preu Awociadona—lb. Wunsa Aoocuno I’kbm and tho NiTioxat Aaaoci.Tgn I'naea, an advaaUfeporoMed by uo oilier d.dy piper In lh» We«t. IltivM au.THaNawa. Tnuiwotthy dally Cmcaoo Miurr Qeor.Tlomu lans rssniNTis Politic.. It commence lleelf io fair-minded reader, who demand impi-tHI. Chl Dailt N awa, l»3 Fifth At., Chicaoo. w> MIMiTho Waaaav Naws WCmm. a Yaaa. nntili —. nUNTTS REMEDY. T TUP aws i&Att.rea liuli asnjrfarfiMrasgge AU Diseases of the Kidneys, Bladder and Urinary Organa are cured by Hunts Remedy. Family Puyslotans use Hunt’s Remedy. Send for samtriitet to WM. E CLARKE, Providenoa. B. L pnGinvq flinulUßoa , iism*gagu.B& AWNINGS! TENTS! Waterproof Cwvera, Nlgna, Window Shades, Ac:MUR KAY A BAKER, 88 A 4® 8. Cnn»r Bt., Chicago, tar* Send for illustrated Price-List. CURED FREE! 11l An Infallible and unexcelled remedy for ■ 1 I FHa, Epilepsy or Fallin* ffilcknree. ■-< Warranted to effect a speedy wwd I 1 PERMANENT zure. ■ KI “A free bottle” of my ■ 1 ■ ■ renowned Specido and ■ valuable Treatise sent i«i —•any sufferer sending me hili " ■ Postoffice and Express ad • Da. H. G- ROOT. jlffi'Whtn m... , WARNER BRO'S CORSETS received the Hlgheßt MimUl "I tii<- recent paris exposition Nl> Atnerlraii compel 11 <>i * ThHr FLEXIBLE HIP CORSET HFTffWBW lUbbonn. io wasxawvae not ic break down over n*e liln*. Prfrofl.t'. Tb-ir Mink. ,»t 11 I' I I Prim by mail, U.fiO* Xi Hli 111 I^” r ** le WARXKR 8808., »5t Bro«dw»y, ». Ye, THE NEW YORK SUN. THE HUN has Jtoulation “<».*• .g" cheapest and most interesting paper in the United St-ato THE WEEKLY SUN ta emphatically the pooPie’s family psq>«, BKOIUJ(D Publisher. N. Y. Oty. SAPONIFIER , l« the Old Reliable Concentrated Lye FOR FAMILY SOAP-MAKING. Directions accompanying each can for making Hard. Soft and Toilat Soap QL ICKLY. < IT IS TULL WEIGHT AND STRENGTH. The market is flooded with (so-called) Concentrated Lye. which is adulterated with salt and rosin, and wva'l make soap. SA TE MONET, AND BUT THE Saponifieß MADS BY THR Pennsylvania Salt Manufg Co, FITILADELPniA.

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