Democratic Sentinel, Volume 3, Number 10, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 18 April 1879 — Page 1

A DEMOCRATIC NEWSPAPER PUBLISHED EVERY FRIDAY, BY JAMES W. McEWEN. TERMS OF SUBSCRIPTION. Wteaeopyons year .s«.#• One copy six months I.N One copy thnw months. , w .................... M W*Advwtfrtng rataiim application

NEWS OF THE WEEK.

FOREIGN NEWS. A Romedispatch says a more pathetic Moene than that of Garibaldi’s arrival at the : railway station there has seldom been beheld. "The shouts raised as the train entered the sta- ’ lion were speedily silenced on the circulation ■of the report that the General was HL He was carried from the train on a mattress placed on a large litter. He lay extended and motionless, with his eyes closed, and a red handkerchief bound around his head. It looked as though a corpse was being carried in state. It was found impossible to move him from the litter, which was placed on an open carriage and driven, accompanied by the mournfully silent crowd, to the house of bis son, Menotti baldiAnother disaster lias overtaken the in South Africa. For some weeks it )has been known that Col. Pearson’s force at lEkowe was in a very critical position. It ap--1 pears that Pearson, weary of waiting for relief, made an attempt to cut his way through the savages. The attempt was repnhed and a large number of the sortieing party killed. Particulars of the affair are lacking, but it is feared in London that Pearson’s whole command, weakened by this heavy loss, has been overpowered and massacred. And still another disaster is reported. A convoy of Applies proceeding from Derby to Luneburg, escorted by 104 men of the Eightieth regiment, was attacked by 4,000 Zulus. Owing to a previous alarm, the British were under arms, but ’were overwhelmed by the enormously superior I force of the enemy. Oapi. Moriarity and forty unen were killed, and twenty are missing. Affairs in Egypt are becoming comiplicatod. The Ministers appointed on behalf <of England and France refuse to resign, in accordance with the desire of the Khedive, who Jhas, nevertheless, appointed a now Ministry. ‘There is considerable excitement in England ; and France at the attitude of the Khedive, and . France is preparing to send a naval force to Alexandria. It is reported that King Alfonso, of ■Spain, is to marry the Archduchess Maria, daagbtar of Archduke Charles, of Austria. The Russian Nihilists have marked all the Czar’s attendants for death. The Bulgarian Assembly have decided upon granting absolute freedom to the ’press. The Sultan recently addressed a telegram to the English Government, formally condemning the proceedings of the Khedive as a danger to the whole East, expressing a willingness tj cancel the firman regulating ths Egyptian succession, depose the Khedive, and send Halim Pasha to Alexandria in a Turkish man-of-war as the Khedive’s successor. There seems to be no longer a reasonable doubt that the plague has disappeared in Astrakhan. The special commissioner of the Government, Gen. Molikoff, and the whole corps of foreign doctors have left the place. A dispatch from Berlin states that Germany, though entertaining no idea of annexing the Samoan islands, intends to protect German interests and prevent the Americans from establishing themselves there, to the detriment of other nations. A Kieff (Russia) correspondent of the Petersburg Journal gives the following ’account of a massacre of Nihilist prisoners: “ Persons under arrest in the Kieff prison resolved some time ago to tunnel under the walls and escape. The scheme was betrayed by one of the conspirators. The authorities allowed the prisoners to continue the excavation. When the tunnel was completed, and the prisoners had entered it, one after the other, intending to come up through the opening beyond the prison precincts, the soldiers previously posted at the opening shot the escaping prisoners as they came up. When the bulk of the prisoners, terrified by the noise of the firing, stopped and remained in the tunnel, soldiers were sent in from behind, and the unfortunate wretches, caught between two fires, were all shot down. The proceeding seemed to give the officials much amusement, and the Director of the Kieff prison was praised and deoorated for having acted with such cleverness and decision.”

DOMESTIC INTELLIGENCE. Ka«t. John P. Phair, was hanged at Windsor, Vt, last week, for the murder of Mrs. Ann E. Freize, at Rutlaud, June 9, 1874. There are few cases in criminal annals which have created such intense interest For over four years Phair’s counsel have made a desperate fight to save their client’s neck, and three times has the criminal been reprieved. The bill to give women the right to vote on municipal affairs in cities and towns has been rejected in the Massachusetts Legislature, but the bill to give women the right to vote for members of school committees has been passed. ISoutn. Revenue detectives have captured twenty moonshiners in North Carolina and destroyed over 6,000 gallons of illicit mash. Extensive revenue raids through suspected sections are now in progress. The business portion of the town of Coffeyville, Miss., has been destroyed by fire. West. A band of Indian chiefs from Washington Territory and Oregon have gone to Washington city for a big talk and a general treaty. They represent a half-dozen tribes and about 5,000 warriors. They have been wanting to go to Washington for some years. They are partly civilized and would be dangerous customers in an outbreak. John W. Gregg, ex-Superintendent of the Money-Order Department of the Chicago Postoffice, has been found guilty of embezzlement by a jury in the United States District Court A letter has been received by Archbishop Purcell from Cardinal Simeoni, Secretary to the Pope, declining to accept the Archbishop’s resignation on account of his long service to the Church. The Archbishop was instructed to select a coadjutor, with the right of succession to the Bee of Cincinnati. March earnings of nineteen Western railways show an increase of >263,000 over the. same month last year. The Illinois House of Representatives has passed a bill to establish compulsory education. The real estate of the defunct Fidelity Savings Bank, consisting of the bank building, the safe depository vaults and Hooley’s Theater, were sold under the auctioneer’s hammer, at Chicago, last week, for >191,000. The building originally cost >600,000. WASHINGTON NOTES. The United States Supreme Court has rendered its decision in the Chicago whisky cases. The decision is adverse to the whisky men, and reverses the judgment of the Chicago court The court holds as to immunity that the District Attorney had no power to grant it, and that the most those to whom it was granted

The Democratic Sentinel.

JAS. W. McEWEN Editor.

VOLUME 111.

could expect was to secure a continuance for the purpose of seeking Executive clemency. Federal appointments: A. P. McCormick, to be United States Judge of the Northern District of Texas; W. W. Henry, to be United States Marshal of the District of Vermont; Jas. B. Hallowell, of Kansas, to be United States District Attorney of Kansas; A. L. Thomas, of Pennsylvania, to bo Secretary of the Territory of Utah. Secretary Sherman paid a visit to New York, last week, and had a conference with Sub-Treasurer Hillhouse and the leading bankers. His future fina cial policy is as yet undetermined. Secretary Sherman issued the first call, last week, for the redemption of 10-40 5 per cent Government bonds of 1860, amounting in all to >10,000,000, the principal and interest of which are due on and after June 9, 1879. Secretary Evarts is negotiating a treaty of commerce and reciprocity jrith Mexico. The President has nominated George 8. Smith, of Nebraska, Surveyor General of Nebraska. A new or revised commercial treaty between the United States and Japan is officially promulgated, ratifications having been exchanged at our Department of State this week. The select committee appointed to investigate and report the best means of preventing the introduction and spread of epidemic diseases adopted a bill for presentation to Congress. It gives to the National Board of Health plenary powers, and appropriates $650,000 to earry out the provisions. The President has nominated Robert P. Wilson, of Pennsylvania, Consul at Moscow. A Washington telegram to the Chicago Inter Ocean says: “ A gentleman traveling with Gen. Grant writes home that the General says he will not be a candidate for President under any circumstances." A. Washington correspondent says that members of Congress have pretty generally given up the hope of any adjournment before the middle of June. The opinion is freely expressed by the Republican members that the session will last at least until July.

MISCELLANEOUS GLEANINGS. Advices from the far North are to the effect that Indians from Sitting Bull’s camp are raiding the Yellowstone valley, killing and driving off all stock. Visible supply of grain in the States and Canada: Wheat, 19,314,000 bushels; corn, 13,009,000 bushela;.Datß, 2,430,000 bushels; rye, I, bushels ; barley, 2,866,000 bushels. The steamer Surbiton, from New York for Rotterdam, is reported prooably lost. The last weekly health report issued by the Marine Hospital service, in accordance with the National Quarantine act, gives the health of each of twenty-three American cities during the week ending April 7. In the number of cities named there were 2,413 deaths during that period, the average death-rate being 19.3 persons to every 1,000 inhabitants. A low death-rate was reported in all of the principal cities, with the exception of Newark* N. J. Elevon persons out of every 1,000 died in St Louis last week, against sixteen out of every 1,000 in Chicago. The Fitz-John Porter case is far from being settled. President Hayes and the Secretary of War have not yet decided what to do with the report of the Board of Inquiry, but will probably send it to Congress without recommendation. Gen. Richard Taylor, son of the late President Taylor, is dead. Edison is out with a letter, in which he declares that his electric light is a complete success, and can be furnished at one-third the cost of gas. He expects to be able to make the whole thing public within two months.

POLITICAL. POINTS. Municipal elections were held throughout Ohio on the 7th inst At Columbus, Collins, Republican, was elected Mayor by 1,700 majority. In Cleveland and Cincinnati the Republicans also elected the Mayor by about 1,200 majority. In Sandusky, Zanesville, Akron and Painesville the Democratic tickets were ccessful. At Toledo the Nationals elected the Mayor by 500 majority. Dayton, Republican by a small majority. Returns of the Michigan election indicate that Judge Campbell, the Republican candidate for Justice of the Supreme Court, is elected over the Democratic-Greenback candidate by about6,ooo majority. At Albany,N. Y., the Democrats elected ten, the Democrats and Nationals twenty-one, and the Republicans four Supervisors. John Guttman, Democrat, was re-elected Justice of the Justice’s Court by 3,000 majority. At Kansas City, Mo., the Greenbackers elected the Mayor. Under the heading, “The Candidates 1880,” the New York Times publishes reports showing the state and tendency of public opinion throughout the Union upon the the choice of candidates most likely to be made by the Republican and Democratic parties for the Presidential campaign of 1880. The introduction says: “We nave information from every State in the Union, gathered by more than 170 correspondents stationed at from one to nineteen points m each State. Each correspondent covered a large field, including many important centers of political thought and discussion. The letters are from intelligent men of both political parties. Our correspondents do not give their individual views simply, but the preferences expressed by the people of their sections. The results point unmistakably to the nomination of Gen. Grant by the Republicans, and of Mr. Tilden by the Democrats. The vast preponderance of Republican sentiment in favor of Gen. Grant leaves all other candidates in the rear.” The announcement is made on the authority of Gov. Hendricks that he will not again take a second place on the Presidential ticket in 1880. The Kentucky Republican State Convention met at Louisville, last week, and nominated Walter Evans for Governor. An interview with Alexander H. Stephens touching the policy of the Democrats in Congress is published. He says the President will not veto the Army bill, Stephens believes a majority of the Democrats were in favor of unlimited coinage of silver, and all in favor of relief from the present contraction. A majority are also in favor of modification of the present revenue laws and tariff. Hd predicts the passage of the bill to pension veterans of the Mexican war. Congress, he says, “is too busy at Presidentmaking to do its duty. While the great pending questions of taxation and currency are unsettled people care little who is President, and the contest is a mere scramble for office. ” DOINGS OF CONGRESS. The New Hampshire Senatorial case of Charles H. Bell occupied the attention of the Senate on the 7th. Mr. Booth introduced a bill to repeal the Atlantic and Pacific railroad grant. Mr. Ingalls introduced a bill foe the relief ot the central branch of tbe Union Pacific Bailroad Company.

RENSSELAER, JASPER COUNTY, INDIANA, FRIDAY, APRIL 18, 1879.

A resolution was adopted authorizing the President of th* Senate to appoint a select committee of five to take Into consideration all matters relating to the Freedmen's Savings afifi Trust CtMnpSny. The Hotwe Was tt»t ia hmIM. The Army Appropriation bill was reported to the BChate, without amendment, on the Sth. Mr. Blaine gave notice of an amendment making it “ a penal offense, punishable with fine and imprisonment. for any military, naval or civil officer, or any other person, except for the purposes named in the bill. to appear armed with a deadly weapon of any description within a mile of any polling-place where a general or special electlbn for representative to Congress is beihg held. Mr. Bayard’s resolution, calling npon the Secretary of the Treasury for a statement of the sums paid to John I. Davenport, Supervisor of Flections at New York since 1870, was adopted. Consideration of the New Hampshire Senatorial case was then resumed. Messrs. Oarland. Wallace, Kernan and Carpenter opposed and Mr. Oroome favored the admission of Mr. Bell. The House, after an hour of wrangling over precedents in a debate in committee of the whole, immediately proceeded with the Legislative Appropriation bill, and commenced the formal reading of it. The Senate did nothing beyond discussing the New Hampshire Senatorial case on the 9th. Mr. Davis opposed the admission of Bell, and Messrs. McDonald and Jones (Fla.) .poke in favor of his admission. The House devoted the entire day to the discussion of the machinery of parliamentary procedure, and some important changes were made in the rules. It was decided to appoint special committees on Census, on Civil Service, on Means of Ascertaining the Presidential Vote, on Origin and Introduction of Epidemic Diseases, on Ventilation of the House, on the Labor Question, and to increase membership of the-Committee on Enrolled bills to seven, on Coinage to eleven, on Ways and Means to thirteen, and on Agriculture, Judiciary, Elections, Commerce and Appropriations to fifteen each. Among the most important changes was a new rule which authorizes the Committee on Commerce to report the Biver and Harbor bill at anytime. The most important change of all was a new rule, adopted by a vote of 1.3 v yeas to HO nays, which permits the committees on Ways and Means, Banking and Currency, and Coinage to report bills at any time, and on motion of any member the House may, by a majority vote, fix a day for the consideration of any public bill which may be reported by any of these committees. A new rule, which will be of great benefit for purposes of general was adopted, which provides that the morning hour shall not bo dispensed with except by a two-thirds vote of the members present. This will prevent a single committee from monopolizing the time of -the House, as is now frequently done. At a Democratic caucus of the House members, after the adjournment for the day, a resolution was passed, with but one dissenting vote, that the House will regularly proceed to business on Monday, the 14th. The Senate finally settled the New Hampshire Senatorial case on the 10th by the admission of Charles H. Bell. The vote was 85 yeas to 28 nays. Two Bepubllcans—Carpenter and Conkling —voted with the minority. Senator Davis, of Illinois, voted against Bell. Ten Democrats voted with the majority, namely, Bayard, Gordon, Groome, Jones, McDonald, Bandolph, Voorhees. Walker, Whyte and Williams. The House was at work on the Legislative Appropriation bill. The Army Appropriation bill was taken up in the Senate on the 11th, and Mr. Withers explained its provisions. No amendments were adopted, the Committee on Appropriations having agreed to resist all amendments, and the majority of the Senate seconding them accordingly. The reason assigned by Mr. Withers for such a course was that amendments would delay the passage of the bill. Mr. Hereford cabled up Mr. Hoar’s resolution declaring the Democratic programme for the passage of appropriation bills to be unconstitutional and r volutionary, and made a speech against it, insisting that no such action was contemplated as would justify such a conclusion. The House was at work on the Legislative Appropriation bill Speaker Randall announced the standing committees, which are as follows: Elections—Springer, Manning, Slemons. Speer, Colerick, Armfield, Beltzhoover, Sawyer, Phister, Ke fer, Camp, Calkins, Field, Overton. Weaver. Ways and Means—Fernando Wood, Tucker, Gibson, Phelps, Morrison, Mills, Carlisle, Felton, Garfield, Kelley, Conger, Frye, Dunnell. Appropriations—Atkins, Blount, Singleton (Miss.), Clymer, Blackburn, Wells, Cobb, Forney, McMahon, Bak r, Monroe. Hawley, Hu bell, Cannon, Hiscock. Banking and Currency—Buckner, Ewing, Davis, Young. Lewis, Lounsbery, Ladd, Chittenden, Fort, Price, Crapo. Pacific Railroads—McLane, Chalmers, Bliss, Clark, Dickey, Ellis, Martin. Wellborn, Harmer, Belford, Newberry, Bailey, Butler, Worth. Claims—Bright, Dickey, Davidson, Covert, O’Connor, Davis, Bamford, Lindsey, Barber, Bowman, Crowley. Commerce—Reagan, Bliss, Ross. Kenna, McLane, Thomas, Turner, Acklen, Beale, Deuster, Clardy. O’Neill, Waite, Henderson, Townsend (O.), Russell. Pub ic Lands—Converse, Wright, Steele, McKenzie, Williams (Ala.), Ketcham, Ryan, Sapp, Washburn, Bennett. Postoffices and Post Roads—Money, Clark, Cook, Evins, Singleton (Ill.), Shelley, Jones, Ketcham, Joyce, Stone. Bingham. District of Columbia—Hunton, Henkle, Bouck, Clark, Martin, Samford, Klotz, Neal, James, Heilman, Aldrich. Judiciary—Knott, Harris, Culberson, Hurd, House, Ryan, Herbert, New, Hammond. Lapham, Robinson, Reed, McKinley, Williams, Willets. War Claims—Bragg, Robertson, Warner, Rothwell, Thompson, Simonton, Carpenter, Ferdon, Tyler, Bayne, Russell. Public Expenditure—Finley, Manning, Davis, Tillman, Simonton, Beltzhoover, Joyce, Mason, Cowgill, Brigham. Private Land-Claims-Gunter. Martin. Caldwell, Muldrow, Stevenson. Myers, Lay, Mitchell, Norcross Burrows, Vooihis. Manufactures—Wise, Beale, Nicholls, Smith, Richardson, Taylor, Lowe, Hall, Horr, Hammond, McCook. Foreign Affairs—Cox, Nelson, Bicknell. King, Nicholls, Herndon, Hill, Killinger. Rice, Morton, Robeson. Territories—Muldrow, Cravens, Bouck, Muller. Martin, Frost, Bachman, Humphrey, Aldrich, Young, Dick, Maginnis. Revolutionary Pensions—Whiteaker. Bland, Cabell, Dibrell, Singleton (Ill.), Ryan (Pa), Converse, Farr, Mlles, Pierce, Gillette. Invalid Pensions—Coffroth, Lewis. Caldwell. Hostetter (Ind). Persons (Ga ), Hatch (Mo.), Taylor (Tenn.), Smith (La.), Hazelton (Wis.). Davis (1)1.). Updegraff (Ohio). Railways and Canals—Cabell, Shelley. Kimmel, Slemons, Wise, Osmer, Turner, O’Reilly, Fisher. Blake, Honk, Ford. Agriculture—Covert, Aiken, Steele. Dibrell. Henry, Lo Fevre, Richmond, Persons. Hatch, Me Gowan, Wilber, Valentine, Godschalk, Anderson. Forsythe. Indian Affairs—Scales. Hooker, Gunter, Waddell, Poehler, Whiteaker, Wellborn, Errett, Deering’ Pound, Haskell, Aimslee. Military Affairs—Sparks, Dibrell, Bragg, Johnston, Smith, Le Fevre, White, McCook, Marsh, Browne. Militia—Ross, Scales, Henkle, Thomas, Turner, Speer, O’Brien, Dick, Farr. Daggett, Hawk, Miller. Naval Affairs -Whitthorne, Goode, Morse, Elam, Davidson, Talbott, O’Brien, Harris, Harmer, Briggs, Brewer. Minos and Mining—Stevenson, Acklen. Arnifield Atherton, Waddell, Klotz, Loring, Mitebell, Urner, Einstein, Campbell. Education and Labor—Goode, Willis, Lay, Tillman, McMillan, Ballou, Barlow, Osmer, Van Aeriiam. Revision of the Laws—Harris. Clark (Mo.), Town shend, Giddes. Richardson, McMillan, Lowe, Orth Thomas, Osmer, Gillette. Coinage, Weights and Measures—Stephens. Vance, Ellis, Bland, Willis, Warner, De La Matyr, Claflin, Ward, Fisher. Patents—Vance. Smith (G<R, Aiken, Townshend (111.), Buchanan, Talbott, Smith, Ward, Caswell, Ballou, Dwight. Public Buildings and Grounds—Cook, Young, McKenzie, Kimmel, Atherton, Kitchen, Murch, Clark (la.), Jorgensen, Starin, Shallenbergcr. Accounts—Henry, Morse, Martin, Boyd, Smith. Mileage—Cobb, Knott, Mills, Chittenden, Overton. Expenditures of State Department—Clymer, Herndon, King. Frost, Newberry, Barlow, Crowley. Expenditures of Treasury Department—Morrison Forney, Turner, Buckner, Reagan, Hill, O'Neill, Weaver, Starin. Expenditures of War Department—Blackburn Felton, Wells, Jones, White, Norcross, Houk. Expenditures of Navy Department—Townshend (111.), Phelps, Kitchin, Hull, Wood, Lindsey Neal. Expenditures of Postofficc Department—Ladd Money, Sparks, Poehler, Blake, Valentine, Bingham. “ Expenditures Interior Department—Muller, Whitthorne, Clardy, Williams (Ala ), De La Matvr, Jcr gensen, Burrows. Expenditures of Public Buildings—Deuster, Bright, Herbert, O’Reilly Ford, Forsythe, Yokum. Expenditures of Department of Justice—Blount, Culberson, Springer, Hurd, New, Phister. Davis Clark (Iowa), Thomas. Einstein, Sballcn bergcr. Levees of the Mississippi—Robertson. Chalmers. Johnston, Osmer, Turner, Myers, Evins, Dunn Bayne, Boyd, Caswell, Prescott. Rules—The Speaker, Stephens, Blackburn, Gar field. Frye. Reform in Civil Service-Hostetter. Cravens. House, Kenna, O’Connor. Sawyer. Hammond Hayes, Hazleton, Butterworth, Richardson. On the State of Law Relating to Electoral Count —Bicknell, Hunton, Carlisle, Stephens, Ewing, Lounsberry, Dunn, Orth, Updegraff (Iowa), Van Voorhis, Yokum. Ventilation of Hall of House—Kimmel, Covert, Carlisle, McMahon, Stone, Kelley, Robeson. Causes of the Depression of Labor—Wright, Dickey, O’Connor, Murch, Sherwin, Cowgill, Martin. On Epidemic and Contagious Diseases—Young, Gibson, Hooker, Goode, Morse, Smith, Updegraff (Olio), Aernam, McGowan. v-’s Printing -Singleton (Miss.), Wilson, Hayes, *

“A Firm Adherence to Correct Principles.”

Enrolled Bills—Kenna, Coffroth, Ward, Aldrich, Wilber. Library—Geddes. Richmond, Claflin. Census—Cox, Hooker, E1afll ? Finley, Colerick, Thompson, Rothwell, Boring, Pierce, Daggett, Sherwin. The House Wis busy with the Legislative Appropriation bill on the 12th, the pending amendment being that increasing to $250,000 the appropriation for controlling and for eradicating contagious diseases among domestic animals. After a long debate the whole subject was stricken from the bill and the-proposition agreed to recommending that the House refer the whole matter to the Committee on Agriculture, with instructions to report promptly. On motion of Mrz Haskell, the appropriation tor investigating th habits of the cotton worm and other injurious insects was placed under the control of the Entomological Commission. Mr. Bragg moved to strike out all provision for the Southern Claims Commission, and to insert a clause repealing the law creating the commission. Consideration of the amendment was postponed until the 16th. The Senate held no session. the Republican Senators had a caucus which lasted two hours. After a thorough discussion ot the situation, during which nearly every Senator participated in the debate, the conclusion was reached that the Senators would unitedly urge an aggressive warfare against the political amendments to the Appropriation bill in the line marked out by ex-S<6-retary Robeson in his speech. The caueus unanimously agreed to disregard the position assumed by Gen. Garfield Ihat the legislation cotlid be accepted if presented as a separate measure. They held, on the contrary, that if the legislation on its merits could be acceptable it would not lie revolutionary to pass it on an Appropriation bill. They decided rather that the proper constituti nal ground to maintain was that outlined by ex-Secretary Robeson—that to repeal that section of the United States law binds the hands of the President of the United States, cripples the civil power, and prevents the Executive, or the courts, or the Marshals, or any civil posse, or any body ot armed men in the exe- • ttion of justice, to appear at the pills. This, the R. publicans w.ll maintain, is a violation ot the constitution, and of the fundamental principles of civil liberty, and cannot be tolerated.

The Metric System.

The metric system of weights and measures is gaining ground. From a statistical table recently constructed by M. D. Malarce, and published in Comptes Rendus, it appears, first, that the decimal metric system of weights and measures is now established legally and obligatory in eighteen states, comprising a population of 236,600,000 of inhabitants; these states are France and colonies, Belgium, Holland and colonies, Germany, Sweden* Norway, Austria-HungaryJltaly, Spain, Portugal, Boumania, Greece, Brazil, Colombir, Ecuador, Peru, Chili and the Argentine Republic; second, that it is made legally optional in three states, having a population of 75,600,000 —viz., England, Canada and the United States; third, that it is admitted in principle, or partially for customs, in five states, with 343,600,000 inhabitants, viz., British India, Russia, Turkey, Venezuela and Hungary; fourth, and that, altogether, the system is established obligatorily, or optionally, or in principle, in twenty-six states, comprising 655,000,000 inhabitants. Four states have different systems, decimal as to multiples and divisions, but based on another unit than the meter. They comprise 471,000,000 inhabitants, and are Switzerland, Mexico, Japan and China. To these may be added some mediocre states, with various systems, non-decimal and non-metric. It appears, then, that in 1879 more than half the population of civilized states, comprising 1,180,000,000 inhabitants, legally recognize the decimal meter system of weights and measures. A large part of the progress is in these recent years.

The Next Census.

Gen. Walker, Superintendent of the next census, tells a reporter of the New Haven Register that the main body of the work will be undertaken next fall. There will be two or three months of preparation, and the census itself will be taken, in a month’s time. The statistical matter in reference to the population of cities and towns he will give the public in a very short time. The last census he gave in printed form in 1872; this time the period will be much shorter. He contrasts this work with previous censuses, which were of little practical value. The census taken in 1860 was nominally published in 1867, but really not till 1868. The census taken in 1850 was not published till 1859. There was nothiag but historical interest to work done in that way. The country was growing and the population changing so rapidly that such censuses were far from the actual state of the country when published. The new Census law, he said, put extra work on the Superintendent. The month the census was being taken he likened to a battle, when the General must be at his headquarters. Having taken one census, he was better qualified to take another, for he knew what improvements to make. This was one reason why he could complete the census much more rapidly than before. When the work was being done he could be at Washington with his fingers on the telegraph keys, so that if there were a break here or there it could instantly be repaired. Petroleum as Fuel Growing in Favor. Petroleum fuel is beginning to be used in California quite extensively. The manufacturers of Los Angeles unite in declaring it to be fully as cheap as wood and coal in its first cost, with the following important ad\ antages: It saves expense of handling, feeding, raking, slagging, and ashing, and, by not having to open the fire-doors, admitting cold air to the boilers, steam is economized. Thus, in effect, it is far cheaper than other fuel- The mode of firing is thus: Into the tank containing crude oil as it comes from the well a jet of steam is sent, which carries with it a charge of oil, which, through a pipe, is distributed in fine spray ovei the firechamber. The heat is intense, and there is no refuse. One man at the stop-cock is the sole attendant. What is wanted to make this fuel a priceless boon to that coast is a process by which iron and other metallic ores can be smelted. They abound throughout with lime for fluxing and firestone for hearths.— New Yoi k Bulletin.

A Parisian Tragedy.

Paris is constantly edified by domestic tragedies. One of the latest is thus recounted: Six months ago a newlymarried couple took up their residence on the fifth story in the Rue Condorcet. The husband, who was of Swiss origin, was employed in a bank. He was 26 years old, and of a sad, taciturn temperament. His wife, four years younger than himself, was, on the contrary, of a very gay disposition. The couple appeared to live happily together. On returning home one night the young man found his wife dead on the bed. A letter on the table announced that she was about to poison herself. Struck with horror and despair, he seized hold of a revolver which he kept in a drawer, and, after discharging four shots into his breast without fatal effect, fired the remaining two bullets into his head, the last scattering hjs brains over the room.

A FREE BALLOT.

Speech of Hon. X 0. S< Blackburn, of Kentucky. Delivered in the National House The gentleman from Ohio, la that effective and able speech to which he treated this House a few days ago, used the following language, which I read from the Record: “In opening this debate, I challenge all comers to show a single instance in our history where this consent has been coerced.” What consent? The consent of the Executive to extraneous matter injected into Appropriation bills. “This is the great, the paramount issue, Whijh dwarfs all others into insignificance.” I accept the gage of battle that the gentleman throws down. I read from the records and Show him tffe instance he seeks. I find that oil the 2d day of March, 1867, a thing occurred iil this House of which the gentleman should hate been cognizant, for he was then as how an honored member on this floor. I find the following iUeisage wu sent by the then President of the United States to the Hotise of Representatives: “To the House of Representatives: “The act entitle ! ‘An act miking appropriations for the support of the army.’ ” Ah, by singular coincidence, that, too, was an army bill, just as this is: “I'be act entitled ‘An act making appropriations for the support of the army for the year ending June 30, 1868, and for other purpoees,’ contains provisions to which I must call attention. Those provisions are contained in the second section, which in certain cases virtually deprives the President of his constitutional functions as Commander-in-Chief of the Army, and in the sixth section, which denies to ten States of this Union their constitutional right to protect th mselves in any emergency by means of their own militia. These provisions are out of place in an appropriation act* 1 Did the gentleman from Ohio borrow his re-cently-w-ed protest from this official pretest of the Executive of the country? “ These pi ovisions are out of place in an appropriation act. I am compelled to defeat these necessary appropriations if I withhold my sig - nature to the act. Pressed by these considerations—” I grant you, he does not say “ coerced.* “ Pressed by these considetations, I feel constrained to return the bill with my signature, "but to accompany it with my protest against the sections wliich I have indicated. “Asdbkw Johnson. " March 2, 1867.” , Is there n» coercion there ? Why, sir, the record is full. In an act making appropriations for the sn dry civil, expenses of this Government for the year ending June 10, 1865, it was provided tuat in the courts of the United States there should be no exclusion of any witness on account of color, or in any other civil action because he is a party interested in the issue to be tried. Is not that extraneous matter? Yet upon this bill the record shows that tbe gentleman from Ohio is found voting in the list of ayes. But, sir, worse than all this. I find that on a memorable occasion in the Thirty-ninth Congress, of wliich the gentleman from Ohio was likewise a member, that occurred which will never fade from the minds of the American Beople. I refw to the proceedings looking to le impeachment of the Chief Executive of this republic, which came so nigh resulting in conviction. On that occasion I find that a colleague of the gentleman from Ohio, Mr. Ashley, moved to suspend the rules to allow him to make a report from the committee on what? Judiciary? No, sir. From the Committee on Territories, in the nature of a resolution impeaching the President of the American Government for high crimes and misdemeanors. On the vea-and-nay vote I find the gentleman from Ohio voted “ aye.” 4nd I find further, sir, the counts upon which those impeachment articles were predicated, and I beg to call the attention of this committee to them. Mr. Ashley said: “ I do impeach Andrew Johnson, Vice President and acting President of the United States, of high crimes and misdemeanors. “ I charge him with usurpation of power and violation of law.” And now come the five counts in the indictment, and I beg the careful attention of this committee, for I will bring it home to the very issue that the gentleman from Ohio has courted in this contest: “In that he his corruptly used the appointing power.” I put the gentleman on bis candor and submit to him to say whether be ever intended te impeach the President for that The country knows be did not That appointing power had not been wielded in such a way as to merit the censure of tbe gentleman himself. “ Secondly, in that he has corruptly used the pardoning power.” Did the gentleman from Ohio mean to impeach him for that ? I will answer for him, no. Everybody knows he did not. “ Thirdly, in that he has corruptly used the veto power.” And there was where the sting came in. It was the exercise of that constitutional prerogative; it was the employment of the veto power, for which the House and the gentleman from Ohio voted these articles of impeachment, coupled with one other offense only. “ Fourthly, in that he has corruptly disposed of the public property of the United States." That was a mere formal count in the indictment, and I doubt not that the gentleman from Ohio will admit it “ Fifthly, in that he has corruptly interfered—” In what? “ In the e’ections, and did acts which, in contemplation of the constitution, are high crimes and misdemeanors.” There were but two counts in that indictment upon which it was proposed to impeach the Executive; it was the exercise of the veto power and it was his interference, not in elections, but his interference to prevent the interference of the armed power of this Government in the elections of this country. Was the denunciation still ringing in that gentleman’s ears which the then President had employed in his interview with Gen. Emory, denouncing as subversive of all the principles of free government the interference of the military with the right of suffrage at the polls? But, Mr. Chairman, these counts in this indictment were voted on more than once. The gentleman from Ohio is recorded every time as voting in their favor. And may Ibe permitted to remind this committee that the record of that Congress shows that he was supported in his action, that he had standing by him, voting side by side with him to impeach the President for the legitimate exercise of the veto power, one who was then comparatively obscure, and who, but for a combination of accidents, would have remained to this day and until his dying day in that obscurity for which nature and bis Creator seemed so designedly to have fitted him—that side by side with the gentleman from Ohio stood and voted with him Mr. Rutherford B. Hayes, with whose prospective veto we are threatened. Now, sir, I beg you to tell me by what rule of consistency does the gentleman from Ohio come upon this floor to flaunt in the face of an American Congress an anticipated exetcise by this Executive of his veto when he and that Executive both stand committed upon the record to his impeachment if he dares to employ And while lam at this point I might ask by what sort of authority either that gentleman or any other comes upon this floor to threaten us with the probable or possible action of that Executive at all What provision of the Federal constitution, what law enacted by any preceding Congress undertakes to clothe anybody, either that President himself or one of bis privy council, even including his Premier, his Secretary of State, to sit as he did on the floor of this Chamber on Saturday of last week and by his presence and his indications of approval seek to intimidate, overawe, and browbeat an American Congress? Who commissioned the gentleman from Ohio to tell us that we had best be careful because the issue was made and the Executive would not be coerced into a message of approval ? I would ask, does the gentleman from Ohio, or does any other gentleman, put so low an estimate upon the self-respect, the integrity, the courage and the manhood of this House, without regard to party, as to believe that such a threat so flaunted is to intimidate the law-mak-ing branch of this Government to shape its action on measures of legislation? I cannot think that we are measured by so short a standard. But, sir, I am not through with the speech which the gentleman has made. He tells us: “ The proposition now is, that after fourteen years have passed, and notone petition from one American citizen has come to us asking that this law bo repealed; while not one memorial

has found ite way to our desks complaining at the law, so far aa I have heard, the Democratic House of Representatives now holds that if they are not permitted to force upon another H«nee and npon the Executive against their consent the repeal of a law that Democrats made, this refusal anal! be considered a Sufficient ground for stat vs ng this Government to death; ‘fttat id the prdpdsitioh Which We ds- - aS revolution.” And that was received with apjibiude eta thfc Republican side Does the gentleman from Ohio mean to stand upon that declaration ? By that significant nod ho says that he does. Does he not know that the Congress jusi expired bore npon ite flies petition after petition, memorial after memorial, in contested-election cases, sent by the House to its committee, protesting ’against the presence of the military at the polls and denouncing the usurpation, demanding ite repeal, in order that a free ballot might be had? Does the gentleman fail lo remember that the State of Louisiana—a sovereign State of this confederacy once more, thank God—sect her memorial to these halls, in which in thunder tones she uttered her. anathemas against the very practice which this amendment seeks to correct? But that gentloffian did more; he went further and, if possible, lie did Worse. I mean to deal in exact fairness. I even mean to be liberal in the construction I put upon his utterances: Ms. Chairman, it is generally true that the grave suffices to silence the tongue of detraction. It is not often that ite darkened portals are invaded to prontiunce severe critic'sm, even though richly deserved; if it is to be pronounced upon the dead. But the gentleman from Ohio, forgetting himself in his speech on last Saturday, forgot also to observe this manly and magnanimous rule. By that speech he certainly must have sought, or, if not. seeking, he was unfortunate in nrodiuing the impresflioii mat a dfetiuguished dead Senator from the State of Kentucky had introduced into the Federal Senate Chamber the k ill which we, by this amendment, seek to repeal, and to send his name down to posterity to ne.blasted by the act, if indeed he had performed it, and that charge to rest upon that gentleman’s own high authority. I hold in my hand the very bill, No. 37, which was introduced upon the sth of January, 1864, by Senator Powell, of Kentucky. There lies before me, on my desk, the manly, statesmanlike and patriotic, bold utterances that he delivered in the shape of a speech upon the Consideration of that bill. I challenge the gentleman to find within the limits of (his measure a single, solitary provision, line, sentence, word or syllable that this amendment seeks to repeal. Does not ths gentleman know—if he does not, it is his fault—that the amendment incorporated upon this bill which we now seek to repeal was incorporated and ingrafted upon it, not when the Senate was in committee or the whole, but in open Senate, upon motion of Senator Pomeroy, and, when the vote was taken upon that amendment by yeas and nays, every solitary Democrat in that chamber voted against it and put the seal of his condemnation upon it, Mr. Powell among the number? Here stands Senator Powell’s utterance, in which he explains how and why it was that the Democratic members in that body and'thls body at last accepted this as the best that could be bad; notwithstanding, against their protest, the ingrafting of the Pomeroy amendment, because it was to be taken in lieu of what they charged was true, of what the President of the United States in an official sommunic&tion to Congress had declared to be true, that in the absence of even the limitations that amended bill would give, the military authorities and officers of the Government had arrogated to themselves the power in all the lately seceding States of declaring what should be the qualification of voters and what should be the qualification to hold office. It was as the least offensive of two offensive alternatives. It was not candid, it was not fair; the record rebukes the gentleman for seeking to place a dead statesman in such a false position. But, Mr. Chairman, it is useless to follow these things further. It is not, sir, for me to waste the time and trench npon the patience of this committee by following out the tergiversations through which the Republican party has wound itself to this high plane of protest against revolutionary legislation. Why, sir, the gentleman from Ohio in 1872, made a speech upon this floor which he will not deny. It was, as is always the case with his efforts, an adroit as well as an able speech. In that he declared that the minority to which we then belonged, but in which in God’s providence we are no longer found—he declared that the minority were guilty of revolution. For what? Because they said that extraneous matter should not be put upon appropriation bills. He said that was revolution. We took him at his word, and now where does he stand ? It was revolution then to resist the injection of extraneous matter over the protest of the majority. It is revolution now for the majority to resist that same protest of that majority; but in the one case it was his side protesting, in the other case it was ours.

Ah, Mr. Chairman, let one take the darkened page# of hia country’s history for the last seventeen long years and read it carefully, and tell me then whether it lies in the mouth of that worthy leader of a once-grcat but waning party to read lectures to anybody, either upon the score of revolutionary legislation or of extraneous introductions into appropriation bills. Better far in the face of the record that they have made, better to listen patiently to the confirmed inebriate as he dilates upon the virtues of temperance, better let the queen of the domi monde elaborate the beauties of female virtue, or let the devil prate of the scheme of universal redemption, than for homilies upon good morals and lectures upon revolutionary legislation to be delivered from such a source. There is but one issue here, and I insist that neither this House nor the people of this country shall be'allowed to wander from it It is but this, and nothing more; whether thd military power shall be allowed at your polls; whether the elections shall be guarded by the mailed hand of military power; whether the ballot-box, that last and safest shield of the freeman’s liberties, shall be turned over to the tender mercies of the armies of your land. Or, to state it yet more tersely and probably more fairly, it is simply whether the spirit and the genius of this Government shall be reversed, and wither the civil shall be made subordinate to the military power. Why, sir, among the most favored, the most cherished and precious principles ingrafted on our system of government from our old prototype, the English people, is that provision wuich would not tolerate not only the interference but the presence of the military at the polls. Over 100 years ago an English statute declared the will of Englishmen upon this vital question. Iread the statute: “lie it enacted by the King's most excellent Majesty, by and with the advice and consent of the Lords, spiritual and temporal, and Commons in Parliament assembled, and by the authority of the same, That when and as often as any election of any peer or peers to represent the peers of Scotland in Parliament, or any members to serve in Parliament, shall be appointed to be made, the Secretary at War for the time being, or, in case there shall be no Secretary at War, then such person who shall officiate in the place of the Secretary at War, shall, and is hereby required, at some convenient time before the day appointed for such election, to issue and send forth proper orders, in writing, for the removal of every such regiment, troop or company, or other number of soldiers as shall be quartered or billeted in any such city, borough, town or place, one day at the least before the day appointed for such election, to the distance of two or more miles from such city, borough, town or place, as aforesaid, until one day at the least after the poll to be taken at such election shall be ended and the poll-books closed.— Statute George II.” From that time till now I do declare that it is not within the power of any man to find a single scion of the Saxon race that has not held in utter abhorrence the efforts of him or them who sought to control the freedom of the ballot by the employment of the military power. The very army of this country protests against such a prostitution of its service. I see before me the. justly-distinguished General-in-Chief of our army, and I do not believe that I overstate the fact when I say that from him down to the private in the ranks it is difficult to find one who has not recoiled from this service which they have been called upon to render. It is this question, and it is none other .that I insist shall be kept before this House. We are declaring that the ballot shall be free. We are denying that it is either constitutional, legal, just, fair, or decent, to subject the sovereign to the surveillance of the soldier. Now, upon that issue the gentleman from Ohio and his associates tell us that they stand committed. I answer so do we. We are willing to discuss it, and for my part I shall oppose any limitation being put upon this debate. If we cannot stand upon an issue so broad, so constitutional, so catholic, so fair, so free as this, then tell me, in Heaven’s name. Where are there battlements strong enough for us to get behind ? Let it go to the country that one party asserts that the manacles shall fall

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NUMBER 10.

from the limbs of the citizen, and that the army shall not hold its mailed hand at the throat of the sovereign, and that the other party refuses to release the throttling grasp, and declares that it will block the wheels of the Government and bring ft to starvation. 1 am willing, and those with whom I stand Sfo trilling to accept this issue, and we go further, we tender it W« are the ones to make the issue and we are ready for you to accept it Planting ourselves upon this broad ground, weWelcome controversy. We seek no quarrel with you, biit for the first time in eighteen years past the Democracy are back in power in both branches of the Legislature, and she proposes to celebrate her recovery of her long-lost heritage by tearing off these degrading badges of servitude and destroying the machinery of a corrupt and partisan legislation. We do not intend to stop until we have stricken the last vestige of your war measures from the statute-book, which like these Were born of the passions incident to civil strife and looked to the abridgement of the liberty of the citizen. We demand an untrammeled election; no supervising of the ballot by the army. Free, absolutely free right to the citizen in the deposit of his* ballot as a condition-precedent to the passage of your bills, Now, sir* it the gentleman from Ohio is to be eicusSd—for surely he cannot be justified—if he is to be excused for parading before this House the threat, the tirtjilmeitium th terrorcm of a veto that "is already ctlt and dried to be filkchd Upon a bill that is not yet passed; if he is to be pardoned for Warning this House that the executive branch of this Government will never yield its assent to this measure in its present form, may I not be warranted and justified in employing equal candor, and may I not asstird that gentleman and his associates that the dominant party, of this Congress, the ruling element of this body, is also equally determined that until their just demands are satisfied, demands sanctioned by all laws human and divine, protected and hedged around by precedents without number, demanded by the people of this land without regard to section, who fire clamoring for a free, untrammeled ballot (not for the ttouih, I bog you to remember, for if there be sectionality in this issue I cannot discover it); for Philadelphia as well as for New Orleans, for San Francisco and Boston as will as for Charleston and Savannah—that this side of the Chamber, which has demonstrated its power, never means to yield or surrender until this Congress shall have died by virtue of its limitation. We will not yield. A principle cannot be compromised. It may be surrendered, but that can only be done by its advocates giving proof to the world that they afe cravens and cowards, lacking the courage of their own conviction. We cannot yield, and will not surrender. Let me assure my friend, and it is a picture that I know he does not dwell upon with pleasure, that this is the restoration to power of a party as old as dur Government Itself, which for almost a hundred years has stood the boldest, fairest, freest exponent and champion and defender of the doctrine of constitutional limitations against the doctrine of the aggrandizement of power. It is this organization that has come back to rule, that means to rule, and means to rule in obedience to law. Now. sir, the issue is laid down, the gage of battle is delivered. Lift it when you please; we are willing to appeal to that sovereign arbiter that the gentleman so handsomely lauded, the American people, to decide between us. Standing upon such grounds, we intend to deny to the President of this republic the right to exercise such unconstitutional power. We do not mean to pitch this contest upon ground of objection to him who happens, if not by the grace of God yet by the run of luck, to be administering that office. I tell you here that if from yonder canvas [pointing to the picture of Washington] the first President of this republic should step down and resume those powers that the grateful people of an infant republic conferred upon him as their Chief Magistrate, if he were here find by that patriotic ardor that moved him in the earlier and better days of this republic, to him we would never consent to yield such dangerous and unwarranted powers, to rest the liberties of the citizen upon any one man’s discretion, nor would he receive it. It was not for the earlier but for the later Executives of this Government to grasp and seek to retain such questionable prerogatives. You cannot have it. The issue is made—it is made upon principle, not upon policy. It cannot be abandoned; it will not be surrendered. Standing upon such ground, clothed in such a panoply, resting this case upon the broadest principles of eternal justice, we are content to appeal to the people of this land. There is no tribunal to which we are not willing to carry this case of contest; and we are willing to allow Him who rules the destinies of men to judge between us and give victory to the right Ido not mean to issue a threat Unlike the gentleman from Ohio, I disclaim any authority to threaten. But I do mean to say that it is my deliberate conviction that there is not to be found in this majority a single man who will ever consent to abandon one jot or tittle of the faith that is in him. He cannot surrender if he would. I beg you to believe he will not be coerced by threats nor intimidated by parade of power. He must stand upon his conviction, and there we will all stand. He who dallies is a dastard, and he who doubts is damned.

A Drunkard’s Body After Death.

A post-mortem examination of nearly seventy persons who had died from the excessive use of ardent spirits showed the following facts: • 1. Congestion of the scalp and of the membranes of the brain, with much serous (watery) effusion; the of the brain white and firm, as if it had lain in alcohol for one or two hours. 2. The lungs not always, but frequently, congested or inflamed. 3. The heart flabby, enlarged, dilated and loaded with fat on the outside, the blood in it of cherry-red color, and with no tendency to coagulate, 4. The stomach perfectly white, and thickened in some cases; in others, having patches of chronic inflammation. In the worst cases the large portion of the stomach covered with that species of inflammation which causes the blood to be poured from the minute veins. 5. The liver enlarged—in old drunkards weighing from six to twelve pounds. 6. The omentum —a sort of apron which immediately covers the abdomen in front—loaded with a gray, slushy fat. 7. The kidneys enlarged, flabby, and infiltrated in numerous spots with a whitish matter. 8. The small intestines filled with bile and coated with tenacious mucus 9. The blood in a very fluid condition, having but little fibrine, but much albumen and fat. 10. The whole body, except the brain, decomposing very rapidly. Is it a wonder that “ a drunkards hath woes?”

Disinfecting Letters.

The disinfection of letters containing paper money during, the height of the Russian-plague panrc was effected on the Prussian border by exposing them for six hours in a peculiarly-constructed closed vessel to the fumes of sulphuric acid. It was not considered necessary to open or puncture the letters, since it was proved by experiment that the vapor of the acid penetrates the pores of paper, however firmly made. In the laboratory of the Berlin Board of Health blue litmus paper, inclosed in four thicknesses of paper, and in several envelopes tightly compressed, was intensely reddened by being subjected to the fumes of this acid.

Heavy Gaming.

At the Marlborough Club, London, Count Schouvaloff, the Russian Ambassador, played away in a few hours a sum equal to his whole salary; and one of the wealthiest Commoners has been so heavily bitten that he is going into bankruptcy for a total exceeding £500,000. Another young politician, heir to a historic coronet, who had been going at .a terrible pace, was dragged out of the club to the amazement of the members by his mother, who said, “You are not going to follow Hastings .and Newcastle.” “ ~ ‘

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MANNERS. I'm often quite aorry about it. And feel that >t’e terribly ead, But, though I live long beyond manhood, My manners, I'm sure, will be bad. In language I seek for improvement, And strive to the best of my power; And yet I am saying, they tell me, "Oh, jiminy 1 ” ten times an hour. I rush into rooms with my hat on; I hop on one leg through the hall; „ ... I slide down the balusters madly; I roll round the floor like a ball. I speak while my eldets are speakirg; And—one thing that greatly annoys— I'm apt, in a general fashion. To treat gtrls as if they were boys. But though I'm a boor beyond question, And want to reform, goodness knows. There seems to be nothing in manner* As splendid as people suppose; For sometimes they’re worn, I imagine. To hide what we’d rather not show. They’re like a fine jacket that covtrs A shirt all in tatters below. Now, this is not my case, it's certain, Although I’m rude, noisy and pert; The jacket may be very ragged. But never you fear for the shirt I

WIT AND HUMOR.

A novel thing—A readable romance. Posted up—The elevated street wayPopular spring flower —Flour of sulphur. “We met by chants,” said the choir singer. The chiropodist sways the whole foot’s-tool. Deuteronomy as you’d have Onomy deuter you. A watch’s tick records time; a drum’s tick beats time. The man who sets a bad example hatches mischief. How natural it is for an “old seed ” to ask “What’s up?” Gone to seed— The farmer who wanders forth to plant corn. If attitudes were animated a dandy would never strike one. The most attractive five-cent counters are at the treasury, Washington. It is singular that the warmest part of a room should be where the frieze is. In the race for matrimony it isn’t always the girl that covers the most laps that wins. A change of Hart—Bob Hart, a negro minstrel, has been converted in New York. Wonder why Rowell was not engaged at some New York theater as “walking gentleman.” If a man really wants to know of how little importance he is, let him go with his wife to a dressmaker. A Kansas man who offered bail for a friend was asked by the Judge if he had any incumbrance on his farm. “Oh, yes,” said he—“my old woman.” The average female pedestrian could not hold up to"run a sewing machine a mile and a half in four days for any amount of money.— Chicago Herald. There is a lawyer down East so excessively honest that he puts all his flower-pots out overnight, so determined is he that everything shall have its dew. If Mr. Edison will only invent a process for making confectionery out of sugar and '5-cent-cigars out of tobacco, he will be entitled to niche 1, section A, Temple of Fame. Suppose that the wearing of colored stockings does poison and cause the death of hundreds of women. Are not second marriages often happy?—Detroit Free Press. When you see the announcement: “Women at the polls,” you may rest assured that woman has gone up head, and that man, like the prophet, has gone up bald-headed.

A lady told her little son, who was teasing for something to eat, to wait until breakfast. With a tear in his eye, he burst out: “ I jest honestly sometimes think you’re a stepmother! ” Mr. Ragsdale broke his engagement with a poor girl to marry a rich widow, and a jury compelled him to pay S9OO damages. “Well,” he said, as he handed the money, “I am still about $20,000 ahead by the change.” A Mr. Isaac V. Green, of Michigan, ran away with his wife’s aunt recently. In other words— He ran away with his spouse'* aunt, And never again was seen— Thus proving anew what a rare old plant Is the Michigan I. V. Green. —Atlanta Constitution. No first-class reporter will ever forget to add at the end of an unsuccessful burglary item that the fellows overlooked a box containing SI,OOO in cash. This always makes the burglars mad enough to shoot themselves.— Detroit Free Press.

MATRIMONY. Marriage is like a flaming candle-light Placed in a window on a summer’s night, Inviting all the insects of the air To come and singe their pretty winglets there. Those that are out butt heads against the pane; Those that are in butt heads to get out again. —Old Poet.

A writer of the gentler sex says that “A womanly woman never gets jammed, crowded, or pushed,” and adds, “I am neither young nor pretty.” This explains it. No man cares to squeeze a woman who is neither young nor pretty. Let us have the experience of some of the young and pretty ones.— Norristown Herald. u I say, Sambo, does you know what makes de com grow so last when you put de manure on it?” “ No, I don’t, hardly, ’<eept it makes de ground stronger for de corn.” “ Now, I’ll jest tell ye. When de corn begins to smell de manure, it don’t like de ’fumery, so it hurries out ob de ground and gits up as high as possible, so as not to breathe de bad air. I think it was in September, if I now rightly remember, that I heard a knock, knocking at my door; yes, I know ’twas in September; he had been there about fifty times before; had been there knocking at my door. But I opened not, nor wondered, as upon my door he thundered, for he yelled: “Say, now, will you settle this ’ere bill I bring you ?” as he battered upon the door; and I answered, calmly answered, “Nevermore.” —Oil City Derrick.

EXTRACT FROM THOMSON’S SEASONS. Ye, too, ye winds, that now begin to blow With boisterous sweep, I raise my voice to you: Where are your stores,ye powerful beings, say! Where are your aerial magazines, reserv’d To swell the brooding terrors of the storm ? In what far distant Hoop! Why in thunder pass ye by Ten thousand people, each with as much Hair as a country schoolmaster, To seize in thy embrace the new silk hat Of the baldest man in Christendom? And here's two dollars and a half To the boy that catches it before It gets outside the corporation’line. —Cincinnati Enquirer. ■■■■•-