Democratic Sentinel, Volume 2, Number 37, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 25 October 1878 — Page 1

fgfy $ emo truly A DEMOCRATIC NEWSPAPER PUBLISHED EVERT FRIDAY, Bl TAMES W. McEWEN. TERMS OF SUBSCRIPTION. One copy one year SI.W Ono copy six month*.. ...•••••»»••••••••••••• •• 1-0® One copy three month* ....... .00 - IT Advertising rates on application

NEWS OF THE WEEK.

FOREIGN NEWS. The suppression of the Bosnian rebellion has enabled Count Andrassy to decide upon the withdrawal of 80,000 soldiers from the province, and the reduction of the remaining corps to a peace footing. Turkey has flatly informed Austria that she will resist the occupation of NoviBazar. A panic in the iron trade at Glasgow is reported by cable. Several heavy-failures have occurred. Late advices from Rome say it has been decided, in consequence of the utter failure of the negotiations between Bismarck aud the Vatican, to endeavor to reach a less radical basis, under which the relations between church and state will be regulated as nearly as possible in accordance with existing German laws. A dispatch from Buenos Ayres says that a terrible hurricane on the River Plata caused a great inundation. The Times, of India, publishes a telegraphic dispatch stating that the Ameer’s reply has been received and is unsatisfactory. The glut of cotton goods in Lancashire is simply unprecedented, and the mill owners are adopting measures to curtail production. The Mohammedans of the Dobrudscha are preparing to resist Roumanian rule. Austria proclaims that full amnesty has been granted to those Bosnian insurgents who took refuge in Hervia. A conflict of opinion in the Italian Cabinet in matters of internal government has led to a serious ministerial crisis. The official report as to the condition of the City of Glasgow Bank shows that the actual loss to the shareholders will foot up the enormous sum of 930,(MX),0(K). The Fenian Clancy, who was sentenced in 1807, has been liberated. A pooplo wo>a killoj outright, and forty wounded, by a railway collision at Pontyfridd, Wales. All the managers and directors of the City of Glasgow Bank have been arrested on a criminal charge of fraud. A cable dispatch says the city of Glasgow “is absorbed in melancholy contemplation of the terrible picture of crime and ruin presented in the official report of the examiners of the broken Glasgow bank. The figures and facts are so overwhelming that even financial minds, familiar with figures and cash books, seem utterly to fail to grasp the situation. A kind of apathetic paralysis appears to have seized upon the citizens. The business exchanges are absolutely stagnant. Signs of approaching punishment for the Directors are visible, and eagerly hailed by the whole community. The important feature in the report is the deliberate falsification of the returns made to the'Government of the gold held by the bank against notes issued. The legal issue was limited to £72,921, but at the suspension of the concern the note circulation was £863,403, and the coin amounted to only £321,753, but the deficiency was made to appear less by illegally including coin lying at the bank's branches. This scandalous proceeding exposes the bank to tremendous penalties under the laws of Great Britain.”

DOMESTIC INTELLIGENCE. ICust. Joseph R. Oakley, the defaulting cashier of the Merchants’ Exchange National Bank, of New York, has been convicted and sentenced to five yeai's’ hard labor in the penitentiary. George J. Hathaway, the rascally treasurer of the Border City Mills, of Fall River, Mass., has received a ten years’ sentence. Chace, the President of the company, was awarded a similar term some time ago. Considerable of a flurry has been created in New York financial circles by the failure of Haar A Co., an old and heavy stockoperating firm. The members of the collapsed firm charge that Jay Gould and others formed a •conspiracy against' them and effected their ruiti. Haar has been arrested and held in heavy bonds on a charge of swindling. A Providence (R. I.) dispatch reports the loss of the bark Susan, which left New Bedford on a whaling voyage Oct. 12. Only three of her crew of twenty-five escaped alive. New York papers chronicle the death of Rear Admiral Paulding, son of the captor of Maj. Andre, and last surviving officer of the battle of Lake Chainplain. An important arrest of counterfeiters was made by Detective Perkins, of the Government force, in Bradford county, Pa., last week. The gang was well supplied with #lO notes on the First National, of Lafayette, Ind., #5 notes on the Hanover (Pa.) National, and •ounterfeit gold and silver coin of all denominations. South. k - A Vicksburg dispatch of Oct. 14 reports that “ there was a political mooting going on at Waterproof, La., and ex-Chief Justice John T. Ludcling had been addressing them. A disturbance arose, and arms wore freely used. During the fight Capt. Peck and four negroes were killed. Among the negroes wounded was one named Fairfax, a nominee for Congress in Tensas parish. He could not be found, and seems to have been gotten away from the scone of action. There was great excitement The negroes were threatening to sack the town, and the whites had dispatched to the adjoining parishes for reinforcement's. ” Advices from the fever-infecte d districts of the South to Oct 16, report hot weather all along the Mississippi valley, and the outlook exceedingly discouraging. The disease was fastening itself upon new country localities daily, and the same sad scenes were being witnessed that has characterized the appearance of the plague at Vicksburg, Grenada, and other stricken towns. The fever had broken out at Helena, Ark., and Little Rock had set up a rigid quarantine against the afflicted town. At New Orleans the deaths for the preceding twenty-four hours numbered 30, with 135 new cases; at Memphis there were 18 deaths; at Vicksburg the fever has about run its course for want of material to feed upon’; at Chattanooga, o aOatiis; Decatur, Ala. J 12 new cases and 2 deaths; Cairo, 111., 2 deaths and 3 new cases; Baton Rouge, La., 46 new cases, 4 deaths. All the towns throughout the interior of Louisiana, Mississippi and Tenneshero u*. fever has appeared report no miprovenont, and no Rapes of an abatement of « plague bei.ra the appearance of frost The only BO n ol J e ff Davis has just died of yellow fever at Mb^ phiß . catastrophe j s meagerly mentioned in a telegraphic 6« ate h from Lynchburg, Va. During a ™ ored Baptist Church, crowded to the^ pacity, a piece of plastering fell, SL a panic of the most dreadful character. In the wold rush to escape from the building a number Of people were crushed to death and many oth-

The Democratic Sentinel.

JAS. W. McEWEN, Editor.

VOLUME 11.

era badly maimed. Among the killed were the bride and groom. A dispatch from Natchez, Miss., dated Oct 16, says: “A fight occurred with the negroes yesterday in Goldman’s field, some four miles above Waterproof, La., in which it is said that thirty-six negroes were killed, .and the whole of them dispersed. Some apprehend further trouble, while the general impression is that the negroes will not again assemble. Assistance was pouring from aq directions. Fifty more men left here this evening, in answer to a call from St. Joseph, La. >'No plantation has been burned. A communication just received from a citizen of Waterproof states: ‘ All quiet and settled. Ten negroes killed yesterday.’ Waterproof is situated immediately on the banks of the Mississippi, in Tensas parish. The parish at the last election registered 5,000. colored and 450 white voters. The following is said to be the origin of the trouble: Fairfax, candidate for Congress for the Fifth district, called a meeting of colored Republicans at Waterproof. The quarantine officers interfered, and the negroes collected in large numbers around Fairfax’s house, just out of town. An armed posse sent out to expostulate with them was fired upon, and three of the posse were killed. ” Advices from the plague-ridden lo calities of the South to Oct 18 report the advent of cooler weather and a gratifying decrease ih the mortality roll. The fever broke out on the relief boat Chambers, which was sent down the Mississippi loaded with supplies for the isolated points along the river, and the expedition was ordered to proceed up the river to quarantine, below St Louis. Lieut. Benner, the commander of the vessel, died, and was buried at Vicksburg. There was great grief over his untimely taking off, and nearly every well person in Vicksburg followed his remains to the grave. From he breaking out of the epidemic to the 20th of October, 3,700 people fell victims to the yellow fever in New Orleans. The total cases of fever reported numbered 12,300. It turns out that the rumored negro insurrection in Tensas parish, La., had little or no foundation. There was some ill-feeling between the races, wliich threatened serious trouble, but it all passed away without any one being killed. West. The hoisting works of the Lady Bryan Mining Company, at Virginia City, Nev., have been burned. Loss, #2OO,(MX). Lyman Potter, the wheelbarrow man, has safely arrived at San Francisco, where he was met and escorted through the streets by a great crowd. There was a severe snow-storm along the Northern Pacific railroad on the 17th of October. In some places the snow was of sufficient depth to impede the movement of trains. A fire in the Burchard block, adjoining the Plankinton House, Milwaukee, destroyed #25,000 worth of property. The great bridge across the Mississippi river, at St. Louis, is to be sold under the Sheriff’s hammer on the 20th of December It is believed that the Cheyenne savages whom Maj. Thornburgh chased, but failed to catch, have established themselves in the sandhills of Northwestern Nebraska, with the intention of raiding the settlements during the winter months.

W ASHINGTON NOTES. The Supreme Court is now in session. The President and Mrs. Hayes visited the Winchester (Va.) Fair last week. A verdict of acquittal has been rendered at Montreal in the cases of the Orangemen on trial for illegal assembly on the 12th of July. The presiding Judge instructed the jury that meetings in lodge-rooms were not illegal, and the twelve “good men and true” had no alternative but a declaration of not guilty. It is said the Orangemen will bring a suit for damages for false arrest. The October report of the Department of Agriculture estimates this year's corn crop at 1,300,000,000 bushels. The yield of wheat will exceed 41X1,000,000 bushels—probably the greatest quantity of wheat ever produced in one year in any country—and the crop of oats will be larger than the very fine one of 1877. Green C. Chandler has been appointed United States Attorney for the Northern district of Mississippi.

POLITICAL POINTS. A Cincinnati dispatch says that “official returns of the late election have been received from all the counties in Ohio but fourteen. Unofficial reports have also been received from these, so that very close estimates can now be made upon the result The total vote cast will fall short of that of last year. The Republican majority for Secretary of State will be 4,102. The National vote will reach somewhere between 30,000 and 35,000, a small increase upon last year.” Hon. Justin S. Morrill has been reelected to the United States Senate from Vermont The full official returns of the Ohio election give the following as the total vote cast for each candidate for Secretary of State: Barnes, Republican, 274,120; Paige, Democrat, 270,996; Ray, National, 38,332; Robinson, Prohibition, 5,674; Barnes’ plurality, Samuel J. Tilden is out with a letter denying all knowledge of the cipher telegrams recently published in the New York Tribune, alleged to have • been exchanged between his friends in relation to the purchase of electoral votes in South Carolina and Florida. He says of the alleged telegrams, “ which relate to an offer purporting to have been made in behalf of some members of the State Board of Canvassers of Florida, to give, for pecuniary compensation, certificates to the Democratic electors who had been actually chosen, none of these telegrams, nor any telegram communicating such offer, or relating to such offer, was seen by me, translated to me, or the’ contents of it in any manner made known to me. ” In relation to the ciphers bearing on the canvass of votes in South Carolina, Tilden says: “I can speak of them no less definitely and positively. No one such telegram, either in cipher or translated, was ever shown to or its contents made known to me. No offer or negotiation in behalf of the Gon vanners of SonHt C! «’v>lina. or any of them, or any dealing w;ith any of them in respect to certificates to electors was ever author ized or sanctioned in any manner by me, di - rectly or through any other person.” Clarkson N. Potter declines a nomination for Congress in the Twelfth New York district.

MISCELLANEOUS GLEANINGS Norvin Green has been chosen to succeed the late William Orton as President of the Western Union Telegraph Company. According to estimates compiled at the Agricultural Department in Washington the cotton crop of the United States this year wiU exceed 5,000,000 bales. The owner of the horse Hopeful has

RENSSELAER, JASPER COUNTY, INDIANA, FRIDAY, OCTOBER 25,1878.

issued a sweeping challenge to all the horses in the world to trot two races—(l) mile heats, three in five, in harness, and (2) mile heats, three in five, to wagon—for any reasonable amount A report of business failures for 1878, recently compiled, shows that in the third quarter, ending Sept 30, there were 2,853 suspensions, as compared with 1,815 for the same period of 1877. The liabilities embraced in these collapses amounted to #66,000,000 for the quarter just closed, and to #42,000,000 for the corresponding quarter last year. The failures for the nine months just closed numbered 8,768 and for the same term in 1877, 6,565. The New York Mine Company s book,s which were seized some time ago by Tilden’s counsel, at Marquette, Mich., and spirited away, have been surrendered up, in accordance with the order of United States Judge Baxter. The transfer of the government of Canada from the hands of the party in power for the past four years, to those of the Conservatives who carried the late Parliamentary elections is now complete, aud Lord Dufterin has sailed for England. The Commander of the Forces, Gen. Macdougall, will act as Governor until the arrival of the Marquis of Lorne.

Deadwood City.

Deadwood now has a population of 4,000, and is the commercial center of the Black Hills region. It has rude theaters, dance houses, gambling hells, and uncounted bar-rooms; yet a recent visitor says there is far less ruffianism than might fairly be expected in a new mining place. There are banks, churches, a school house, a newspaper, and good hotels. Many lawyers get a good income out of the excessive litigation over the titles to mines. Deadwood is in an irregular gulch, has already outgrown its space, and begins to climb the precipitous sides of the hills by which it is inclosed. White cottages, approached by winding paths and steps, stand hundreds of feet above the level of the town. Under Deadwood proper there is another city—the city of the miners. Openings to the tunnels and shafts are seen at various places throughout the upper town. In the tunnels and shafts the placer miner digs out the yellow earth, and sluices it for the crumbs of gold that, during the long ages, have been slowly escaping from the quartz lodes in the hills. But capitalists have taken hold of the mining business of the Black Hills, and many quartz mills of the best class are running. The truth about the yield of gold it is hard to find out, because the owners of rich mines seek to depreciate values, and the owners of worthless mines have a contrary intention.

Landlord and Tenant.

A decision has just been rendered in the United States District Court, at Chicago, by Judge Blodgett, upon a question of great importance and interest to landlords and tenants. The case before the court was an application for an order giving plaintiff 1 possession of a house occupied by defendant under a lease, one of the clauses of which gave the owner of the premises power of attorney to confess judgment in a suit of this kind whenever the lessee failed to fulfill his part of the contract. The defendant had failed to pav the rent, and judgment was asked by the owner under this clause of the lease. No case of the kind had been presented hitherto. Judge Blodgett held that the power of attorney conveyed in the ?ease wbs as good as any other poorer of attorney to confess judgment, and the relief prayed for must be granted. The defendant gave notice that he would carry the matter to the Supreme Court. If the decision of Judge Blodgett is sustained, as it probably will be, landlords w ill not be slow to avail themselves of the means thus afforded for speedily getting rid of non-paying tenants. A clause in leases giving power to confess judgment will greatly simplify the hitherto rather complicated job of ousting delinquent lessees.

A Wife’s Crime.

Mr. and Mrs. George Hoffman, living near Vesper, N. Y., quarreled for years. They had nine children. The mother sent her 14-year-old boy to Vesper to purchase a quantity of arsenic. She met the boy on the road home. She examined the poison he had obtained and told him to go home, and, if his father had not eaten his supper, to put a quantity of the drug in his tea. If tea was over, the boy was charged to put the poison in his father’s breakfast tea. The mother then went to Vesper and remained with a relative. The boy found that his father had been to tea. Next morning he steeped some of the arsenic in his father’s tea. Shortly after drinking it the old man was taken sick. He sent for his wife. She would not go to him. The boy who had given the poison then went for his mother. He told her his father was dead. She started home. On the way she said to her son, taking him by the neck : “If you ever say a word about this I’ll kill you the first chance I get.” The boy did tell what had been done, however, and he and his mother are in jail. Hoffman was 67 years old. His widow was his second wife.

A Queer Language.

A fast man on a fast day took his fast horse and went to the end of the fast land, and there tied him fast, and as fast as he could broke his fast. Then he rose, and took off his hose, and went with his hoes’ along the rows, and put the rose on the end of his hose—which, as every one knows, is a sort of nose, though I hear some noes—and, like a fisherman, rows for the shad with noes, or a hunter goes for the forest roes. So his hosd waters every rose in all the rows. Now tell me who knows how a foreign wight (I do not mean white) could learn very fast the meaning of hoes and rows, or nose and noes, or to perform any rite right, or even to write wright right, if his living depended on getting some right which involved the right writing of wright, right, write and rite ? Camden Post. John Evans dropped into Tyringham, Mass., two years ago, from nobody knows where. He would never explain who or what he was; but he.soon became popular, and married the daughter of a resident. A few days ago he quit the table in the midst of dinner, went out of Tyringham, and has not been seen since. Why he disappeared is as much a mystery as where he came from. Even lus wife only knows that while he remained he was a kind husband. It is now reported that the hop crop of England will be greater this year than it was last season. The prospects on the continent have somewhat improved.

“A Firm Adherence to Correct Principles.”

HILL ON HAYES.

A Scatliing Review of the Administration — “Civil-Service” Dangers, and Failure to Meet Them—Peijury Elevated Into a Virtue and Forgery into an Art. Some months ago, Senator Hill, of Georgia, who was, upon Mr. Hayes’ accession to office, so kindly disposed toward the President as to almost excite the suspicion of his Democratic constituents, published some rather caustic allusions to the President’s civil-service policy. These remarks have been sharply commented upon by Northern journals. Mr. Hill, replying to a Georgia acquaintance, defends his accusation in the following letter: Atlanta, Ga., Oct 2,1878. My Dear Sib: In this day of much printing it is almost Impossible to hari) one’s opinions or motives correctly represented. I suppose it is because misrepresentation is so easy. I have, never cast any “slurs upon the President.” I have never expressed any “bitterness toward Mr. Hayes,” because I have never felt any. I have never complained or indulged in any pique because Mi-. Hayes did not appoint persons to office who were recommended by me. I have never recommended any. I have indorsed some applicants as qualified, and have greatly desired to see the civil service improved—especially in the South. I trust no man who knows me needs to lie assured that in the discharge of my public duties I am incapable of lieing influenced by personal piques and disappointments. Vritli me all personal feelings and relations, whether of friendship or otherwise, are subordinated to the public good. But I should be uncandid if I did not confess that I have been most grievously disappointed in both Mr. Hayes aud his administration. If my grievance was only personal the world would never suspect it in my official conduct and opinions. It is because my grievance relates only to our national character and the public weal that I make known its existence, and -will proceed to set forth briefly my reasons for it I believe "that what is known as our “civil service” as it now exists, and has long existed, is a crime against popular government and civilization. I believe it has been the chief cause of many troubles and corruptions in the past, and if not thoroughly reformed will surely undermine and destroy our free institutions. 1 will not stop here to discuses the grounds of this belief. They have been long and well considered, and have produced absolute conviction. I always did abhor that old party slogan, “To the victors belong the spoils.” It was never suited to any but liandits and plunderers, and was always disgraceful to men claiming to bo patriots and statesmen. It reduces the science of government to the tricks of gamblers, the hypocrisy of demagogues and the blows of ruffians. I heard Mr. Hayes when, in his inaugural address, he announced his policy, or rather his purpose of civil-service reform. To say I was pleased would feebly express the truth. In spite of my conviction that he was not elected by the people, but owed his office to unmitigated frauds for which I believed he was not responsible, I felt willing to bury this last and greatest wrong with the many that had preceded it, and for which all sides were more or less responsible, and unite my humble efforts in support of a policy which, in my judgment, promised escape to our whole country from all such wrongs in the future. What is spoken of as Mr. Hayes’ Southern policy was of far less significance. The Southern policy was a necessity of the situation. Mr. Hayes had no power to avoid it. The end of carpet-bag plundering in the South and disgrace to the nation had come by events. Even Gen. Grant saw that the army could no longer be used to settle contested elections in the States and maintain robbers in pow-er. But with our corrupt and ever-corrupting civil service the situation was different. This evil had its origin before the war. It had grown up under the nurture of the leaders of parties. It had pushed its brazen supporters and beneficiaries to the front seats of authority. It had grown and strengthened with every year, and seemed to have intrenched itself impregnably during Gen. Grant's administration. When, therefore, in the very day of its insolent power, in the very midst of its pampered courtiers, and on the very field of its greatest sway, Mr. Hayes announced in clear and unfaltering voice his purpose to strangle this hydra of many heads, he seemed to exhibit the courage, manliness and patriotism of one worthy to be President. This exhibition gave me high hopes of the man, and several early free and frank interviews which I felt encouraged to seek with him greatly strengthened and encouraged these hopes. Now, my friend, it is the utter and sickening disappointment which these hopes have experienced, and nothing else, wliich has forced from me the few words to which you allude, and which have been falsely construed by Republican papers to express personal bitterness and hostility on my part toward President Hayes. In my opinion Mr. Hayes has utterly failed to improve—indeed, has strangely thrown away—an opportunity to make for himself a name worthy to be enrolled with that of Washington, because that opportunity improved would have conferred on Ins country a benefit equal to any conferred by Washington himself. He has failed because he has shown liimself utterly unequal to liis opportunity. He has shown himself unequal in that he has utterly failed to realize that the Chief Magistrate of a great country has no personal friends, no personal enemies, and owes no personal obligations, but is under obligations only to his country, and to that country’s honor, glory, prosperity, constitution and laws. He has thrown away an opportunity to honor himself, and even his country, by recognizing an obligation to reward those who, by frauds most disgraceful to their country, gave him this opportunity. He has thrown away the grandest opportunity ever given to man, only that he might give offices to as w-orthless a set of rapscallions as ever disgraced humanity. A man may become President by reason of a crime and yet himself not be tainted or even culpable. Twice, in our liistoiy, have men become Presidents by reason of crime. Andrew Johnson became "President by reason of a wicked and foul assassination. Mr. Hayes became President by reason of a wicked and foul conspiracy to change, and which did change, the ballots of the people after those ballots had been cast. Yet each became President through the forms of the constitution and laws. How did Mr. Johnson deal with those who committed and who were charged with aiding to commit the crime by which he became President? He pursued them for punishment with such vigor that, as all the world now believes, an innocent woman was hanged! How has Mr. Hayes dealt ■with those who committed and those who were charged with aiding to commit the crime by which he became President? If you will’examine the list from the humblest"manager of the election precincts in Florida and Louisiana, through the visiting statesmen (as they are nowin- mockery called), and up to and through the Electoral Commission, and show me one, black or white, high or low-, who is known to be guilty, or who is suspected of the guilt of this crime, who has not received or been offered an office, you will relieve to that extent the pain and mortification I feel in looking over these sickening developments. There was a woman charged to be among the conspirators in both crimes. In Mr. Johnson’s case Mrs. Surratt, protesting her innocence with an honest woman’s tears and a devoted mother’s entreaties, was chained andmocked and hungIn Mr. Hayes case, Agnes Jenks, confessing her guilt in brazen gibberish never before equaled, receives an office of good pay and little work in the treasury, and that, too, at a time when ladies of unquestioned worth, with hungry children, and husbands slain in battle, were rudely turned away with the gruff answ-er “ no vacancies.” If, instead of fleeing as a criminal, Wilkes Booth had sought the presence of Andrew Johnson as one who had rendered the latter good service, and Mr. Johnson had entertained him at the Executive Mansion and given him an office, what would the world have said? What would you say ? Letters have been produced before the Potter committee, written by Republican members of Congress, which were written to Republican friends and not intended for publication, which strikingly exhibit the superior influence of Kellogg, Packard, Wells, and Anderson at the Executive Mansion. In other ways we know now that almost every person connected with the fraud has claimed or exercised special influence or favor at the White House. But the contrast may be stated in one short sentence: In Mr. Johnson’s case all the criminals, real or suspected, were specially marked for punishment. In Mr. Hayes’ case all the criminals, real or suspected, were specially marked for reward. I would be really glad if I could find some excuse, some apology or some palliation for e course Mr. Hayes has pursued in this matter. But, after fuU consideration, I can find none. It is no palliation to say that assassination was a greater crime than fraud. Both were crimes. If it is right to reward crime at all, then the greatest crimes should receive the highest re-

wards. You cannot produce innocence, much less merit, by grading crimes. AU deserve punishment and none are entitled to reward. To reward fraud is a greater crime than to commit it, for the reward invites many commissions. If Andrew Johnson had rew-arded Booth the whole world would have pronounced him a greater criminal than Booth. It is difficult to conceive of a greater crime than the defeat by fraud of the popular wiU in a government which rests on the popular wiU. If there be a greater crime it is committed by those who reward the authors of such fraud, for such reward invites the perpetual defeat of the popular will; and, therefore, a direct subVerelon .of the Government, and assumes the most insidious form of treason. It is worse than no excuse—it is itself a crime to say that Mr. Hayes was under obligations to these authors of fraud. If there had been no assassin Booth there would have been no President Johnson. But was the President, therefore, under obligation to the assassin? If there had been no frauds in Florida and Louisiana there wotfld have been no President Hayes. Is the President, therefore, under obligation to all who helped to commit the fraud ? It seems that all have claimed reward. It is no apology to say that Mr. Hayes did not believe these people were guilty of any fraud. It was his duty to protect the character of the nation and the integrity of the administration. He can do neither by placing great numbers of men in office who are charged with crimes and whom largely more than half of the people believe are guilty. In truth, Ido not believe any intelligent man doubts their guilt. But I trust wc have In this country a sufficient number of men of unsuspected honesty to fill the offices, and both the public character and the public interests require that only such men should be appointed. Besides, if these men were in truth innocent they would not have asked or accepted office from Mr. Hayes, for they would not have been willing to bring -weakness" upon the administration or disrepute upon the civil service. Their universal and brazen demands for office is the highest proof of their guilt, for it shows they care nothing for Mr. Hayes—nothing for the" honor of the country —nothing for the good repute of the civil service. Their every act in pressing for office shows that reward was their object, and reward they must have. Every man of the guilty gang who has not been satisfied with the office offered him has confessed the frauds. Every man who has not confessed the frauds has been kept satisfied with office. Why should he confess whose confession would defeat his reward ? How does it happen that those only are not entitled to belief who confess the frauds? And how does it happen that the credit of none was denied until after confession was made? It is no palliation now to say that the larger number of these appointments were made by certain members, or bv a member of the Cabinet. If Mr. Johnson Lad made Wilkes Booth a member of his Cabinet he could not have complained if Booth had provided places for his tools and subordinates. Nevertheless, if, when the revelations on this subject were made before the Potter committee, Mr. Hayes had promptly ordered a sweeping purgation for the civil service of those obnoxious characters, as I greatly hoped he would do, he would have been largely vindicated. Instead, however, of dismissing any he appointed more, and some of the appointments seemed to have the special purpose of suppressing or affecting testimony before the committee. If anything were wanting to increase the wicked heinousness of the frauds upon the ballots in Florida and Louisiana it will be found in the only excuse which the authors and abettors of these frauds have offered for their perpetration. It must never be forgotten that the great facts are not denied, but admitted —to wit, that the ballots were changed after they were cast, and the verdict of the people reversed after it had been rendered and was known. The excuse for this, as alleged, is that there were intimidations at the precincts which prevented a free expression by the people. If this excuse is false in fact, then the crime stands confessed without excuse. Those of ns who have been familiar with carpet-bag villainies knew from the first that the excuse was false; but the proof now revealed abundantly shows that the excuse is not only false, but was actually manufactured for the express purpose of a cover for the fraud. Thus the excuse itself becomes part of the fraud, and the most infamous part of it. Not only was the excuse itself manufactured, but the "evidence to make the excuse deceive the Northern people was also manufactured in the Custom House in New Orleans and elsewhere. Forgeries are shown to have been numerous, and perjuries were secured under promises of reward. In this vile work men holding high positions took active part, and every one who took such part has received high "office from Mr. Hayes, and has thus been enabled to become himself a dispenser of rewards to bis subordinates. Take it all in all—its origin, its extent, its wicked adroitness, its deliberation, the variety of characters engaged, its numberless perjuries and reckless forgeries, its marvelous success and its absolute control of a great government of unequaled patronage for its reward—and it must be confessed that the Presidential fraud of 1876 is without a parallel in any history. It dwarfs all other frauds, conspiracies and rol>berics into comparative insignificance. If allowed to go unpunished it will elevate perjury into a virtue, forgery into an art, and will reduce usurpation to a science! The administration which I, for one, had fondly hoped would inaugurate a new era of elevation, purity and efficiency in our civil service has persistently identified its life, its power and its character with the frauds of its origin, and has thus done more than all our Srevious history to bring that civil service into isrepute and "the advocates of its reform to confusion and shame. The keenest pang of all is that which springs from the fact that will not down, that all this has been done to silence, gratify and reward as vile a set of scoundrels as ever robbed without remorse or lied without blushing. It has given me no pleasure to write this letter. I have been slow and reluctant to give up the hopes I had formed of this administration. I am not willing even now to discredit my own judgment of men so far as to admit that my first impressions of Mr. Hayes were altogether incorrect. I prefer to believe, and do believe, that he has fallen under the control of men who were deeply involved in the guilt of this fraud, and whose power over him he has not been able to resist. Even now, if he would purge his administration of every person connected with the frauds he might yet rally good men to his support and close his term of service with something of benefit to this country and respect for himself. But I fear the serpents of fraud have their coils so wrapped around him that he is unable and may have become unwilling to release himself. There is but one more step between our free institutions and destruction. The Government has become indentified with fraud, and is administered by the authors of fraud. If the people shall fail to repudiate the fraud and its authors, abettors and rewarders, then we shall have entered upon that phase of our career when the offices and immense patronage of this richest of countries will take the form of glittering prizes offered to induce the commission of crimes against the popular will. Assassins will be made heroes, and the greatest criminals will become most entitled to enjoy the honors and live on the benefactions of government. Beyond that, the man who talks of the safety and purity of popular governments will be a lunatic. 'Jour friend, Benjamin H. Him.. Hon. Robert C. Humber, Eatonton, Ga.

Material Effects of the Fever.

It is estimated that the actual material loss to the region of country scourged by the yellow fever, thus far, is not less than $200,000,000, and this is, doubtless, a very low estimate. Splendid stands of cotton will be lost for want of hands to pick it, while the cessation of business in cities and towns, and on the railroads and river, has occasioned enormous losses, which cannot now be computed. Beyond expression, this has been a terrible year for the people of the Mississippi valley. Some people talk -in a melancholy way, and express the belief that the South will be utterly, irremediably ruined. That is an impossibility. The South has been swept by the flood, pestilence and the sword, yet has she come out of the depths with a firm step and a hopeful heart. Temporarily crushed the South may be, but destroyed never. There is reason to rejoice that the yellow fever has spread so little east of the Mississippi. It is leaving a broad, black mark from Cairo to the Gulf. It is a terrible mark, to be sure. It is a trail marked by graves. Yet out of the deeps of this woe those communities will come with renewed strength. If it were otherwise, we might indeed abandon hope for the South. The people have too much at stake, and the business of the valley is too great. Its demands will speedily

set all the machinery of trade in motion again. The heart only aches in contemplation of the weeks of death and misery which must elapse before this plague-storm’s horrors ■will vanish.— Louisville Courier-Journal.

GOV. TILDEN’S DISCLAIMER.

Denial that He Either Sent, Received, or Authorised Those Cipher Telegrams—His Election Confessed by Self-Convicted Participants in the Fraud—A Fixed Purpose on His Part Never to Descend to an Ignominious Competition for Carpet-Bag Favors— His Nomination and His Triumph Unbought and Himself Untrammeled. I have read the publications in the New York Tribune of the Bth inst., purporting to be translations of cipher telegrams relating to the canvass of the votes in Florida, at the Presidential election of 1876, and have looked over those printed in the Tribune of this morning, relating to the canvass in South Carolina. I have no knowledge of the existence of these telegrams, nor any information about them, except what has been derived from or since the publications of the Tribune. So much for these telegrams generally. I shall speak yet more specifically as to some of them. 1. As to those which relate to the offer purporting to have been made in behalf of some member of the State Board of Canvassers of Florida, to give, for pecuniary compensation, certificates to the Democratic electors who had been actually chosen, none of these telegrams, nor any telegram communicating such offer, or relating to such offer, was seen by me, translated to me, or the contents of it in any manner made known to me. I had no knowledge of the existence or purport of any telegram relating to that subject. Nor did I learn the fact that such offer of the Florida certificates had been made until long after the 6th of December, at which time the certificates were delivered and the electoral votes cast, and when the information casually reached me, as of a past event, it was accompanied by the statement that the offer had been rejected. 2. As to the publications in the Tribune. of this morning purporting to be translations of cipher telegrams, relating to the canvass of the > votes in South Carolina in 1876, which I have seen since I wrote the foregoing, I can speak of thenwio loss definitely and positively. Not one such telegram, either in cipher or translated, was ever shown to or its contents made known to me. No offer or negotiation in behalf of the State Canvassers of South Carolina, or any of them, or any dealing with any of them in respect to certificates or to electors, was ever authorized or sanctioned in any manner by me directly or through any other person. I will add that no offer to give the certificates of any lieturning Board or State Canvassers of any State to the Democratic electors, in consideration of promises of office or money or property ; no negotiation of that nature in behalf of any member of such board or with any such member; no attempt to influence the action of any such member, or to influence the action'of anv elector of President and Vice President by’ such motives, was ever entertained, considered, or tolerated by me, or by anybody within my influence, by my consent, or with my knowledge or acquiescence. No such contemplated transaction could at any time have come within the range of my power without that power being instantly used to crush it out. A belief was doubtless current that the certificates from the State of Florida conforming to the actual vote of the people were in the market. “I have not the slightest doubt in the world,” said Mr. Saltonstall, who was in Florida at the time, in a recent interview with the Herald “that that (Florida) vote could have been bought, if Mr. Tilden had been dishonorable enough to desire it done, for a great deal less than $50,000 or $20,000.” It was known that either one of the two members who composed the majority of the Florida State Canvassers could control its action and give certificates to the Democrats. Either one of them could settle the Presidential controversy in favor of the Democratic candidates, who lacked but one vote. How accessible to venal inducements they were is shown by the testimony of McLin, Chairman of the Board of State Canvassers, in his examination before the Potter committee in June last. He admitted that the true vote of the people of Florida was in favor of the Democratic electors, and that fact even appeared on the face of the county returns, including among them the true return from Baker county, notwithstanding the great frauds against the Democrats in some county returns. He also confessed that in voting to give the certificates to the Republican electors he acted under the influence of promises that he should be rewarded in east} “Mr. Hayes became President,” adding that “certainlp ‘these promises must have had a strong control over my judgment and action. After the certificates of the Louisiana Returning Board had been repeatedly offered to Mr Hewitt and others for money, they were given in favor of the Republican electors, who had been rejected bp a large majority of voters, and : the members of this Returning Board now pos- ! sess the most important Federal offices in that State. The pregnant fact always remains that. none of these corrupt boards gave their certificates to the Democratic electors, but they all did give them to the Republican electors. I had a per-fectly-fixed purpose, from which I never deviated in word or act—a purpose which was known to, or assumed by, all with whom I was in habitual communication. If the Presidency of the United States was to be disposed of by certificates to be won from corrupt Returning Boards by any form of venal inducements, whether of offices or money, I was resolved to take no part in the shameful competition, and I took none. The main interest of the victory which resulted in my election was the expectation that through the Chief Magistracy a system of reforms similar to that which had been accomplished in our metropolis and in our State administration would be achieved in the Federal Government. For this object it was necessary that I should lie nntrammeled by any commitment in the choice of men to execute the official trusts of the Government, and untrammeled by any obligation to special interests. I had been nominated and I was elected without one limitation upon my perfect independence. To have surrendered or compromised the advantages of this position by a degrading competition for Returning-Board certificates would nave been to abandon all that made victory desirable —everything which could have sustained me in the larger struggle which that victorv would have imposed upon me. I was resolved to go into the Presidential chair in full command of all my resources for usefulness or not at all While thus abstaining from the ignominious competition for such certificates I saw these certificates obtained for the Republican electors who had not lieen chosen by the people, and denied to the Democratic electors who had been chosen by the people. These false and fraudulent certificates, now confessed and proved to have been obtained by corrupt inducements, "were made the pretext for taking from the people their rightful choice for the Presidency and Vice Presidency. These’certi fl cates were declared by the tribunal to which Congress had abdicated the function of deciding the count of disputed electoral votes to be the absolute and indisputable conveyance of the title to the Chief Magistracy of the nation. The State of Florida, which had united all her executive, legislative and judicial powers to testifv to Congress long before the count who werelier genuine agents; which had by statute caused a recanvass, the issue of new certificates, and the formal sovereign authentication of the right of the true electors to deposit their votes to be counted, was held to be incapable of communicating to Congress a fact which everybody then knew and which cannot now be disputed. Congress, though vested by the constitution with authority to count the electoral votes; though unrestricted either as to the time when it should receive the evidence, or as to the nature of that evidence, and though subject to no appeal from its decision, was declared to have no power to guide its own count by any information it could obtain, or by any authority which it might accept from a wronged and betrayed State whose vote was about to be falsiThe monstrous conclusion was thus reached that the act of one man holding the deciding vote in the Board of State Canvassers (for without his concurrence the frauds of the other Returning Boards would have failed), in giving certificates known at the time, and now by himself confessed to be false and fraudulent, and confessed to have been obtained by promise of office—certificates whose character was known months before Congress could begin the count—must prevail over all the remedial powers of the State of Florida and the Congress of the United States combined, and must dispose of the Chief Magistracy of this republic. 8. J. Tilden. New Yobk, Oct. 16,1678. Now that locomotive wheels are made of paper it is not astonishing to be informed that artificial teeth made out of the same substance are to be found at the Berlin Paper Exposition.

$1.50 per Annum

NUMBER 37.

A NATIONAL CURRENCY.

While private property can belong to no other individual than the owner, yet all private property, considered as a unit, belongs to the community in its collective capacity, to be used for maintaining its existence and for consummating measures which are essential to | its future growth, power and stability. : Should any one doubt the correctness of this assertion, let him refuse to pay taxes levied for the benefit of the State. He will then discover that Government has not only a right to seize his prop- , erty in satisfaction of the tax, but that the Government claim on his property : takes precedence of all prior claims I against it. The mere fact of Government being, authorized to levy taxes establishes its ownership in private property to the extent of the tax; an extent which may, in great emergencies, reach a third or even a half of the estimated value of the property. . The state having thus a parainorint ' ownership in all the property of its citizens, there follows the right to issue promissory notes or national currency to represent that property; and as the claim of the Government upon private property within the limits here defined takes precedence of all private owner- ■ ship in property, so also does national I currency take precedence of individual promissory notes or private currency. ■ That is to say, when Government issues national currency to represent the value of communal property, it has the right i to forbid, if necessary, the issue of individual promissory notes or private cur- I rency designed to represent the value i of the same property. This right is so palpable as to call for no discussion. . With the power to create necessarily goes the right to protect what is created. An individual issues promissory notes that represent the value of his property ; in order to exchange them for other ! property, which he sells or otherwise i disposes of, and uses the proceeds to redeem his currency, keeping the surplus, if any, or meeting a deficiency with a portion of his original property. Likewise our Government issued greenbacks or national currency, which represent the value of the communal property, in order to exchange them for labor, mental and physical, and for the products of the soil, the workshop, and the loom, all of which were consumed in preserving the life of the Ration. If Government had issued the greenbacks to another Government in payment of what it required to suppress the rebellion, it would have been i obliged to repay the Government alt | that had been received from it, and I thus pay off its promissory notes or i greenbacks, just as an honest citizen i does who has passed his notes or private \ currency to another citizen. But our j nation, instead of dealing with another | nation, dealt with itself, issued green- 1 backs to itself in exchange for goods and labor furnished by itself. Thus it came to pass that the nation in the act of issuing its currency redeemed it, and in the act of redeeming it reissued it; a reciprocal process that has continued up to the present moment. Hard-money men make it a standing reproach against the greenbacks that they can be issued in unlimited quantities after the same manner and with the same celerity a printer puts forth reams of circulars. The reproach is one born of ignorance and prejudice. Not a dollar of the national currency was put forth that the recipient of it had not to give in exchange a full equivalent either in labor or property; he could not have done more had the dollar been metal instead of paper—been gold instead of greenback. A little reflection will satisfy anyone blessed with good sense that it is not possible to issue greenbacks except in this manner, without making whoever attempts it liable to punishment, unless Congress should authorize a different course from that heretofore pursued. What amount of national currency ought to be issued to an enterprising nation ? A correct answer to this query cannot be returned without previously taking into consideration the nature of the people, and the conditions to which they are subjected by circumstances beyond their control. A nation highly civilized and occupying a comparatively small territory requires less than one equally enlightened but inhabiting a vast empire. The former depends so much upon nations of other climes for many essentials to its civilization, which insuperable obstacles prevent it from procuring at home, that it is less interested in possessing a national currency than in acquiring a large supply of such merchandise as will be acceptable abroad in exchange for products the nation cannot create out of its own resources. The kind of merchandise coveted for this purpose varies in accordance with what is most desired by the people upon whom the nation depends for supplies. But the merchandise chiefly in demand are the precious metals, gold and silver, since these are more generally acceptable abroad than any other; hence a nation situated in the manner here described naturally sets greater store upon gold and silver, keys to the treasury heaps of foreign lands, than upon a national currency which can be used only at home, where individual and corporate promissory notes perform, though inefficiently, many of its duties. It is not surprising the precious metals should eventually have come to be regarded by the most progressive and cultured European nations as the mainstay of their power, prosperity and happiness. Without gold and silver they would sink into comparative barbarians; for their territory, both by reason of its limited area and geographical position, is not capable of bringing forth more than a comparatively small number of the products which are absolutely required to meet the wants of the people. Destroy the ability to make up this deficiency from abroad, ami the people must inevitably assume a life and culture in conformity with what their country, its soil, climate, and mineral resources can sustain. . For the first time in the history of mankind, an opportunity is being given a nation (ourselves) to rear independently a civilization superior to any heretofore known. An immense empire, capable of producing, to an unlimited extent, everything to be found elsewhere in the world, has been handed over to a people superior to all others in energy, intelligence and enterprise. Such a combination of immense opportunities, with vast abilities to make the most of those opportunities, has never

ffiemotriltif §tnlinel - JOB PRINTING OFFICE Hm better tacilitiM than any office in MorthweaiN* Indiana for the execution of all branches a*os x’n.uxrT ing. PROMPTNESS A SPECIALTY. Anything, from a Dodger to a Prlce-Idat, or from ■ Pamphlet to a Poster, black or colored, plain or fancy, SATISFACTION GUARANTEED.

heretofore fallen to the lot of our race. It only remains for us to decide whether we will manage our vast inheritance according to the maxims and precepts of those who have never had a similar experience to draw upon for our guidance, or whether we will manage it in accordance with the dictates of their own good sense, and with what is expected of all who assume to be masters of their own possessions. An ample national currency within our own undivided control, an American money belonging exclusively to ourselves, is a prime requisite for making us an independent, self-sustaining nation. If, on the contrary, we elect a merchandise that is owned and controlled almost exclusively by foreigners, to measure the value of all property created by us, then no matter what wealth of energy and enterprise we expend, or how vast the property we create, their value can never be greater than the gold that is available to measure that value; and the whole of our possessions will belong actually, if not nominally, to those who hold the gold. How much currency we need is not a question for European financiers or their agents here to answer for us; all their experience is derived from the necessities of their own “pent-up Uticas,” and is no more applicable to our case than is the experience of a kitchen gardener applicable to the management of a 50,000-acre farm. Divide up our territory into a hundred kingdoms, people these with different nations, speaking different languages, having different manners and customs, influenced by different traditions, each morbidly jealous of the others, and all obliged to keep a large supply of gold to exchange with their neighbors for other merchandise not obtainable within their own boundaries, then we will have a state of affairs analogous to what prevails among our officious foreign advisers, and be in a condition to profit by their experience and example. William Howard. Philadelphia, Pa.

THROUGH EUROPE IN STYLE.

I What it Costs to Keep a Real Nice Party Six Months Abroad. C. C. Fulton, editor of the Baltimore American, writes as follows of his recent European trip: MSSy>.of your readers who traveled with us on this journey will naturally have a desire to know at what cost such an European tour can be made, and the length of time we gave to each of the principal cities on the continent. It may seem to some that our stay at Rome, or Naples, or Florence, or Vienna, ; was not long enough, but we assure , them that we viewed everything of real i importance in all these cities. We did | not have any idle days, nor did we halt I for rest, or stop for rain or bad weather. , We were always in motion, going to bed • tired and getting up refreshed. On the ! same day that we entered the ball on the dome of St. Peter’s we were down ! in the bowels of the earth, exploring the I catacombs, passing on the route the Coliseum and the ruins of ancient Rome. In the evening we would take a drive in the parks, and at night attend the operas, concerts or theaters. In short, we were on a five months’ frolic, and every moment was precious and enjoyj able. We flew over the continent singing, rejoicing and happy, and were i everywhere regarded as “the jolly Americans.” We never traveled on Sunday, and this was our only day of rest, being all that we needed or desired. We were absent from New York just ■ five months and one day, or 155 days in i all, which were spent as follows: 10 days on the ocean. 1 day in Liverpool. ! 4 days in London (first visit). 8 days in Paris (first visit). 1 day at Marseilles. 1 day at Nice. 1 day at Monaco. 1 day at Pisa. 1 day at Genoa. 6 days at Rome. 4 days at Naples. 3 days in Florence. 6 days at Venice. 1 day at Adelsburg (cave). 7 days at Vienna. 3 days at Munich. 1 day at Bingen. 1 day going down the Rhine. 2 days at Cologne. 3 days at Brussels. 33 days at Paris (second visit). 1 14 days at London (second visit). 3 days at Edinburgh, i 2 days at Glasgow. 1 day at Belfast and Giant’s Causeway. 3 days at Dublin. 2 days at Killamey (lakes). 2 days at Cork. 22 days in railroaxl travel. 9 days on the ocean (homeward). ; 155 days from New York to New York. It is an admitted fact that the cost of i travel in Europe with a party of ladies is much heavier than with all gentlemen. ■ The cost of living in Paris is also onethird higher this year than ever before. Still we find in footing up the costs of this extended tour that it amounts to but $946.35 for each of the tourists—about $6 per day. This includes the ocean passage out and home and all the expenses of travel, including carriages, guides, fees, operas, theaters and amusements. We traveled first-class all the time, stopping at the best hotels, and made no special effort to economize, but the most strenuous efforts to prevent being swindled. Three or four young men traveling together ought to make the same tour for about SBOO, and with rigid economy at a still smaller figure. It may be proper to add that the whole of our party were persistant water-drink-ers, and, although we were everywhere told that water was unhealthy and ice destructive, we stuck to our favorite beverage, with daily improving health and spirits, and entire freedom from Roman and other fevers. We think that our combined weight on returning was fully fifty pounds more than when we embarked, and that the increase was judiciously distributed among those who needed it most. Queer Proceedings. The military authorities have just been informed of a curious proceeding at Santa Rosa, on the Mexican side of the Rio Grande. A number of Americans are - residents of the place, it appears, and recently they were called together by the Mexicans, put under a guard of armed Indians, and commanded to sign a paper denying the truth of a recent publication in a Galveston journal, which charged the Santa Rosa Greasers with joining the Indians in raids into Texas. Col. MacKenzie, commanding at Fort Clark, Texas, has written a sharp letter to the officer in command at Santa Rosa, denouncing the outrage. A more effectual way of bringing the Mexicans to their senses would be to send troops enough there for the protection of Americans, with orders to destroy the town if any further cause for complaint is given.— Chicago Times.