Democratic Sentinel, Volume 2, Number 28, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 23 August 1878 — Page 1

A. DEMOCRATIC NEWSPAPER PUBLISHED EVER! FRIDAY, - BY TAMES W. McEWEN. TEEMS OF SUBSCRIPTION. One copy one year $1.50 One copy six month*..... 1.00 One copy three montha .50 nr Advertising rate* on application

NEWS OF THE WEEK.

FOREIGN NEWS. The insurrection in Bosnia continues to give the Austrians trouble. In some places the Turkish regulars fraternize with the rebels, and materially increase the difficulty of sup pressing the disturbance. The Czar has telegraphed the Sultan requesting him to order the evacuation of Batoum. The German representative has also advised the evacuation of Batoura, and the Porte has decided to comply with the advice. The Russian troops are being withdrawn from the vicinity of Constantinople. The Russians will also evacuate Adrianople within six weeks, and Erzeroum and Bayazid will he evacuated upon the withdrawal of the British fleet. The Mark Lane Express, in its last review of the British grain trade, says the wheat harvest promises an improvement on ast year’s. It wits officially stated in the British Parliament that the number of deaths from the famine in India reached the appalling total of 1,850,000. France is to get something in the genoral redistribution of territory, after all, it seems. A Paris dispatch says that the Western powers have consented to a French protectorate over Tunis, a tine Turkish province in Africa, immediately adjoining Algeria on the east. A Vienna dispatch says the Emperor of Austria" 11 is much affected by the resistance offered to tho Austrian occupation of the Turkish provinces. Tho resistance does not come from Mussulmans alone. Revolutionary PanBlavism is behind them.” Joseph Naadel, the well-known French historian, is dead. The Russians have occupied Varna. The garrison is to consist of 10,000 men with 100 guns. The Austrians have again been badly defeated in an encounter with the Bosnian insurgents. Thousands of Turkish troops are oiuing tho latter, and it is reported that tho main Austrian army is falling back upon the river Save. Hoedt l, who made the first of the recent attempts on the life of the German Emperor, was beheaded at Berlin on the lfith of August. Au attempt was made in St. Petersburg, the oilier day, to murder the chief of the Emperor’s private polico. Ho was fired on by two persons, just as ho was leaving a public shop, and was wounded. His assailants drove off as soon as lie fell, and were lest sigh' of. Queen Victoria, in her speech from the throne proroguing Parliament, says that the peace which lias just beou concluded if satisfactory to hor and tho other powers of Europe; it is likely to be a durable ponce, one that will promote tho best interests of her subjects. Tho independence of Turkey has beou thoroughly secured, and it can be upheld against aggression from every quarter. All the banks iu Ohili, South America, have .suspended specie payments. A Belgrade dispatch says that, “three Allstiian Herb regiments, when near Valfka Zworiick, having refused to advance, were decimated. As they still lemained mutinous further executions took place. The remainder were sent prisoners to Austria.” The Rhodope International Commission has returned to Constantinople. The report of the Commissioners, when issued, will more than confirm the terrible statements of Russo-Bulgarian crueltios and outrages. The members give fearful accounts of the barbarities committed in Southern Bulgaria since tin arrival of the Russian army.

DOMESTIC INTELLIGENCE. Xlust. Three children of Michael Bath were drowned in New York harbor by the upsetting of thoir father’s scow. John H. Raymond, President of Vassal- College, is dead. At Cape May, last week, Prof. Baxter, Professor of Elocution at Harvard College, was drowned while swimming out beyond his depth. Ten thousand people were present at Cherry Valley, N. Y., Aug. 15, to witness the unveiling of a monument to the patriots who fell in the Indian massacre of Nov. 11, 1778. ExGov. Seymour made the address. John E. Leete, the New Orleans reporter who recently testified before the Potter investigating committee, was attacked with a crazy fit in New York, and became so unruly that ho had to be locked up in prison. He distinguished himself by discharging three pistolshots tnrough the door of a room on the second floor of the Astor House. One bullet narrowly missed the night-clerk of the hotel. Another grazed the side of a policeman who had been called to assist in arresting him. Leete is afflicted with, the hallucination that he is followed by persons who desire to murder him t« prevent him from making further revelations to the Potter committee. West The Chicago Daily Commercial Bulletin has crop reports from 261 counties in Illinois, Wisconsin, Nebraska, lowa, Minnesota, Kansas, Missouri, Colorado and Utah, which indicate that the increase in the acreage of spring wheat is 34.81 per cent., and the average yield per acre, 12.25 bushels, against 17.92 bushels last year ; aggregate yield, 122,000,000 bushels, against 128,537,000 bushels last year. Chicago reports another big defalcation. Charles W. Angell, who has been Secretary of the Pullman Palace Car Company since its organization, pocketed $120,000 of the company’s funds, and left for parts unknown. A big robbery was committed at the Palmer House, in Chicago, a few days ago. Burglars entered the room of Henry Freund, a traveling jeweler from New York, during his temporary absence, burst oi>en a trunk containing his goods, and rifled it of its contents, consisting of about *15,000 worth of valuable jewelry. Tbe robbery was committed iu broad daylight, aud was one of the boldest of the many bold jobs recently executed by the crooked men that infest the Garden City. The plunder was subsequently recovered and one of the burglars captured. South. Six cow-boys recently found a band of eighteen Indians on tbo Neucos river, in Texas, aud, after a sharp fight, killed four of the red-skins, captured one, and put the balance to flight. A panic prevails throughout Western and Northern Mississippi, on account of the appearance of yellow fever at Vicksburg, Grenada and Port Hudson. Only a few cases are reported at Vicksburg and Port Hudson, but at Grenada the fever is raging with un paralleled fury. A desperate affray, growing out of an old family feud, occurred in the streets . J?dg*iUld, 8. 0„ a few days ago, resulting ln

JAS W. McEWEN, Editor.

VOLUME 11.

the killing of three men, the mortal wounding of another, and the serious wounding of two others. All the parties engaged in the affair were white men, and had assembled in town to listen tc a political discussion. Politics had nothing to do with the affair. The August returns to the Department of Agriculture show an average condition of the cotton crop in the ten cotton States of 95, a decline of 4. There was a quadruple execution at Donaldsonville, La., on the 14th of August, the victims being all colored men. The murder for which they were hanged was a peculiarly atrocious one. A Columbia (8. C.) dispatch says that Gov. Hampton has forwarded to the Governor of Ohio a requisition asking for the extradition of ex-Gov. A. K. Scott, who lives in Napoleon, Ohio. He is charged with bribery and forgery. The reports from the yellow-fever infected towns of the South are truly distressing. The disease has become alarmingly epidemic at Memphis, aud the citizens are fleeing from the plague as fast as they can get away. The Collector of Internal Revenue and the Postmaster have appealed to the Secretary of War for tents and rations for the poor. Nearly all the towns in all directions are quarantined against the city. The ravages of the epidemic at Grenada have been truly appalliDg. The actiDg Mayor of the town telegraphed North last week that the town was almost completely deserted—only 300 people left, and half of them down with tho fever. A startling sensation was furnished St. Louis, a few days ago, by Josiah P. Colcord, who has been quite prominent there as a lawyer and politician. Colcord shot his mistress, a woman named Lillie Gibbons, with various aliases, and then committed suicide. Colcord had given up wife, family, reputation, and everything for this woman, with whom he was perfectly infatuated.

WASHINGTON NOTES. The President will attend the Minnesota State Fair, to be held at Bt. Paul, Sept. 2-7. A census has just been completed by the District of Columbia authorities, showing the population to be 161,784, an increase of nearly 21,000 since 1870. This addition is chiefly colored. THE PRESIDENTIAL INVESTIGATION. Tho Potter investigating committee met at New York, and resumed the taking of testimony on tho 13th inst. W. H. Roberts, editor of the Now Orleans Times, was the first witness called. He said ho was selected to go to Ohio and see Gov. Hayes, in the interest of the Nicholls Government, shortly after the Returning Board mot. Ho called on Murat Halstead, of the Cincinnati Commercial, as he passed through Cincinnati, and told him that lie had come on for the purpose of learning Gov. Hayes’ views iu regard to tho 3outb, and what policy ho would adopt in the event of his being counted in as President. Tho witness, in tho course of his conversation with Halstead, told him that what could be done would be done to save tho State, remarking to him that “whatever horse loses, our horso wins.” Halstead gave him a sealed lotter to Gov." Hayes, with tho contents of which bo was ignorant. His interview with Gov. Hayes was of au exceedingly pleasant character, and he learned that the Governor entertained the most friendly feeling toward the South. The witness told him that the State must be saved, at all hazards, to the Democrats, aud that whatever ho threw over would in that respect be of the least value to them. He also told the Governor that they could establish or show a vote of 13,000. Gov. Hayes told the witness that he had no desire for the Presidency unless he were counted in fairly. He spoke very kindly and courteously of the South. Witness dotailed, at length, the conversations he had at various times before the matter was definitely settled with Mr. Lamar and others. Witness said, from conversations with various Republican leaders, he understood if Louisiana and South Carolina were counted for Hayes the government of those States would be given to the Democrats. They proceeded on this assurance, and the assurances were carried out. Witness said he understood, from Hayes’ manner aud conversation, that Nicholls’ Government would be given a chance to establish itself. Witness said he was offered the position of Naval Officer at New Orleans, but recommended that it be given to a “nigger.” He would not take any such position where he would be obliged to take care of Kenner, of the Returning Board.

William H. Roberts was further examined by the committee on the 14th. Question by Butler—When did you first hear of the appointment of the McVeagh Commission? A.—About the 20th of February, I think. I was speaking with several parties—Mr. Foster among others—and the question of letting down the Packard people easily came up. Then the commission, with a majority of Repulilicans on it, was suggested. Maj. Vining and others said it was “ a capital idea.” The idea was that the commission, sanctioned by the President aud Secretary of State, would make the ltepublieans in Louisiana yield and give the State to the Nicholls Government. It was well understood that the commission was under official instructions. Q. By Gen. Butler—Then you looked on the commission coming down there as a farce? A. Well, not exactly. Q. But, no matter what the evidence and state of facts were, the commission had to come to a premeditated conclusion? A. Yes, sir; we understood so. Q. It was determined that one Government was to be let down easy ? A. That’s it, exactly. The witness said the only assurances they received that the Packard Government would be let down easy were from Matthews, Foster, Garfield, Dennison, and perhaps Evarts.... John E. Leete, a former tax collector under Kellogg’s administration in Louisiana, was the next witness. He testified that in the census of 1875 it was deemed advisable by the Eepublicans to swell the census of colored people as high as possible, so that the basis of registration could be high, as every colored man was understood to be a Republican. The Democrats ignored that census as a fraud. Witness was told to find a largo Republican census, meaning a large colored contingent. They told me, said witness, to find them, no matter how I did it. I refused to do so. The examination of John A. Leete was continued on the 15th. He said: “When Anderson called on me, after coming from East leliciana, he told me that he had carried out the programme, as was well understood between Kellogg, Anderson and myself. The programme was to keep the colored Re. publicans from voting. It was thought best to exclude the colored Republican vote, so that the Returning Board could throw out the whole Democratic vote of the parish if necessary. Anderson went back to East Feliciana, and a peaceable elec- ' • rfasheld. Anderson told me that he did not mean to make any protest until he found out yrhere the land lay, Kellogg urged me to

The Democratic sentinel.

do what I could to get Anderson to make the protest. In an interview with Kellogg, he said that, no matter what Anderson would do, he would count the State in for Hayes. We agreed to Kellogg’s plan to count in Hayes. Anderson told me he and Weber had an interview with Sherman, and that Sherman had promised them everything. I told Anderson he was an unmitigated lunatic to believe in anything but a written contract. Another day he called on me, and said : ,“I’ve got it.” I replied, “ What have you got; more taffy?” He said, “No, sir; I’ve got them fixed.” He palled oat a letter and said it was from John Sherman, and was a letter giving him the Naval Office. He showed me John Sherman’s name at the foot of the letter, bnt refused to let me see the remainder of the letter. I had a talk with Darrall and Kellogg abont that letter. Kellogg said the letter was only a general one and non-committal. Kellogg and I considered the count of votes finished before it was begun. I spoke with Darrall about the Sherman letter, and he said it gave no grip to Anderson on the statesmen. John A. Leete was again before the committee on the 16th. He read several letters from Kellogg, one of which is as follows: Willabd’s Hotel, Feb. 25, 1877. Dear Leete: I received your letter. It looks now as if the count would progress, and Hayes bo declared President before the 4th of March. I noticed what you wrote about that “Times special.” I immediately telegraphed a denial to the Times. Packard will be recogniz-d, no donbt, by Hayes, if not by Grant before he goeß out of office. I don’t see how it can be otherwise, and all the leading Republicans here are of that opinion; and Louisiana’s vote was counted, and she did become the corner-stone,.so to speak. Such a .wonder could only occur in such a wonderful coun< ry as this, and only once in 100 years. “ All’s well that ends well.-” Whatever betides, we have made a heap of history, such as it is. Whenever you go into another State Convention, vote right. W. P. Kellogg. Another letter was read, alluding to the witness, who said: “That applies to me. That was the time when I was detailed to watch you (Potter) when you were on that committee, when you got away with Phelps and Foster.” Mr. Potter—l never met with two more honorable men in my life. Your statements are a mistake. Leote—Well, we thought they were very soft, and I was detailed to see after yon ana find out how you got around them.

POLITICAL POINTS. A convention of the Prohibitionists of Michigan was held at Lansing on tho 13th inst. A full ticket for State officers was nominated, headed by Watson Snyder, of Ypsilanti, for Governor, and J. W. McKeever, of Adrian, for Lieutenant Governor. The Connecticut Greenbackers have nominated tho following ticket: For Governor, Charlies Atwater; Lieutenant Governor, Henry Manchester; Secretary of State, Lueien V. Finney; Treasurer, Loren F. Judd; Comptroller, Charles J. Winters. The Democrats of the Eighth Georgia District have renominated Alex. H. Stephens for Congress. Tho Greenbackers of Colorado have nominated Dr. R. G. Buckingham, of Denver, for Governor. The Nationals of the Fourth Pennsylvania District have nominated Judge Kelley for re- election to Congress. The Greenbackers of Nebraska held (heir State Convention at Lincoln last week, aud nominated a full ticket for State officers, headed by L. G. Todd for Governor. J. W. Davis was nominated for Congress. Gen. Grant’s brother Orville, in an interview at Boston the other day, said tho General had written his fiiends that he would on no account accept the Presidential nomination, but that probably he could be educated up to it, as he was ouco before. If he could be made to believe that he was the only mau able to save the country or party, he would allow his name to be used even at the risk of defeat. The Tennessee Democrats have nominated Chancellor Marks for Governor.

MISCELLANEOUS GLEANING 3. The Orange YouDg Britons and ’Prentice Boys of Oitawa, Canada, celebrated the relief of Deny on the 12th inst. by a procession and picnic. About 100 Young Britons of Montreal came up and took part. Much feeling was aroused in the Catholic section of the city, and the Montreal Britons had to walk three miles from, the city to take a train for home, in order to escape the violence of a mob of about 300 at the depot. When the city Britons returned from the junction, whither they had accompanied the Montreal party, they proceeded to the lower town and attacked a number of Catholic houses, firing their revolvers indiscriminately into every crowd they met. A number of people were wounded, and the police made many arrests. The Supreme Council of the Templars of Honor of America held its thirtysecond annual session at Janesville, Wis., last week. Evangelist Moody lias rented a house in Baltimore, and will take a season of rest and recuperation. The Attorney General of the United States has rendered a decision of vast importance to partners in patent rights, as well as to the public at large. It is to the effect that a patent issued in the names of several individuals, when in fact but one is the inventor, and the others only hold an interest by assignment, is absolutely void and cannot be rendered valid by any act of tbe parties or of the Patent Office. The inventor, it appears, may sell interests in his invention after it is patented. but not before. If two years elapse before the defect in such a patent is discovered and a correct application is filed, the invention becomes the property of the public. The New York Tribune devotes a long article to the Knights of Labor. It says this erder now numbers 800,000 members, who are bound solemnly by oath. It is so subtly secret that members are prohibited from mentioning it even outside the guarded doors of their assembly rooms. A dispatch from San Antonio, Tex., dated Aug. 19, says: “All of Mackenzie’s forces have crossed the Rio Grande and pro ceeded from Newtown, immediately on the Mexican border, toward the interior, without opposition as far as heard from. The object of this invasion is to capture thieves and recover stock stolen and crossed during the early part of this week by bandits, and of whom one Areola is chief.”

Fixing the Boundary in Time.

If in the annexation the aim be to remove the bone of contention between Texas and Mexico, and secure the vast cattle-ranges of the former from depredation, the natnral line would be the eastern range of the Sierra Mader mountains, which runs southeast from the boundary of Arizona and New Mexico to Zacatecas. At this point the line could be continued to the Gulf, just west of Tampioo. This would annex Chihuahua, Coahuila, Nuevo, Leon, and Tamanlipas, with small portions of Durango and San Luis Potopi f ~~JVew Orleans Times,

RENSSELAER, JASPER COUNTY, INDIANA, FRIDAY, AUGUST 23,1878.

I have said that paper money, whenever we insist upon an issue of Government notes, based on the credit of the whole people, the ghost of the Continental money and Confederate scrip is at ouce brought promiuentlv before the people to convince them that such notes will always depreciate. Mr. Groesheck, of Cincinnati, in liis paper upon the subject of silver, which he read before tho Bankers’ Convention in New York some time since, digressed from his subject of silver and brought these ghosts before that body. He referred to the depreciation of Continental money and the Confederate scrip. He said that all money like our United States notes would depreciate in time of war. 1 regret, because of the high standing of Mr. Groesheck, that he should attempt to compare our United States notes to Continental and Confederate notes. The Continental notes were not based upon taxes; the Continental Government had no power to levy taxes except by consent of the States; and, if she had had he power, they had almost notbiug to tax. The Confederate notes were not issued by a Government at all, but by States in rebellion trying to establish a Government, and when their cause failod their money would of course be worthless. Will Mr. Groesheck, or any other advocate of bank currency redeemable in coin, he candid or honest enough to inform the.country what became of the redeemable money of the South, every dollar of which was lost to the holders, and ivhat would have Y 3en the fate of the North had ij not been for the issue of legaltender notes by the Government ? The banks had been under suspension of specie payments for more than twelve months, and no man of business can come to any other conclusion than this, that the people would have lost every dollar of their money had not the Greenback act of February, 1862, enabled them to redeem their notes with them. We ask for the issue of notes by a Government of more than 100 years’ standing, with credit second to none, and with a revenue of nearly $300,000,000 per year. I can bear with a man of but little information bringing forward those ghosts, but, when one like Groesheck so far forgets himself as to do so, he demands some attention. I defy any opposers of the issue of such notes as we ask for by the Government to point to a single instance wfiere the issue was made by responsible Governments that they,ever did depreciate. Such notes wero issued by the States of Pennsylvania, ‘.Virginia and North Carolina, when they were colonies of Great Britain. They never depreciated below coin, although they remained in circulation for nearly forty years, and added much to the wealth of those colonies. The first notes issued by the Government after the war began were called demand notes, but, when it was seen that the Government had no coin to pay them with, Congress made them a full legal tender, and they never depreciated below the value of coin, and over $50,000 of them are outstanding to-day. When coin was worth 285 in greenbacks, which were a limited legal tender, the demand note, that was a full legal tender, was worth the same premium in greenbacks. Need I say more ? Can any one doubt tfie ability of our Government to make her own notes par with coin to the extent that the legitimate trade of the country needs to perform exchanges? Bedeematle in coin on business principles led to the wildest inflation and the most ruinous contraction, and I want to call your attention to the ebb and flow of currency under specie basis from 1811 until the issuing of Government notes: Bank currency in 1811 $28,000,003

Bank currency in 1816 $68,000,C00 Bank currency in 1820 45,000,000 Contraction from 1816 to 1820 * $23,000,000 Bank currency in 1837 $141,000,000 Bank currency in 1813 68,090^000 Contraction from 1837 to 1843 83,000,000 Bank currency in 1854 $204,000,000 Bank cun ency m 1858 155,000,000 Contraction from 1854 to 1858 49,000,000 Bank currency in 1860 $207,000,000 Bank currency in 1862 184,000,000 Contraction from 1860 to 1862 23,Q00,C00 Bank currency in 1863 $202,000,000 ’ You will observe that the ebb and flow of the currency at tbe times I have named was, under the policy of paper money, redeemable in coin. This was all done, as I have said, on business principles, to make money and protect credit, and is directly chargeable to the policy of redeemable money, but the expansion and contraction I am about to refer to was one of designing legislation in the interests of the few and at the expense of the many. It was dono to build up a moneyed aristocracy, as I have already said. Amount of money, currency and circulating medium, Oct. 31, 1865: United States notes, legal tenders and greenbacks $ 428,160,569 Seven-thirty treasury notes 830,U00 000 Compound-interest notes 173 Ci2’l4l Demand notes 32,536j900 fractional currency 26,057,469 Total $1,489,767,080 CUBBENCY. National-banknotes $185,000,000 State-banknotes 65,000,000 Certificates of indebtedness 85,000,000 Total $335,000,000 Total circulation of money and currency Oct. 31, 1865 $1,824,767,080 Contraction from 1865 to ] 873 $1,058,078 385 United States notes and bank currency in circulation Dec. 1, 1873: United States notes—greenbacks $337,001 685 Fractionai currency 48,009 000 Certificates of indebtedness C7B 000 National-bank notes 360, 000] 000 Total.. $755,679^685 From tbe expansion find contraction which I

“A Firm Adherence to'Correct Principles”

THE FINANCIAL ISSUE.

Speech of Hon. Franklin Landers, at Lafayette, Ind. The whole question of money is by the constitution given to Congress. That body has the power to make money and regulate its value. Nothing is said in the constitution as to what shall be a legal tender, or what material shall be used in making this money, or how they shall regulate its value. These things are left to the sound discretion of Congress, and that body has wisely authorized the coinage of gold and silver into dollars and eagles, and has said what value each shall have in the payment of debts. Gold and silver having been adopted as a medium of exchange by all the commercial nations of the earth, it was the part of wisdom in our Congress to adopt tkem as that medium also. This wisdom is clearly shown in settling the balances between Governments, and at the same time it is shown that they cannot be relied upon to perform the offices of exchange between private individuals, because they flow to and from Governments according to the degree of prosperity or adversity. A government may be flooded with coin or it may be almost entirely drained ; therefore the wisdom of all commercial governments has led them to adopt a domestic or home money. This is done by the Government issuing paper money, or authorizing the hanks to do so. There is little or no profit to the Government in coining gold or silver, because of the cost of the bullion; but paper money is made of an article of but little value, hence, the Government or bank issuing it makes a great profit out cf it. because they never part with a dollar of it unless they receive one hundred cents in return. Therefore, when these facts are considered, yon will readily understand why there is a contest as to who shall issue the paper money. We demand, in the language of Jefferson, “ that the bauks should surrender their currency, and the issue of paper money he restored to the Government, to whom it belongs.” But it is said that ruin and distress would follow the closing of the national banks. We don’t propose to wind up the banks. When the National Bank act went into effect a high tax was placed upon State hanks, which compelled them to abandon the circulation of their notes, and yet the business of the country was not disturbed, because other paper money took its place, and the banks were changed from State to national banks. In the same way the national banks could be changed from banks of issue to bauks of discount and deposit only. Doubtless some of the hankers would try to retain their present privilege of loaning their indebtedness for interest, and they might desire to embarrass the business of the country, but this point can he guarded by the issue in advance of Government notes. The business community would derive great benefit from a Government currency, because the Government would get 100 cents for every dollar issued by it, whether paper or coin, because tho paper would cost the holder just as much as coin. As it is now, coin costs tho hank 100 cents on the dollar, whereas the paper money issued by them costs them just 1 cent on each dollar. The Government money would cost too much to he kept lyiDg idle, aud the banks would loan it at tho best rate they could get.

have shown took place under specie basis from 1811 to the commencement of the war, who can argue that a currency upon such a basis is a stable one ? In every case history informs us that bankruptcy and ruin to the business men and laboring community was the result. There are many here to-night who recollect the panic and bankruptcy that followed the contraction from 1837 to 1843. The amount of the contraction of the circulating medium was proportionately as great as the contraction smee 1865. I cannot think there is a man in Indiana who will study the history of the expansion aud contraction cf papar money redeemable in coin but who will come to the conclusion which I have, that it is ruinous to the laboring and producing classes who produce all the wealth, aud that it should be abandoned as not suited to the wants of the people. If you notice, a contraction of $23,000,000 from 1811 to 1816, a contraction of $83,000,000 from 1837 to 1843, caused the crash and financial panic of those periods. A contraction of $49,000;000 from 1854 to 1857 caused the panic of the latter year. A contraction of $23,000,000 from 1860 to 1862 produced the money panic and the suspension of specie payments in December, 1861. The volume of State-bank paper in 1863 was $202,000,000, which the hanks were unable to redeem until the issue of greenbacks. A contraction of from $23,000,000 to $83,000,000 was sufficient to produce such wide-spread financial ruin. But in 1873 it took hundreds of millions to produce a like result, from the obvious reason that from 1861 to 1863 the business was done principally on credit, forced on us by bank currency redeemable in coin. Whereas, in 1866 there was an abundance of currency to do business, and no necessity to make debts, all commodities could be sold for cash. Therefore it required an enormous contraction to force the credit system on the country. As contraction was carried on credit was substituted until it came to the bursting point in 1873.

In order to alarm the people and prevent them from demanding their rights in a body, as they would do in any business matter disconnected from politics, iu having their money made a full legal tender, aud receivable by the Government iu payment of all dues, they tell them that if that iH done the Secretary of the Treasury will have to buy coin to pay interest on the public debt. This I deny. When the treasury notes are receivable, for tariff dues, speculation in com will cease at once, as it lias been gradually falling off since the remonetization of silver. All dollars being equai in perfuming exchanges nothing can be performed with any dollar other than exchanges, or to loan to tome person fur that purpose. The paper dollar being so much superior to the coin dollar in convenience, all active exchanges will he performed by it. The coin wi'l find its way into the treasury and bank vaults, and the Treasurer of the United States will have more gold then than he has now. This cry of tho gold ring to secure legislation ni its own favor should alarm no one. As it is now, the member of our Government firm who ha 3 tariff dues to pay offers to pay the debt due to the firm iu its own paper. The firm refuses to accept its own note on the ground that it has contracted to pay a particular debt in) a particular kind of money, therefore, in order that the firm may be relieved of the necessity and expense of procuring that particular kind of money, they say to their partner, “Wo cannot receive our own note in discharge of your obligation to us; we are compelled to ask you to sell our note and bring us tho kind of mouey wo have promised to pay upon this special debt.” There is not a fair-minded business man in Indiana who would call that an honorable transaction.

1 have given the subject of the expansion and contraction of the currency much attention, and, though I have been denounced as an inflationist, it has been the study of my life how to avoid this result. Inflation—or expansion, if you please—robs the creditor if the inflation takes place after the debt is made, just as contraction robs the debtor for the benefit of. the creditor if done after tho debt is made. Honest payment is the payment of a debt in money of the samo value as that in which the debt was created. I have tiied to convince you that this honest payment of a creditor and justice to a debtor cannot be maiutained upon a specie basis. We want a fixed amount of paper money, made and kept in circulation in order that justice may be done to both debtor and creditor, that business may be done with more certainty. You ask me liow much money the Government ought to put out. I have no hesitation iu giving you my opinion. She ought to put out every dollar of paper money that she can keep at par with coin, and I believe she could keep S2O per capita, which would give us from $800,000,000 to $1,000,000,000 at par with coin if she would give it all the credit she can by making it a full legal tender, and giving it all the paying qualities she gives to coin. If an amount was fixed by Government and it was found to he too great to he kept at par with coin, I would adopt the policy suggested by Mr. Jefferson in 1812. I would open Government loans, and take the Government legaltender note as I would coin for bonds. A government that does not keep in circulation the largest quantity of paper money possible to be kept at par with coin, so as to give the largest price possible for lands and labor and commodities in coin or paper as its equevalent, so as to give the largest price for labor and commodities and the lowest interest, does not look after the true interest of those that produce the wealth. If commodities are soldfor paper, or labor done fox paper or cain either, the paper and coin being equal in value ; if they had sold for one-quarter or one-half more than they would bring w ith an unstinted amount of money in circulation, the gold thus received for it—if preferred by the seller (both being equal)—is worth just as much if sent abroad as though the man had worked two dayq to get the same amount, or sold twice the amount of commodity to get it. To say that any civilized commercial Government has her values based upon coin is false. They all have paper money, and most of thorn have that paper money a legal tender as fully as coin. France, England and Russia have made their paper money a legal tender. The paper money of France and Russia is not redeemable. The paper of England is : but, being a legal tender, the same as coin, every dollar that is in circulation gives value to commodities and labor, just as gold would do. That is just what we mean in our platform when we demand that the Government alone shall issue money, paper as well as coin, all male a legal tender. We mean to reduce the value of coin by having paper perforin precisely the same office.

Address of Dr. Gilbert De LaMafyr at Martinsville, Ind. The excitement of war had quickened the pulse of the masses, aud they entered upon production with a unanimity and force that amazed the world. It was a question of immense significance. Here armies of hundreds of thousands of men would be merged into civil life. That unprecedented feat was accomplished as quickly and noiselessly as the morning dew was absorbed. The opportunity for production, and the sanguine hope of gaining homes and a competency, attracted to peaceful pursuits the disbanded heroes. The whole land became alive with motion. The hum of cheerful industry filled the air. The green wave of corn and wheat rolled westward over the prairie. As by magic, cottages, villages and cities decked a rapidly-advancing border. Railroads preceded the lines of settlement, carrying every advantage of old communities. In short, we entered upon a career of production which, if continued until now, would have paid the national and municipal debts aud made the masses of the people comfortable and happy. France, at the close of a war waged since we emerged from strife, was oppressed with a debt which, in view of her undeveloped resources, was greater for her than ours was for us ; but has paid her debt aud has not impoverished her people. This demonstrates the practicability of keeping a people producing in such circumstances, and the amazing possibilities of production when a whole people are kept at it. The task resting on our statesmanship, since the war, has been to inspire and wisely direct the productive energies of our people. There was no other way to retrieve the waste of war, sustain the nation’s honor, dealer than life, but by paying its debts, and still not impoverish themselves. Are not these statements sound? Can they be flippantly treated as the vaporings of a blatherskite? Will any man question their wisdom? No one doubts that on the management of the finances all depended. One has said that money is a tool with which we pay debts and effect exchanges. Another calls it an instrument to effect the distribution of exchanges. Still another, that it is a necessity of association. All these answers are correct. It is clear that the more debts there are to be paid and exchanges to be effected and associations to be cherished, the larger must be the volume of money. In other

words (leaving out the matter of debt), the higher the civilization the greater the production and exchanges, and the more active social life the larger the volume of money needed. Add the burden of an immense debt to a people like ours, who after a civil war are engaged in immense production, the exchange of which must be made over a very wide extent of country, and are cherishing the most active association, and you have tho conditions demanding the largest amount of money in circulation. I think all will agree with me thus far. There is nothing “idiotic” or insane in this view. It follows that a proper regulation of the amount of current money was the task before our statesmanship. This statement will not be branded as idiotic. That the constitution commits this important task to the General Government is not questioned. All admit that the great work before the administration was to so regulate the currency as to secure the largest possible production from farm, mine, forest, factory and commerce. lam sure that thus far we all stand together. One party has been mainly in power and responsible. Its policy has been definite and relentlessly executed. That policy must be judged by its results. All efforwa at evasion are unworthy and in vain. This is a practical world, and plans and policies are inexorably judged by their outcome. 1 shall not charge dishonesty on the party which has so signally failed. I shall not call the framers and guides of its policy idiots, because they have brought the people into their present state of distress. They have strictly followed the precedents of the world’s financiering. At the close of the

war tho channels of trade wero filled with a currency called forth by war exigencies. All the notes issued by the Government were used as currency except those hearing coin interest. Some classes of them were more commonly used than others, but were all more or less utilized. I believe this is a fair statement about tfie extent of currency. I know that tho final payment to the army was largely made in interestbearing notes, and they were thus thrust into wide circulation as currency. Because of the fancied uncertainty of tho success of the Government in the war, its credit fell to about 33 per cent, in its issue of obligations. But when it triumphed there could not have remained a shadow of doubt on the mind of any intellectual person that its obligations were worth their face. Yet the absorbing effort of the Republican party has been to strong‘hen ostensibly the credit ®f the Government, which was at par above any per&dventure. Of course, those who held its obligations, and a large number who manipulated them —men wanting to have them appreciated in relation to all other values —joined in the demand to have them thus appreciated. For instance : A Mr. McCune received $40,000 iu gold from an English firm for a patent right. He immediately exchanged it for $103,000 in greenbacks and exchanged the greenbacks for 5-20 bonds. Within a short time Congress voluntarily made those bonds payable in coin, though the contract was to pay them in currency. That act appreciated the bonds to a level with gold. That was a very nice transaction for Mr. McCune, but a very poor bargain for a debt-ridden people. This one illustration exhibits the immense interest of the creditor class in strengthening the credit of tho nation. The goal aimed at was a speedy race to a gold basis. The voluntary promise to pay bonds iu coin at their maturity, which wore paid for in currency depreciated by the hazards of war, and were payable in tho same currency hy the contract; the pledge of resumption at a given timo, which was very near, and the demonetization of silver, are specimens of the legislation under the fixed p ■licy of the party in power. To be able to pay gold for the currency afloatat call so soon, that currency must be greatly contracted and immense contraction followed. As a result of a withdrawal of currency from the channels of trade, evidences of individual indebtedness took tho place of cash iu all offices of exchange, and distribution of values. That necessitated the drain of interest. The national-hank system w 7 as inaugurated for the purpose of changing the greenbacks, which were non-interest-bearing notes, into interest-bearing bonds. To make that exchange rapid the unprecedented offer was made to permit any corporation complying with certain conditions to deposit SIOO with the Government, on which the depositor drew 6 per cent, interest, and then received S9O in currency to loan to the people at any rate of interest allowed by the State Government. All this legislation tended directly and inevitably to swell the interest on the money used iu production, and to depreciate other values.

It is not extravagant to assert that since the close of the war money has appreciated from 33 per cent, to 100, arid property and income from business and labor has depreciated from 100 to 33 per cent. The producing and business classes (except money brokers) have been forced to pay an average of 10 per cent, annual interest for use of money. 1 need not say that business and production must speedily and inevitably break down under such a load. The prostrated condition of our country is no marvel notwithstanding our vast resources, and the fact that for the fourteen years of our descent to financial wreck God ha 3 showered His munificence in unprecedented profusion of dew, of rain and of sunshine, so as to give us abundant crops. There is no wonder that poverty and distress rests upon a very large majority of our people. Let us glance at the true state of things. Let us look at facts; facts are stubborn things that sneers cannot obliterate. Except in agriculture, production is paralyzed ; nearly all whose capital was invested in productive enterprise or in business (other than money brokerage) are utterly bankrupt. The temples of industry are mostly closed and wasting in idleness. The number of free-holders has been lessened to a fearful extent. The homes of veteran soldiers, and very many other laboring men, which, by saving and toil, had been partly paid for, have been confiscated. Very many farms have been taken from families that have toiled for a generation to clear and improve them, and many more are sure to go. This confiscation of farms had become so general and so certain that a New York paper, in its issue of April 25, 1877, says, “ There seems to be but one remedy, and that is a slow one and not immediately effective. To reach it both farmers and capitalists need to be educated to it, but it seems to be inevitable. It is a change of ownership of the soil, and the creation of a class of rand-owners on the one hand, and of tenant farmers on the other—something similar in both case? to what has: long existed, and now exists, in the older countries of Europe, and similar also to a system that is common in ' eur own State of California. Those farmers who are land-poor must sell and become tenants in place of owners of the soil. The hoarded idle capital must be invested in these lands, and turned over to the poor farmers, who will at once be set upon their feet—not to go and loaf about towns and villages spending their money while it may last, but to buy with this money stock, fertilizers, implements, machines, and go to work to cultivate the soil profitably. Instead of their money being sunk in dead and unproductive acres it will be invested in cows, sheep, swine of improved breeds, in guano and fertilizers by which the crops will be doubled or trebled. It will thus becoihe active and productive, and capable of doubling itself within the year. The farmer will be relieved from the burden of a bad investment on which he now makes no interest. His money will be placed where it will do the most good. He will at once be lifted from poverty to financial ease, and, in place of an unsalable farm, he will have to show for his money some property that will realize all that it is worth at public sale at twenty-four hours’ notice. Very much more than this is implied in this change that is so obvious to the practical man that it need not be particularized.” Our present mission is to inspire with hope of relief in a legitimate way which will injure none and bless all. Our ultimate purpose is to wipe out debate by paying what has been contracted, and prevent the occurrence of such a state of indebtedness by securing for each a just return for his labor, and making impossible the interest drain which is the main cause of our indebtedness. To this end we seek an equilibrium between the volume of money and the demand for it and stability in that equilibrium. We agree with the hardest money advocates, that in all the fluctuations of currency it is the laborer and business man that suffer, while the money princes reap their fabulous harvest. It is the fluctuation of currency which has resulted in the fearful concentration of wealth which now oppresses the civilized world. The coin basis has been the universal plan, and under it financial crises occur in the United States about once in ten years, and in Europe oftener. It is high time to try some more stable plan. Against any change the entire money power is strenuously and avowedly arrayed, and no wonder, for it has turned into their coffers through shaving interest—usury—the entire product of the world’s toil except that the toilers necessarily consume. In every country, and in every instance, the expansion of currency has stimulated activity in production and given prosperity. The process of con-

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tracting, ostensibly to bring the currency down to a peculiar relation to one or two of the methods which have never, can never, be more than a small per cent, of the circulating medium, has invariably paralyzed production and producers, and enriched money manipulators. We propose to try the plan of having the Government charged by our constitution with the responsibility of providing a circulating medium, furnish a currency in the form of notes, based upon the gold, silver, lead, iron, coal, sand, keel, all the material resources of the nation, and also upon the enterprise, industry, intelligence and integrity of our people, making it stable as the Government itself, which is as stable as the principles of eternal truth on which it is based. We propose to have its volume sufficient to make all exchanges to be effected with ready cash, stopping the drain of usury which now saps the life of all prosperity. The possibility of supplying such a currency was demonstrated by the supply of the greenbacks and other notes which constituted the medium of exchange during the war and immediately after. The law making these notes legal tender gave them value, though no time was set to redeem the greenbacks with coin. In the greenback we had the principle in all its essential features, with an important exception : they were not made a legal tender for rational duties. Bucli currency, wisely regulated, would answer all the purposes for which money js needed iu the nation. The Govern-

ment could also legalize the coinage of gold and silver and baser metals, as now, for all exchange with foreign countries, as the balance of trade in our favor, and, with ample and cheap currency, over-stimulated productions would greatly increase that balance, and notes which are legal tenders here would bo of value in all countries which buy of us. If I were going to travel among some African tribes, I should change my gold into a species of small shells, a ton of which would be worth intrinsically what lime these would make, deducting expense of making, because they would buy what I should need of their tribes. We ask tlie hard-money defenders the impracticability of (his plan, instead of crying rag-baby and such stuff, used only when argument is wanting. We know that the greenbacks were worth more than rags. Tnev paid debts, exchanged for anything we needed, and admirably answered every demand of currency amoDg us. It could not bo impossible for the wisdom of Congress to derive safe methods for putting such a currency into the hands of the people, and to regulate its volume to their needs, without causing them to pay intermediate parties, as they have the national banks, two interests, either of which is more than thev can make out of it. No sane man will contend that any ordinary business cau afford to pay 6 per cent, interest on money loaned in its exchanges, yet under the hard-money policy the people pay in taxes C per cent., which goes to the banks, and then on an average 10 per cent, more on bank issues. It is true that banks help pay taxes, and so does all capital save that invested in national bonds.

THE RULE OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.

[Extract from Senator Thurman’s Speech, at Hamilton, Ohio.] Thu claim r f a party in power to a prolongation of its rule necessarily involves an inquiry into its policy and government in the past. If its past rule has been vicious or unwise, prudence obviously dictates that an end, for the lime being at least, should be put to its domination. Now, has the rule of the Republican party since the close of the civil war, thirteen years ago, been wise and beneficent? I think that this question must be answered in the negative. It is not necessary to go into a detailed examination of all its measuros ; nor could that be done in the limit if a speech, or, indeed, of many speeches. Nov is it necessary to assert that all its measures have been bad and injurious. It is sufficient to look at the general result, and see whether that is-good government and prosperity, or the reverse. Now, certainly no one will deny that this country has for tfio last five years suffered, as perhaps no other country ever did suffer, from depression in every branch es business, in every industrial occupation. The entire body of tho producing classes—employers, employe's, and middlemen have been affected. Bankruptcies are numbered by tens if not by hundreds of thousands, and the aggregate of losses almost defies com putation. The number of laborers thrown out of employment or reduced to half-time and diminished wages lias boon estimated by millions ; and, however exaggerated the estimate may be, the extent of the evil has no parallel in this, if, indeed, it has in the history of any people. Star I ling is the fact, and at first view almost incomprehensible, that, in a country whose population averages, but eleven persons to the square mile, there have been, and there yet are, thousands destitute of bread. A single interest—the moneyed interest —has flourished, and yet flourishes; and that, it is to be remembered, is precisely that interest that has received the fostering care of Republican legislation. Now, my friends, so far as this deplorable state of things is the result of vicious legislation or of the omission of wise legislation, the Republican party, or at least those who have controlled it, are responsible. From the 4th day of March, 1861, to the first Monday iu December, 1875, more than fourteen years, that party had uncontrolled power in every department of the Federal Government; and since then it has continued to hold the Senate and the Presidency, and so have the consequent power to negative any measure of relief a Democratic House of Representatives might propose.

Is there, then, any injustice in calling that party to account for the evils the country has suffered and yet suffers? Can it with truth be said that these evils could not be foreseen, or, if foreseen, could not have been avoided or diminished ? He would be a bold man who would make that assertion. For, although no Government ever was. or ever will ho, omniscient and omnipotent; although disasters have happened that no rulers, however wise, could have foreseen or averted—yet the disasters of which I am speaking are not of that character, and might have been foreseen, ana, to a great extent, prevented. It is but justice, then, to say to our Republican rulers, You have had every opportunity to do good and avert evil, and you have failed to do either. You have had opportunities such as no other party ever enjoyed to benefit your country, and you have, by want of intelligence or virtue, or both, brought it to the verge of ruin. It is time, high time, that you surrender the reins of Government. I now turn to another topic, the expenditures of tne Government, to which too little attention has been paid. I propose to compare Democratic expenditure with Republican expenditure, in order that you may judge which of the two-parties is the better entitled to praise for honest and economical government; or, to put it ia another form, which party ought to be condemned for dishonest and wasteful extravagance. The last fiscal year of Democratic administration was that ending June 30, 18G0. The ordinary expenses of the Government for that year, exclusive of pensions and interest on public debt, were $58,055,052. These expenses, stated in detail, were (omitting cents):

For the War D?partmont $16,472,202 For the Navy Department. 11,514,649 For the Interior Department 2,991,121 For miscellaneous, or civil 27,977,978 Now, compare these expenditures with these of the last year in which the Republican party had unlimited control, the fiscal year ending June 30, 1875. The ordinary expenses of the Government for that year (exclusive of pensions and interest on the public debt) were $142,073,632, being $83,117,682 in excess of the last year of Democratic administration; or, ia other words, the Republican expenditures were nearly two and a half times as great as the Democratic expenditures. But it may be said that our population was much greater in 1875 than in 1860, and that this accounts for the increased expenses of Government. The explanation wiil not suffice. The population in 1860 was 31,443,321, and the expenditures were at the rate of per capita. In 1875 the population, as nearly as it can be estimated, was 43,000,000, and the expenditures were at the rate of $3.30 per capita. Again, it may be said that the increase of expenses grew out of the war. This explanation will not answer. By the figures I have given, and those I shall hereafter give, I exclude the expenditures -occasioned by the war, namely, pensions, the public debt and interest thereon, and confine my comparison to the ordinary expense.! of Government, namely: the cost of the War, Navy, Indian and Civil departments in time of peace. Tta increase in these departipont* is shown in getail ip the following table i

jprf gjemocrtiti<[ J^ettiine) JOB PRINTING OFFICE Has better facilities than any office In North we* tert Indiana for the execution of all branches of STQJEi JPRIUTIIXrG. PROMPTNESS A SPECIALTY. Anything, from a Dodger to a Price-List, or from t Pamphlet to a Poster, black or colored, plain or fancy, SATISFACTION GUARANTEED.

DETAILS. 1860. 1875. Increase. War Department.sl6,472,2o2 $41,120,645 $24,648,443 Navy 11 514,649 21,497,626 9,982 977 Indian 2 991,121 8,381,656 5,393,535 Miscellaneous, or civil 27,977 978 71,070,702 43,092,724 Increase $83,117,676 But it may be said that tho comparison should not be of a single year with a single year, because special circumstances nught make such a comparison unfair, and that the only fair mode is to compare a period of several years with a like period. Very well; let us see the result of such a comparison. Let us take a period of seven years of Democratic administration, and compare it with a like period of Republican administration—both periods being years of profound peace. Let us take the seven fiscal years commencing July 1, 1853, and ending June 39, 1860, when the Democracy were iu power, and compare them with the Beven fiscal years commencing July 1, 1868 (three years after the close of the war), and ending June 30, 1875, when the Republicans had unlimited control, and what is the result? The following table shows it: July 1, 1853, to Juue 30, 1863, seven years. ORDINARY EXPENDITURES, LESS PENSIONS. Fiscal year ending June 30, 1854 $ 50,734,863 Fiscal year ending Juno 30. 1865 .. 54,838,585 Fiscal year endiug June 30, 1856 65 376.298 Fiscal year ending June 30, 1857 64,730,763 Fiscal year ending June £O, 1858 71,110,669 Fiscal vear ending June 39, 1859 65,133,728 Fiscal year ending June 30, iB6O. 58,955,952 Total $430,880,858 Average annual expenditure, $61,554,409. Expenditure, per capita, $1.94. July 1, 1868, to Juno 30, 1875, seven years. ORDINARY EXPENDITURES, LESS PENSIONS. Fiscal year ending June 30, 1860 $ 162,019 733 Fiscal year ending June 30, 1870 133,081,305 Fiscal year ending June 30, 1871 123,139,933 Fiscal year ending Juue 30, 1872 124 668,451 Fiscal year ending June 30, 1873 151,129,210 Fiscal year ending June 3'>, 1874 165,080,571 Fiscal year ending June 30, 1875 142,073,632

Total $1,004,192,838 Average annual expenditure, $143,456,119. Expenditure, per capita, $3,45. All these figures are derived from official sources, and it appears by them that the average annual ordinary expenses of the Government, in seven years' of Democratic rule, were $61,524,409, while the like average annual expenses in soven years of Republican rule wore $143,456,119, being an average annual excess under Republican administration of $81,901,710. And this excess cannot be explained by tho inc-ease of population, for the expense per capita iu the seven Republican years was $3.45, while in the seven Democratic years it was only $1.94. Nor can it be explained as necessarily resulting from tho war ; for, as I havo said, l have excluded from the comparison expenses caused by it, namely: ponsions, public debt and interest thereon ; and the first of the seven Republican years I have taken was the third year after tlie war. Of the corruption that has brought disgraco upon the republic, and furnished tlio advocates of despotism, the world over, with arguments against popular government, it is not forme to speak in detail. Unfortunately for the credit of the nation, the instances are so notorious that a bare reference to them brings forth a picture from which the mind turns with loathing and indignation. The Credit Mobilier, tho Pacific Mail, the Belknap trial, the villainies of tho Custom House, the straw bids of the Postoffice, the Indian and whisky rings, and the long list of defaulters in every department, have become matters of history, and attest too clearly for controversy the need of reform. But no substantial reform, yonmay rest assured, will take place so long as Republican rule shall prevail. The evil iH too deep-seated to bo reached by anything short of an entire change of administration.

But. fellow-Citizens, there is one great drama of fraud, one huge black spot upon the national escutcheon, that cannot be passed by with a mere allusion. The seat of tho Chief Magistrate—that scat that in times past has been, andiu all times should be—an emblem of purity and honor —is occupied by a man who was "never elected to it, and whose elevation was accomplished by the grossest frauds and boldest usurpations that ever disgraced the history of a free people. I have no timo today to go into a detailed statement of these frauds and usurpations. I havo no timo to show you how the Returning Board of Florida, iu plain violation of the law of the State, iu equally plain violation of the solemn decision ot the highest court of the State, threw out a number of Democratic ballots to give the vote of the State to the Hayes electors, instead of to tho Tilden electors, who had been chosen by the people. Nor how, in like manner, tho Returning Board of Louisiana threw out from 6,000 to 8,000 votes given to the lilden electors —thereby disfranchising the people of whole precincts and counties, and completely reversing the vote of the State. Nor how, by a vote of eight to seven in the Electoral Commission, all inquiry into these frauds and usurpations was precluded, and the doctrine solemnly announced and acted upon that, no matter by what frauds, no matter by what illegalities, no matter by what usurpations, a Returning or Canvassing Board may defeat the will of the people, the wrong is remediics's, tho constitution is powerless, the people are helpless, and usurpation must triumph and prevail. These, fellow-citizens, are now all matters of history: but, although the erroneeus decision by which Congress counted in Hayes and Wheeler may not be reversible, that fact only makes it the more incumbent upon tlie people to condemn the decision, and the means by which it was brought about. If such an usurpation can pass without rebuke, it will soon be in vain to talk of constitutional modes and honest elections. If the will of tho people can with impunity be overthrown by obteure and corrupt returning boards and there is no remedy for the wrong, it will soon be the voice of such boards, and not the voice cf the people, that will make your Presidents. And how long, I pray you, could your Government stand under such a system, or what claim would it have to be called a government of the people? My friends, if the people ever condone this great sin; if they ever pardon the guilty meD who perpetrated it—and nearly every one of whom has been rewarded by office under the administration —the most sanguine advocate of popular government will have reason to hang his head in shame and doubt the possibility of its success. Yes, my fellow-citizens, the very existence of popular government, tue question whether it is possible to maintain it, ana to maintain it in purity, is now on trial before you. As you love the institutions bequeathed to you by the fathers, as you reverence your constitution and value your freedom, as you .esteem virtue and doteßt wickedness, you are bound, in no uncertain tones, to manifest your abhorrence of ths great usurpation. Fellow-citizens, nothing in politics seems more certain to me than that the Republican leaders rest their hopes of a prolongation of their power npori the success that may attend a studied and energetic effort on their part to excite and perpetuate sectional feeliog. And nothing seems to me more unwarranted, unpatriotic and d testable than this scheme. It is not enough that the South has frankly and manfully accepted the results of the war; that, waiving all questions as to the mode of their adoption, no voice is raised against the binding force of tho constitutional amendments; that every law passed by a Radical Congress, however doubtful its constitutionality, or manifest its injustice and impolicy, is nevertheless obeyed ; that a desire for harmony and peace, and’ a determination to aid in the preservation of tho UuioD, are unmistakably and plainly the dominant sentiments of the Southern people—all this is not enough to deter the Republican managers from resorting to all the weapons in the arstnal of the demagogue, by which sectional hatred can be aroused and perpetuated, and a solid North thereby creattd to rule with a rod of iron a prostrate South. It is thirteen years since the close of the war—thirteen years sinca a hand was raised or a word spoken against the preservation of the Union —and yet articles are written and speeches are now made by men prominent in tae Repubbcan jiarty, tho bitterness of which is scarcely paralleled by anytLing that was written or said when war was flagrant and the Union was iu danger. Fellow-citizens, nothing more unjust, nothing more unpatriotic, nothing more injurious to the peace, welfare and prosperity of the republic, nothing more clearly demonstrative of the necessity for a chauge of rulers and the inauguration of an era of justice and fraternity than is afforded by these facts can be imagined. Do you wish the Union preserved? Then support those who would bind it together by the ties of fraternal feeling and a common interest, as well as by constitutions and laws. Do you revere justice and advocate equality of rights ? Then support the party ou whose banner “Justice and Equality” are indelibly inscribed. Do you wish to see the country strong and prosperous? Then support the policy that is shedding its benign influence upon every part, gives irresistible strength ana universal well-being to the whole.