Daily Democrat, Volume 2, Number 180, Decatur, Adams County, 10 August 1904 — Page 2
THE^ DAILY DEMOCRAT. ■ VBHY BVINISO. IXCSPT HCSDAY, BY L. M W a. ELUINGiHAM. SUBSCRIPTION RATES. 5> Barrier, per week 10c Carrier, per j eer *4 00 By mall, per month.. 2*o •p mall, per year *2.60 Single copies. Two Cents. *4vsr»:»lng rales made known on application •nsered tn the postoffice at Decatur. Indiana. as second-olass mall matter 4. H. HELLER. Manaqsr, NATIONAL TICKET For President ALTON B. PARKER of New York. For Vice-President HENRY G. DAVIS of West Virginia PARKER SPEAKS The stately document of Judge Parker in accepting the honors confered by the democratic party, fully shows that the confidences imposed have not been misplaced. The speech is the handiwork of a statesman, and from beginning to ending rings with a clearness that will not be misunderstood. The tarriff and imperialism are given extended attention and the attitude assumed will find warm response from the electorate who believe that the tariff is a tax and that the jingoism of a''world power” is not that kind of independence that the students who framed the constitution, intended should be inculcated into the minds and heart of a free and liberty loving people. The speech complete will be found in another column, and is worthy of a careful reading and a careful study. It was not inculcated in the mind or written by the hand of a politician. The truth of this is found in the following ; “I accept, gentlemen of the Cj n nit tee. the nomination.and if the action of the convention shall be indorsed by an election by the people, 1 will, God help, ing me, give to the discharge of the duties of that exalted office the best service of which I am capable and will at the end of the term retire to private life. I shall not be a candidate for nor shall I accept a renomination. ”
The meaning of this ringing dec-
(■ration is that the usual political warfare will have no fears for him. That while president he will be president, without fear or favor for anv man or set of men. It is a new precedent in national polities and one that stamps Alton B. Parker of the proper kind to preside over the destinies of eighty millions of people. Bluffton is getting lively again and is busy advertising the great and only Uncle Tom’s Cabin. Senator l est, of Missouri, one of the greatest statesmen of his day, died at Sweet Springs, Missouri, yesUr lay. The Chicago Inter-Ocean is so mad it Could bite itself. All because some innocent human being suggested the probability of its being consolidated with the Chicago Chronicle. The offense was unpardonab'e. Three flours in the new Century building, at New York, nine thousand square feet of floor space has been leased for the<eastorn headquarters from which the democratic campaign will b be waged. Looks like there was something doing. Decatur welcomes the boys of the one hundred and sixtieth who hold their re union in thia city. The hoe pitalily of the city will be cheerfully given over to the care and custody of those who willingly eacrißced their t me, aud some instance, their health, tor the preservation of this land of the free and home cf the brave
THE SILENCE IS BROKEN Judge Parker Accepts the Nomination for President
The Tarriff and Imperialism Discussed at Length One Term Candidate. EsOpus, N. Y., Aug. 10— The speech of acceptance of Alton Brooks Parker in reply to the committee which notified him of his nomination for the presidency by the Democratic party is as follows; Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Committee; 1 have resigned the office of chief judge of tile court of appeals of this state in order that 1 may accept the responsibility that tile great convention you represent has put upon me without possible prejudice to the court to which 1 had the honor to belong or to the eminent members of the judiciary us this state, of whom 1 may now say as - a private citizen I am justly proud. At the very threshold of this response and before dealing with other subjects 1 must, in justice to myself and to relieve my sense of gratitude, express my profound appreciation of the confidence reposed in me by the convention. After nominating me and subsequently receiving a communication declaring that 1 regarded the gold standard as firmly and irrevocably established, a matter concerning which 1 felt it incumbent upon me to make known my attitude so that hereafter no man could justly say that his support had been secured through indirection or mistake, the convention reiterated its determination that 1 should be the standard bearer of the parly in the present contest. This mark of trust and confidence 1 shall ever esteem as the highest honor that could be conferred upon me—an horn r that, whatever may be the fate of th campaign, the future can in no degree lessen or impair. The admirable platform upon which the party appeals to the country for its confidence and support clearly states the principles which were so well condensed in the first inaugural address of President Jefferson and points out with force and directness the course to be pursued through their proper application in order to insure needed reforms in both the legislative and administrative departments of the government. While unhesitating in its promise to correct abuses and to right wrongs wherever they appear or however caused; to investigate the several administrative departments of the government, the conduct of whose officials has created scandals, and to punish those who have been guilty us a breach of their trust; to oppose the granting of special privileges by which the few may profit at the expense of the many; to practice economy in the expenditure of the moneys of the people and to that end to return once more to the methods of the founders of the republic by observing in i disbursing the public funds the care and J caution a prudent individual observes with respect to his own. still the spirit of the platform assures conservative instead of rash action, the protection of the innocent as well as the punishment of the guilty; tnt enc< ur?gemenl of industry, economy and thrift; the protection of property and a guarantee us the enforcement for the benefit of all of man s inalienable rights, among which, as said in the Dec la rat io nos independence, are “life, libt rty and the pursuit of happiness.” Liberty, as understood In this country, means not only the right of freedom from actual servitude, imprisonment or restraint, but the right of one to use ids faculties in all lawful ways, to live and work where he will and to pursue any lawful trade or business. These essential rights of life, liberty and property are not only guaranteed to the citizen by the constitution us each of the several states, but the states are by the' fourteenth amendment to the constitu- ■ tion of the United States forbidden to deprive any person of any one of them without due process of law Occasionally, by reason of unnecessary , or impatient agitation for reforms or because the limitations placed upon the departments of government the constitution disregarded by officials desiring to accomplish that which to them seems good, whether the power exists in them or not, it becomes desirable to call attention to the fact that the people, in whom all power resides, have seen fit through the medium of the constitution to limit the governmental powers conferred and to say to departments created by it, “Thus fir shalt thou go and no farther.” To secure the ends sought the people have by the constitution separated and distributed among the three departments of government—the executive, legislative and judicial—certain powers, and it is the duty of those administering tach department so to act as to preserve rather than to destroy the potency of the co-ordinate branches of the government and thus secure the exercise of all the powers conferred by the people.
Thoma* Jefferson, In a letter to William C. Jarvis touching the perpetuity of our Institutions, written many years after he had retired to private life, said, "If the three powers of our government maintain their mutual Independence of each other it may last long, hut not so If either can assume the authority ot the other." It must ue confessed that 1n the course of our history executives have employed powers not belonging to them. Statutes have been passed that were expressly forbidden by the constitution, and statutes have been jet aside as unconstitutional when It was difficult to point out the provisions said to be offended against In their enactment. All this has been done with u good purpose, no doubt, but in disregard nevertheless at the fact that ours Is a government of laws, not of men. deriving its "just powers from the consent of the governed." If we would have our government continue during the ages to come for the benefit of those who shall succeed us we must ever be on our guard against the danger of usurpation of that authority which resides In the whole people. whether the usurpation be by officials representing one of the three, great departments of government or by a body ot men acting without a commission from the people. Impatience of the restraints of law as well as of Its delays Is becoming more and more manifest from day to day. Within the past few years many Instances have been brought to our attention where in different parts of our beloved country supposed criminals have been seized and punished by a mob. notwithstanding the fact that the constitution of each state guarantees to every person within its Jurisdiction that his life, his liberty or his property shall not be taken from him without due process of law In a struggle between employers and employees dynamite Is said to have been used by the latter, resulting In the loss of life and the destruction of property. The perpetrators of this offense against the laws of God and man and all otters engaged In the conspiracy with them should, after due trial and conviction, have had meted out to them the most rigorous punishment known to the law. This crime
added perhaps to others, led to the formation of a committee of citizens that, with the support of the military authority, deports from the state without trial persons suspected of belonging to the organization of which the perpetrators of the dynamite outrages were supposed to be members. In both cases the reign of law gave way to the reign of force. These illustrations present some evidence of the failure of government to protect the citizen and his property, which not only justified the action of your convention in this regard, but made it its duty to call attention to the fact that constitutional guarantees are violated whenever any citizen is denied the right to labor, to acquire and to enjpy property or to reside where his interests or inclination may determine, and the fulfillment of the assurance to rebuke and punish all denials of these rights, whether brought about by individuals or government agencies, should be enforced by every official and supported by every citizen. The essence of good government lies in strict <bservance of constitutional 'i mi tat ns. enforcement of law and order and rugg.d opposition to all encroachment upon the sovereignty of the p* - ple. The foregoing suggestions but emphasize the distinction which exists between our own and many other forms of government. It has been well said in substance that there are but two powers in government—one the power of the sword, sustained by the hand that wields it. and the other the power of the law, sustained by an enlightened public sentiment. The difference in these powers is the difference between a republic such as ours, based on law and a written constitution, supported by intelligence, virtue and patriotism, and a monarchy, sustained by force exerted by an individual, uncontrolled by laws other than those made or sanctioned by him. One represents constitutionalism. the other imperialism. The present tariff law is unjust in Its operation, excessive in many of its rates and so framed in particular instances as to exact inordinate profits from the people. So well understood has this view become that many prominent members of the Republican party and at least two of its state conventions have dared to voice the general sentiment on that subject. That party seems, however, to be collectively able to harmonize only upon a plank that admits that revision may fr< m time to time be necessary, but it is so phrased that it is expected to be satisfactory to those in favor of an increase of duty, to those who favor a reduction thereof and to those opposed to any change whatever. Judged by the record of performance rather than that of promise cn the part of that party in the past it would seem as if the outcome in the event of its success would be to gratify the latter class. With absolute control of both the legislative and executive departments of the government since March 4. 1897, there has been neither reduction nor an attempt at reduction in tariff duties. It is not unreasonable to assume in the light of that record that a future congress of that party will not undertake a revision of the tariff downward in the .event that it shall receive an indorsement of its past course on that subject by the people. It is a fact and should be frankly conceded that should our party be successful in the coming contest we cannot hope to secure a majority in the senate during the next four years, and hence we shall be unable to secure any modification in the tariff save that to which the Republican majority in the senate may consent. While therefore we are unable to give assurances of relief to the people from such excessive duties as burden them, it is due to them that wc should state our position to be in favor of a reasonable reduction of the tariff, that we believe that it is demanded by the best Interests of both manufacturer and consumer, and that a wise and beneficent revision of the tariff can be accomplished as soon as both branches of congress and an executive in favor of it are elected without creating that sense of uncertainty and instability that has on other occasions manifested itself. This can be achieved by providing that such a reasonable period shall intervene between the date of the enactment of the statute making a revision and the date of its enforcement as shall be deemed sufficient for the industry or business affected by such revision to adjust itself to the changes and new conditions imposed. So confident am I in the belief that the demand of the people for a reform of the tariff is just that I indulge the hope that should a Democratic house of representatives and a Democratic executive be chosen by the people even a Republican senate may heed the warning and consent tc give at least some measure of relief to the people. The combinations, popularly called trusts, which alm to secure a monopoly of trade in the necessaries of life as well as in those things that are employed upon the farm, in the factory and in many other fields of industry have been encouraged and stimulated by excessive tariff duties. These operate to furnish a substantial market in the necessities of eighty millions of people by practically excluding competition. With so large a market and highly remunerative prices continuing long after the line of possible com portion would naturally be reached, the temptation of all engaged in the same business lu combine so as to prevent competition at home and a resulting reduction of prices has proved irresistible in a number of cases. All men must agree that the net result of enacting laws that foster such inequitable conditions is most unfortunate for the people as a whole, and it would seem as if all ought to agree that the effective remedy would be to appropriately modify the offending law The growth of monopoly, of which complaint is justly made, cannot be laid at the doors of the courts of this country. The decisions of the supreme court of the United States, the court of appeals of this state and the courts of last resort In many other states warrant the assertion that the common law as developed affords a complete legal remedy against monopolies. Th© fact that they have multiplied in number and increased in power has been due not to the failure of the courts to apply the law when properly moved by administrative officials or private individuals but to the failure nf officials charged with the duty of enforcing the law to take the necessary procedure to procure the judgments of the courts In the appropriate jurisdlcttbn. coupled with the fact that the legislative departments of some of our state governments as will as congress In the manner already referred to have by legislation encouraged their propagation. What Is needed. In addition to the passage of a statute revising the tariff duties to a reasonable basis. Is not so much other and different laws as officials having both the disposition and the courage to enforce existing law While this is my view of the scope of the common law. If it should be made to appear that It Is a mistaken one then I favor such further legislation within constitutional limitations ns will give the people a just and full measure of protection. It Is difficult to understand how any
citizen of the I’”'ted States, much less a descendant of Revolutionary stock, can tolerate the thought of permanently denying the right of self government to the Filipinos. Can we h<>pe to instill into the minds of our descendants reverence ard devotion for a government by the people whl’e denying ultimately that right to the inhabitants of distant countries whose territory we hav ? acquired either by purchase or by force? Can we say to the Filipinos, “Your lives, your liberty and your property may be taken from you without due pro ■ ss of law for all time.” and expect we will long glory in that feature cf Magna Charta which has become incorporated, in substance and effect, Into the constitution of every state as w 11 ns into the fourteenth amendment to the constitution of the United States! Can we hope for the i ct of the civilized world while proukiv 'guaranteeing to every citizen of the United States that no law shall be made or enforced which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States or deny to any person the equal prplection of the laws and at the same time nut • nly deny similar rights to the inhabitants of the Philippines, but take away from them the right of trial by jury and place their lives and the disposition of their property in the keeping of those whom we send to them to be their governors? We shall certainly rue it as a nation if we make any such ritempt. Viewing the question even from the standpoint of national selfishness, there is no prospect that the twenty millions of dollars expended in the purchase of the islands and the six hundred anti fifty millions said to have been since disbursed will ever come back to us. The accident of war brought the Philippines into our possession, and we are not at liberty to disregard the responsibility which thus came to us. but that responsibility will be best subserved by pr- paring the islanders as rapidly as possible for self government and giving to them the assurances that it will come as soon as they are reasonably prepared for it. There n* » d be fear that the assertion so often made of late that we have now become a world power will then be without support. Ours is a world power, and as such it must be maintained, but I deny that it is at all recently .that the United States has attained that eminence. Our country became a world power over a century ago. w hen, having thrown off foreign domination, the people established a free government, the source .of whose authority sprung and was continuously to proceed from the will of the people themselves. It grew as a world pow’er as its sturdy citizens, to whose natural increase were added immigrants from the old world seeking to obtain here the liberty and prosperity u nied them in their own countries, spread over the face of the land, reduced the prairies and forests to cultivation built cities, constructed highways and railroads, till now a nation which at the formation of the government
FARMS I » INOWONSALE v\ I \ \ \ \ X NO. 4. \\ . s- '°-5. X. \ * \ \ acres. 8. acres. • \\ —1 \ \ Jio. 8. ' * * \ 'x *2. acres. * 6. ~ x. x . - i \ \ Six acre,. v— _ L i \X v — * s-u i i ' 3 S 80 acres - \> Acres! , I 50 ' ’ I S 33 acres. i xx i THE SNOW AGENCY now \ j offers the original George Frank farm-just south east of Decatur for sale in tracts * i to suit purchasers. This < , farm of nearly one hundred x acres is on Mercer Avenue -a stoned street- prospec- # five traction line. No better location near the city can be found for a quiet home of a few acres. no i^ r I CCS, » descriptions, Etc. of Traets Herein Above Shown. to The Clover? *' Ito Nos. 5,6, 7 and 8. Have no buildings and range in bu has nice locaUon for a residence on Xto?" price from * IO2O to * l75 > a “ excei X °’ ? cer Avenue. There ?. on this ntai “ H Bix acr . ea each ’ They ™ 8O ? t " ea fl B h °- tract and six or seven acres of thrifty vou » a*» o,d Co «?. Dty ,B l r « roundß ’ ?, nd may ”'' nr timber, making it desirable land fnr ed from Elsworth street or Mercer avenue, or ture Price No 2 Is a2O arm tr*n» m . Besides the above described tracts we are now offering Ellsworth Street h lt > Merc * r Avenue and a nicely located 7 ocre tract northwest of the *• o t. „ t .. . near Berne. A well improved 16 acre tract No. 3. Is al2 acre tract on the north side of Mercer near Monroe. Four 40 acre tracts near Deca Avenue, has no buildings but a nice building tur, besides a number of from 80 to 100 acres, site near the street. This tract extends to the Ten tracts of from 100 to 160 acres each. Nonr Bt , th e . “Ort* l ®* B * »“d is about one-third bers 258 and 341 are especially desirable tracts bottom land. It can be profitably utilized a> r j a fruit and poultry farm. Price 81,200 * 8 • *BO acre tract of fully one half black land, within six miles of fierne, in the oil No. 4. Is an 8 acre tract lying just north of Mercer region. Fairly tiled, ordinary This Avenue. This tract can be easily sub-dividert s a new farm and all the soil is of good qua in smaller tracts with good outlet to Mercer ty for farrnln R P nr Poses. Two sets of bu. dAvenue. On this tract is situated a ‘“K* -one of which are all new-coiiHibis of » six room brick residence, with eoo d S' frame barn 40x 80 feet, a story and a half cig 1 orchard, garden, small fruit, drove well win.i room frame house, with good cellar. ,ir ° pump, etc. With little expense can be made well and wind pump. Land draws oil royalty an ideal country home. On traction line and ? nd 18 on th ® fr «® rural mail -route, a mil® free rual mail route. Price «1 800 ~oall< i from the stone road, near church and school. ■n . Price 811,200. ™ lands in Texas. WUh Che * P deßirable timber or P rftW SNOW AGENCY, DECATUR, INDIANA.
ocean to ocean and the lake, to the gulf rfvilfcauon. R 'is the “berty the advancement and the prosperity of * ti C ‘‘" e " h * not any career of conquest, that nrnkehe country a world power. Ibis condition we owe to the bounty of Providence, unfolded in the great natural resources of the countrv to the wisdom of our fahers manifested in the form of government established by them: to the energy. Industry, moral character and law abiding spirit of the people themselves. We are not a military people, bent on I conquest or engaged In extend ng our domains In foreign lands or desirous of securing natural advantages, however great, by force, but a people loving peace : not only for ourselves, but for all the na- ' tions of the earth. I The display of great military armaments may please the eye and for the m> I ment excite the pride of the citizen, but 1 it cannot bring to the country the brains brawn and muscle of a single immigrant cr induce the investment here of a dollar of capital. Os course such armament as may be necessary for the security of the country and the protection of the rights of Its citizens at home or abroad must be maintained. Any other course would be not only false economy, but pusillanimous. I protest, however, against the feeling, now far too prevalent, that by reason of the commanding position we have assumed in the world we must take part in the disputes and broils of foreign countries and that because we have grown great we should intervene in ev» ry imp ttant question that arises in other parts of the world. I also protest against the erection of any such military establishment as would be required to maintain the country in that attitude. \\ e should confine our internatlonaal activities solely to matters in which the rights of the country or of our citizens are directly involved. That is not a situation of isolation. but of independence. The government of the United States was organized solely for the people of the United States. • While it was contemplated that this country should become a refuge for the oppressed of every land who might be fit to discharge the duties of our citizenship, am! while we have always sympathized with the people of every nation in their struggles for self government. the government was not created for a career of political or civilizing evangelization in foreign countries or among alien races by intervention in their affairs. The most efficient work we can do in uplifting the people of other countries Is by the presentation of a happy, prosperous, self governing nation as an Ideal to be emulated, a model to be followed. The general occupation of our citizens in the arts of peace, or the absence of large militarv armaments, tends to impair n«*i-
ther patriotism nor physical for the truth of this I refer the vn "" ( ’ men of today to the history of the . 8 war. For fifty years, with the except?™ of the war with Mexico, this country been at peace, with a standing army of the time of less than ten thmiS men. He who thinks that the nation h»a grown, effeminate during that ner,,a should read the casualty rolls C f th armies on either side at Shiloh Antietam Fredericksburg and Gettysburg at St n River and Chickamauga I would l, e th! last man to pluck a single laurel f r ,~ the crown of any one of the militarv he roes to whom this country owes so but I Insist that their most heroic deed, proceeded Infinitely more front devotl. „ to the country than from martial spirit As I hive already proceeded nt great length, other questions suggest, d In the platform must await my letter of ac ceptance. Mr. Chairman, in most graceful speech you have reminded me of the great responsibility as well as the great honor of the nomination bestowed upon me by the convention you represent this day. assured that both are appreciated . 0 keenly appreciated that I am humlled f n their presence. I accept, gentlemen of the committee the nomination, and If the action the convention shallree Indorsed by an tlon by the people I will. God helping me. give to the discharge of the d y s ,5 that exalted office the best servle.. j which I am capable and nt the end f the term retire to private life. I shall not be a candidate for nor shall I p.-r V pt a renomlnatlon. Several reasons might be advanced for this position, but t. controlling one with me Is that I am fully persuaded that no Incumbent of t q should ever be placed in a situ i n of possible temptation to consider wl. q the effect of action taken by him In minlstraUv* matter of great im, ~) Ce might have upon his political I n ,. s ' Questions of momentous conse. t o all of the people have been in past and will be in the future present : , the president for determination, and in ap. proachfng their consideration as w || ai In weighing the facts and the arc a. ms bearing upon them he should I m . barrassed by any possible though: f t h» Influence his decision may h , ;1 anything whatever that maj- ass t m personally. I make this statem ■ th criticism cf any of our president h-m Washington’down who have <tb held the office for two terms or s.-nght t. « cceed themselves, for strong arguine. - can be advanced In support of the r- n of a president. It is simply my j rr. nt that the Interests of this country ~.-w so vast and the questions pres, ■ arfrequently of such overpowerii g tude to the people that It Is indo to the maintenance of a befitting i e before the people not only that th hlef magistrate should be Independ. !,,,. that that independence should be : w.a *? -'1 -rcr
