Daily Greencastle Banner and Times, Greencastle, Putnam County, 26 September 1894 — Page 4

THE BANNER TIMES, GREENCASTLE. INDIANA WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 20,1894

uraxm sinks # (Jran<l Welcomo \; , car(l*'<l Oliin's Governor at hnltaiKiimlis. Formal Oponin;' of tin* Ilepuldican Cumpaijin In In iiamu

TOMLINSON HALL CROWDED.

Capital City Filled With Enthusiastic Republicans,

Hall Heautifullv Ik'corated in Honor of 1'rotection’s Champions.

BENJAMIN HARRISON'S REMARKS. Kx-rre.si«l<‘nt Received With Great Applaiine by HIh Admiring Friends—Full Account of IIIh Speech—The Democratic Party’s L>«>uhle-I>ealiu^ In Coii|;refta Scathingly Referred To—Republican Victory AftHtired In Indiana In November—The Kyen of Workingmen Opened to the Fact That the I>eniocratic Party Instead of lieing Their Friend Ih Their Worst Enemy—Fallacy of the Doctrine of Free Trade Shown- Magnificent Reception to the Two Great Republicans. Inmanapous, S«>pt. 25.—The Republican campaign in Imlinna was opened here today by William McKinley, governor of Ohio, assisted by Benjamin Harrison, ex-president of the United States. The early trains into the city were crowded with Republicans and later ones, on some of the roods, could not haul enough cars to accommodate all the people who wished to get here. At 1:15 o’clock William McKinley and Benjamin Harrison appeared upon the stage of Tomlinson hall. The audience was responsive to their presence and a prolonged cheer followed. Mr. fXrtrriMoiiN Remark*. My Fellow Citizens: The delightful duty has been assigned me by the state central committee of tin* Republican party of Indiana to preside over this great meeting. 1 am to be its chairman, not its speaker, and I congratulate you on that fact. [Laughter.] I brought the distinguished gentleman to whom you are to listen to this hall this afternoon, without sending any courier in advance to find whether there were enough people here for him to speak to. (Cheers.] I notice in the audience here today with great satisfaction the presence of many of our older fellow citizens. The old men are fond of telling of the “good old times.” but the times to which they look back to with so much delight are glorified in the fact that the processes of nature and of Providence have covered the things that were hard, and brought out in the memory those things that were sweet and pleasant. But the good times which I have in mind are not good old times, but very young good times. [Applause. ] Ho young that only the unweaned babes have no memory of them. Only two years ago this country was not only the most prosperous country in the world—for that it had been before— but it stood upon the highest pinnacle of prosperity that it had ever before attained. [Cheers. | This is not the verdict of politicians; it is the verdict of the commercial reporter; it is the expressed opinion of those men who make a profession of studying business conditions. The last two years have been years of distress and disaster. The losses of them defy the skill of the calculator, it has been said, I think, not without reason, that they exceed the cost of the great civil war. These losses have not been classed losses; they have Ikh'ii distributed. The holder or stocks and bonds has found his wealth shrinking, and so has the farmer; and the workingman has found his wages shrinking There has been a general participation in the calamities of the past two years, as there was a general participation of the prosperity of the preceding year. [Applause. ] The great national debts, like those of the civil war, have sometimes their adequate compensation. Great as was the cost of the war for the Union, we feel that it was adequately compensated in the added glory that was given to the Hag, and in the added security that was given to our civil institutions and the unity of the nation. | Cheers. | No Conipeiifttiting Thought. But the losses of these last two years have no such compensating thought. There is no good to 1>e gotten out of them, except for guidance. They seem to 1m* of retributive nature, like the swamp, into which the traveler lias unwarily driven, that have no ameliorat- ) ig circumstances, except as they teach him to keep on the foothill and to follotv the road that is on th ■ hilltops. Our people seemed to he inclined to make the most that ean 1m- made out of tlics * years of disaster. We were told in the old times the rich were getting richer and the poor poorer; and to cure that imaginary ill our political opponents have brought on a time when everybody is getting poorer. [Great applause.] I think 1 remember to have heard of an inscription once upon a tombstone that ran something like this: "I was well; 1 thought to be better; I took medicine, and hero I lie.” [Laughter and applause. ) Our Democratic friends have passed a tariff bill that is approved—so far as I can learn—by only six Democratic senaators and nobody else. [Laughter.] Mr. (Tcvelaud ha- repudiated it and declared that it imr-jiyes “perfidy and dishonor;” that it shameful in its character and in the influences that produced it; that he would not even put nis name to it. All of the leading Democratic papers in the country have condemned it—both of the old stalwart variety and of the mugwump variety. The Democratic chairman of the ways and means

committee has eondemne 1 it and the entire Democratic majority in the house of representatives. Now that is a great misfortune. It is a misfortune that the Democratic party was not able to evolve a tariff bill that that party would accept as a settlement of the tariff question. But it is not accepted as a settlement. * In the very nature of things, a bill thus passed and thus characterized cannot be a settlement; and already we have the proclamation from Mr. Cleveland and from Mr. Wilson that this is only the begimfmg of the crusade against American industries; that the war is to- go on. Now that is a great misfortune. If we could prove by our Democratic friends that we were in the bottom of the well, dark and damp and dismal as it was, we would have begun to l(K>k up and see whether we could not find some star of hope; we would have begun to annoint our bruises and try to build some scaffold by which we might try to climb out. But we are told that there are greater depths yet in store for us. And so this country is to bo held in a state of suspense upon this question. M’KINLEY INTItonrCKD. Received With Great Kiitliii*ia*in by the A*Heml)!e<l Thousand!*. When Mr. Harrison finished there was applause both for what he said and for wlmt was promised from Mr. McKinley. The latter began to speak slowly— so soon as the generous and general applause subsided. He clung on to the last syllables of his words. His voice was soft and flexible, with a rising tendency as he proceeded. He spoke as follows: Mr. President, My Fellow Citizens of Indiana, Ladies and Gentlemen—In November, 1892, a Republican national administration, able and efficient and patriotic, which had .managed the goveru-

GOVERNOR M’KIM.EY. ment with exceptional zeal and ability for nearly four years—at the head of which wasom of our greatest presidents, the illustrious citi/.-m from Indiana [applause |, he who presides over this meeting—was, by the voice of the American people, voted out of power. Those who assisted in that decree and tln*se who wore opposed to it have been regretful and unhappy ever since. [Applause and laughter. | In obedience to that decree tint Democratic party has been in supreme control of the government for now nearly 19 months and for the greatest part of that time it has Is'en engaged in trying to revise the tariff. It must have In-eu apparent even to congress that long before it had concluded the consideration of that subject the people had already revised their opiu- , ions, and were tilled with anxiety to pass judgment upon their work. It did not take the people of this country as long to revise their views as it took the Democratic party to revise the tariff. [Laughter. | This has been a period of sober reflection, steadied by tin* discipline of adversity, and, after all, the form of instruction which is most effective and enduring in experience. And we have had that with great abundance for tin* la-d 18 months, hut have been blessed with little else. The country is ready to speak upon the work of the Democratic party. There has never been, I think, in the political history of the country a greater revolution in public sentiment than the one which has occurred in the last 18 months and since the November elections of 1892. The KcvuNlon. Beginning in New York, thence to ' Pennsylvania, thence to the two congressional districts in the great Umpire state of New York, thence to Iowa and to < )hio and a half dozen other states in the year 189:1, and then coming down to the election of 1894, beginning with Oregon and ending in Maine, gives to the people a realization of the wonderful revolution that has taken place in the sentiment of the country withhi 24 months. What, my fellow citizens, has b<‘on the cause of this remarkable change? The Democratic party has been running the government for eighteen months, during which time little else has been running. [Great a|>plause. ] We have had very little to employ us but observation and reflection. Business has been practically stopped. Lnltor has been little employed and when employed at greatly reduced wages. The waste of wealth and property and wages is beyond human calculation. < iovernuient and people have been draining tie ir resources and ImiiIi have been running in debt. The government lias suffered in its revenue and the people in their incomes. Distress has Ik-vii everywhere universal. No brightness, no cheer, no hope have bom manifest unyw here, and the appeals to charity were never so universal and iiici s~:mt; and their necessity never more manifest than in the last two years. Congress has trifled with the sacred tru.-t confided to it by the people, has disgusted its own constituents, imperiled their enterprises and investments, and the people have been thinking about it. Those who have not been thinking have been feeling—feeling the stress of the times wrought by the great change. What, my fellow citizens, in all these months have they done? They have given us a revision of the tariff, such as it is—a revision which the presiding officer, General Harrison, has well said, nobody approves of and eveiybody is ashamed of. Even Mr. Mills of Texas declared in open debate that the Gorman-Brice bill, which has just become a law, was not approved by 1,000 people within the United States. I ordinarily disagree with Mr. Mills, , hut in that 1 quite agree with him. A law, my fellow citizens, which never had the consideration of tin* committee of , ways and means, a law which was never !

considered by the finance committee of the senate, a law which never was considered by the conference committee of the two houses and which was only left in the conference committee and not withdrawn by the senate because of the hurried action of the house of representatives in adopting that law under the threat of the agents of the trusts that it was to be that bill or none, and in all human probability none. A bill which has received the condemnation of the president of the United States, a bill which he condemned before its passage, and when it was passed, under the mightiest pressure of his party, refused to give to it his signature; a law which h< declared was the result of party perfidy and party dishonor, and which, since its passage, he declares the very communism of pelf. Will tfie People Do It? And It is this law—it is this tariff legislation—that the people of this country an* asked to approve by their votes in November next, and they are asked to return to congress here in the state of Indiana and in other states the very same men who helped to make this law. Will you do it? (Cries of "No!”) You have got an opportunity hen* in Indiana to show your disapproval of that law by leaving at home the men who helped to write it. (‘‘We will do it!”) There are about six in Ohio who will be left at home. I Applause. | My fellow citizens, the manner of the making of (ho law should condemn it, if nothing else. It was not made by a deliberate house. It was not made by a deliberate senate. It was traded through in violation of party principles, public interest and public morals, and I want to show that, not by Republican testimony, but by Democratic testimony. History of the Fcgialation. The history of the new turff legislation is interesting and instructive. The house, which alone has the power to k originate revenue bills, passed what is known as the Wilson bill, a measure which has the unenviable distinction of being the only tariff bill in our history that was ever indorsed by a president in his annual message to congress before it had heeu reported to the house or even considered by the committee on ways and . means [applause and laughter) And before it had ever been officially adopted by any official committee of either the house or the senate of the

United States.

That bill did not raise sufficient revenue to conduct the government. Every estimate I have seen of its revenueraising power created a deficiency of from ♦40,000,000 to ♦70,000,000. That bill went to the senate and took the usual course of refereuco to the committee on finance which is charge 1 with the revenue legislation of the senate. After protracted consideration by the committee, the Wilson bill, with more than 400 amendments, was re-

ported to the senate.

But, after much talking and wrangling, it was soon made manifest that neither the Wilson bill, nor the Wilson bill with the finance committee's' amendments, could pass that body; and so, taking the bill out of the hands of the committee, taking it out of the* hands of the senate, taking it out of the control of the finance committee of the senate, a self-constituted committee, consisting of Mr. Jones of Arkansas, | Mr. Vest of Missouri, and Mr. Harris of Tennessee, on which was not a single northern senator, was made the adjusting committee to fix up a bill that could command 41! votes, or a majority of the senate of the United States. The senator from Arkansas himself best tells how it was done. Shaking of the bill of the finance committee in open senate after its passage lie said—and I quote from

the record:

“We knew that to pass the bill in this form at that time was impossible. With that fact staring us in the face, we saw the necessity of passing some sort of a tariff bill while we had the power. The senator from Tennessee, the senator from Missouri, and myself and other members of the committee, and senators not on (lie committee, discussed the situation freely. I began conversation with individual senators one after another. I carefully noted down the ob-' jections and criticisms of each, and to each particular paragraph throughout the bill, and the objection made to it. I went from the beginning hi the end through the bill with man after man on this side of the chamber, spending days I and days in the work. After I had talked with each who was opposing the bill and had noted on the margin of the bill what was said, I had every objec- i tion presented by each of them, and after I had gone over live marginal notes and mudd up my mind exactly what were the smallest modifications which would at all meet the difficulties which were in the way, I consulted the secretary of the treasury and the president

and those that made the bill.”

That is to say, he said to the several senators who were not pledged and who refused to 1mi bound by party caucuses. “What do you want, what is your price for voting for this bill? Name your consideration?” He did not put the question, What is the best interests of the country ? He did not ;u-.k, What is for the best interest of the wage earners? He did not ask, What is best for the farmers and the agriculturalists? Hedid not ask, What would carry out the pledges and purposes of the Democratic party? Ho asked what must he the price to be given to the unbound senator, to get him to vote for some sort of a bill, while the Democratic party had the power, and that is the way that bill was

made.

That, of itself, my fellow citizens, ought to condemn it. The voice of Indiana was not hoard in the making of that bill. Three senators from three southern states made the industrial law for 65,000,000 of people. [Applause.] And 1 give notice hero and now, speaking for my fellow countrymen, that wo do not propose to be bound by legislation made in that way. [Applause.] Some I’roteutlon. But, my fellow-citizens, this bill gives some protection. Rice is carefully protected by si duty of more than 80 per cent and sugar is not wholly neglected. It has noino froa trade in it here and there, hut principally herein the north. There is the tariff on peanuts. [Applause.) But free trade on hoopiron that goes to hind a hale of cotton. There is a tariff on sumach, but free trade on wool. There is si tariff on mica but free trsvdein lumber. There is a tariff on the grain hags of the the northern farmer, but there is no

tasil! on the cottoubags of the southern farmer. In their schedule there is the grossest exhibition of sectionalism and unjust discrimination. Is it any wonder that even Mr. Cleveland should condemn it? And in his letter to Congressman Catchiugs he declares there are provisions in this bill that su-e not in the line of honest tariff reform, and it contains inconsistencies and crudities which ought not to appear in tariff laws or laws of any kind, while influences surrounds! it in its later stages and interfered with its final conatrucl^.n which ought not to be recognized or tolerated in Dems-ratic reform counsels. And the president might have well have added, nor any other counsels. Would Take Caro of Sugar. Those men, fellow citizens, in the plain story of the transactions in the campaign of 1892, told in open debate, told in public session, told to the country, published in the enduring records of the United States, that the candidates of the Democratic party, and the managers of the Democratic party controlling organization, made a private contract with the senators from Louisiana, the consideration being the electoral vote of the state of Louisiana, that they would take care of sugar. They modified their platform. \ou never heard of free sugar in the campaign of 1892 from the lips of a Democratic orator. It was not in the Democratic platform, it was not spoken of in the Democratic press of the country, but here were two great leaders of the Democratic party making a private contract with a great sovereign state of the Union that they would modify the platform of their party privately and seetionally in consideration for the electoral vote of the state. That is the vs ay that law was made. It reduced duties, but every time it reduced a duty it reduced the wages of labor. You cannot reduce the duties and increase the revenues unless you increase importations. If you reduce the rate of duties 50 per cent you can only increase your revenues by multiplying your importations. If you decrease the tariff one-half, if you maintain the volume of revenue, you must double your importations. If the tariff on glass, for example, was 60 per cent under the old law, and the Democratic party reduced it to 80 per cent, to get as much revenue from a 30 per cent tariff as you got from a 60 per cent tariff you must double the importation of those glasses. Do you sim* that, my fellow citizens? With a reduction of duty if you would even maintain the revenue now received, you have got to increase importations, and the more you increase importations of the productions we make at home the less productions will be made at home, and (In* less productions we make at home the less wages will be paid at home and the less labor will be employed. | Applause. ] Fellow citizens, which would you rather have, HO per cent tariff or 30 per cent? [Cries of "60 per eent.”| You would rather have a higher tariff than lower wages. That is what yon mean. [Cries of “That’s it!”] Two Whjm to Preserve the Market. There are two ways, my fellow citizens, to preserve the American market to the American people—two ways. One is to put protective duties high enough upon foreign products to make it difficult to bring them in. That is the Republican way. [Applause.] That is the American way. That is the Harrison way. There is just one other way. [A voice in the audience, “the McKinley way.”] The other way to preserve this market and stop foreign importation of competing products—the other way is to reduce American wages. We can hold this market if our workingmen will work as cheap as the foreigner will work. [“We won’t do it.”] The Republican idea prefers to make it harder for the foreign products to come into this country, to preserve this market rather than to make it harder for our American freemen to live in this country [Applause.] Ah. but they say, after giving the severest condemnation of their own bill—and nobody ean be more severe on their own bills than they have been themselves—they say, after all, it is better than the law of 1890— that is, i( is better than our law. Better

for what?

The Republican idea prefers to make harder for the foreign product to come into this country, to reserve its markets rather than to make it harder for freemen to live in this country. For all they say, it is better than the law of 1890, that is, better than our law. Better than our law, you say, better for what, except the sugar trust and the whisky trust? What industry in this country other than those I have named will it stimulate? Tell me that, men of Indiana. What now fire will it build in any part of the country under our flag? Tell me that, men of Indiana. What additional laborer will it employ? Tell me that, men of Indiana. I seethe people of Indiana understand this question fully and are ready to vote. Has there been any rejoicing in this country since that bill became a law? Have you heard of any? The only rejoicing that has Ikm'u heard anywhere has been beyond the seas and under another flag. And

12,282,000; on paintings and statuary, ♦4,300,006; on plate and cut-glass, $215,• 006; on opium for smoking, $400,000, and on jew-Iry ♦76,000. How will the reduced tariff on these articles relieve the poor man, what comfort will these changes bring him? Every one is an article of luxury. Not one has any place in the list of necessities. All are articles which are chiefly used by the wealthy under the l>est condition of our country. Yet these* reductions had all to be made by the Democratic congress an excuse for putting a duty on sugar; a necessity to every household in the land; that they might enrich the trust already fattened, as they allege, by its ill-gotten gain. What comfort will it bring tothe average American home, the modest households of the* great masses of the people, to lie told that the duties have been reduced on laces, silks, on Havana cigars, on cut glass, on jewelry and velvets and liquors and opium? Yet such is the compensation the American people are given for the added burden of 1 cents more on every pound of sugar they consume. Tims, my fellow citizens, they repeal the reciprocity law of 18U0, a law under which a Republican administration made most valuable treaties with several of the great countries of the world. Our trade with Cuba, under the treaty made by the administration of President Harrison, increased from ♦ II,000,000 to ♦24,000 annually, and with Brazil from 17,000,000 to ♦16.000,00*, while with a number of other countries a large and growing trade had been seuereil. All this is surrendered fortaxed sugar. And it is already announced that some of these countries are to inaugurate retaliatory duties against the United States for the abrogation of this treaty. But. my countrymen, there was one treaty that they did not abrogate by the law of 1894. That was the treaty of reciprocity with the Saudxvich islands.

AftVct of the New L>iw.

“My fellow citizens, just one word, to show you the effect of the now law and the law of ]8;)0, its effect upon the farmers of the country as contrasted with the law of 1883. I want to call your attention to imports of agricultural products from Canada in 1890, under the law of 1883 and 18',10. The imports in 1890 wen* greatly in excess of those of 1892, as will be si on by the following articles: Horses in 1800 $1,887,000, in 1892, ♦1,094,000; cattle, in 1890 ♦104,000, in 1893, ♦21,000! poultry, 1890, ♦105,000, in 1892. ♦ 14,000; eggs in 1890, ♦1,793,000, in 1892, ♦404,000; wool in 1890, ♦235,000, in 1892, ♦200.125; flax in 1890, ♦175,000, in 1892, $112,000; barley in 1890, $4,583,ooo, in 1892, $1,884,000; peas, 1890, ♦74,000, in 1892, ♦20,000; hay in 1890, ♦922,000, in 1893, ♦598,000; malt in 1890, ♦ 149,00a. in 1892, 820: p;>f.itiM*s in 1890, $308,000, in 1892, $41,000; vegetables in 1890, ♦80.000, in 1892, *68,000; in other words, tile total imports of agricultural products in 1890, under the law of 1883, were ♦10,,520,o,K) and in 1892 were $4,-

307,000.

This was a gratifying difference—over ♦6,000,000 saved to productions of our own people, and this difference was all in faver of the American farmer. The money remained at home, where it went into the pockets of the American farmer, not to la* hoarded by him, but to find its way into general circulation. Do you approve of such a policy as Hie present? Nobody appreciates it more than the people of Canada. As to many commercial products under the law of 1894, our law makes them less than the Canadian tariff. A comparison of the two laws is an interesting study. The Empire, a paper published in Canada, under date of 10 days ago, says that comparing the Canadian and American tariffs the American is in many respects lower. This indicates that in a good many lines the Canadian farmer is better protected than the American farmer. Farmers of Indiana, how do you like that? The Canadian Journal of Aug. 17, 1894, speaking of the removal of the tariff on lumber, says it will place them in a better position to compete in the American market, and that this industry promise's to be more extensive as a consequence of the tariff legislation just completed in Washington. Soon the article of barley, tin* Canadian farmer will profit and get a higher price this season than he would otherwise have received. The Globe, published in Toronto, under date of Aug. 1.5, says the increase in the duty on hay in the tariff of 1890 reduced the hay export to less than half its former proportion. It will thus be seen that the American market is made easier to the Canadian farmer to enter with his products, while the American fanper is not given equal

reciprocal privileges.

Is it any wonder that the result of the Democratic administration and of the Demoeratio congress should be just what we find it? It was precisely what was predicted from this platform in 1892. Every prediction of evil has been realized. Not a single one has failed since the DenuK-ratie party came into power.

Comparative Value-*.

My fellow citizens, how do tin* farmers like it? A bushel of wheat this year buys 10 pounds of sugar. In 1893 a bushel of wheat bought 20 pounds of sugar. A jiouiul of wool this year buys three pounds of sugar. A pound of wool

while they have rejoiced in another * , * . . ..

They hnv( cut down the expenses of

and distress to 1,000,000 homes in the United States. Well, they say they have reduced duties; 20 )M-r cent reduction in wages 1 a.:u told iii Indiana; 30 per cent reduction in same branches of indus-

try in Indiana.

The War Just Hegun. Tl’.at is t he effect of the reduced duties. We do not want any more of them. And yet they say the war has just begun; that they have not* cut nearly amach as they intend, to cut. That is What the president says. That is what Mr. Wilson says. That is what the great Democratic press of the country says— that they have only just begun. Well, if they have only just begun, what is to be your verdict this year' about giving them any more power to cut any deep; r into the industries of this country? Well, I believe you are not going to do it. There are a good many who could be spared. What constitutes their boasted duty? Well, they have reduced the tar iff on leaf tobacco and Havana cigars ♦1,484,000 annually. They have reduced the tariff on French brandy from $2.50a gallon under the old law to $1.80 a gallon under the new tariff law. They have reduced the tariff on laces and embroideries, based upon the importation of last year, ♦1,587,000. They have reduced the tariff on silk dress goods, plushes, velvets, etc., ♦3,730,000. larin On I.uxiiricA Reduccil,

the government, hut they have done it by cutting down pensions. And yon know that, at a time lik<* this, when they are cutting down pensions, when everybody is poor, when everybody’s income is failing and when distress is manifest everywhere, they go to work and increase the salaries of Demoeratio

officials.

At a time like this, when we don’t collect but ♦70,000,000 a year, of what wc spend, but. we have to go out and borrow ijiot/,000,000 to keep the running I expenses of this government up, they j have increased the salaries of their public nffl< ials. The salary of the first assistant secretary of state was increased from ♦•t.oOO to ♦4,5()0. They have inereaned the salary of the minister to Belgium—the former law partner of the vice president—from ♦7,5()0 to ♦10,000. They have increased the salaries of the minister to Switzerland and Portugal each from $5,000 to $6,500. The ministers to Nicaragua and Costa Rica were t‘*r the first time given secretaries of legation at an annual cost of $3,600. Six auditors of the treasury department were increased from $1,600 to $4,000 and the salaries of many other officials in the consular service and elsewhere were increased. Those amounts may not lie excessive, but any advance in salaries by a government whose receipts have

On chinaware they reduced the duty ! been diminished and whose reserve has

been drained and vrii . • |),-ii;)l ( . :)rH j n distress is manifestly unjust and im*? cusable. Economy that is rigidly practiccd by the citizens should he rigidly practiced by the represc ntatives of the people in congress. Concerning the Snrplti*. They talk, my fellow citizens, about the surplus. They say that when Presi dent Harrison came into office President Cleveland loft him ♦180,000,000. Well, there is some truth about that. But 1 will explain to yon how he happened to leave it there. When Mr. Arthur took his office as president there was $170, - 000,000, and when Mr. Cleveland was inangurated we had ♦159,000,000 of what is called a surplus. When President Harrison was inaugurated and Mr. Cleveland went out there was ♦183,. 090,000 of surplus in the treasury. When Mr. Cleveland entered upon his second term he found ♦124,(XX),000 of a surplus in the public treasury. President Harrison’s administration had $59,000,(XXI more than Mr. Cloveland’s to start with, but this was Ik*. cause President Harrison, with proper regard for public duty and the nation’s obligations, instead of ordering the money of the country kept in the treasury and in pot hanks, paid off the obligations of tin* government and reduced them $233,060,000, not iuelu ring interest. Mr. Cleveland during his first term paid off $113,000,000, as against Mr. Harrison's* . 1 :) I.e xi.ooO; and it will be remembered that he refused and persisted in refusing to do that much, until congress put a resolution on him, making him do it. H • didn't pay as much of the public debt in his first term by $89,(XX*,. 000 as Mr. Harrison did during the four years that he was president. Money All Good. Our money is all gisid, whether it be gold or silver, whether it be national bank notes, or greenbacks, or treasury notes, or gold or silver certificates—every dollar is good. To get the money out among the people is the serious problem today. To do this we must not only have something to sell, but lx* able to find somebody to buy. [Applause.] No matter what we have to sell, if there is nobody able to buy who wants it, we must keep it. If we are compelled to keep it, we suffer the less in whole or in part of what it costs us to produce it Ko long as we cannot part with what we have wit^i profit, we are not likely tn produce move of it. If we stop pi^Jiluciug we will not need labo^ and whj*i* we <lo not require labor wo will not one ploy it. and then wages are stopped, and when wages are stopped one great factor* in the distribution of money is stopped. This, my countrymen, is our trouble today. Tin* hanks are filled with money; money was never more plentiful or less employed than it is now. It is because it is not employed that we have the stagnation in business which distresses the country, and the reason it is not employed is because the invitation to safe and profitable investment is not presented. Money will not be employed unless industry is believed to be on a jx'rinancnt and profitable basis. Money will he idle and hoarded away so long as labor is idle. And did it ever occur to you that labor will remain idle until it can be employed with assured advantage to tlie employer? If the circulating medium of the country was double what it is today it would be no easier for us to get it than it is now, and we would have to get it by the same processes. We must give something for it, and if what we have to give is not wanted by any body, and nobody is found willing or able to buy it, the money will remain locked up as it now is. What we need, my fellow citizens, is wise industrial, financial, and fiscal legislation, and more than all, we want a certainty that is to stand. Uncertainty breeds distrust, and distrust paralyzes the arm of industry. It is not the lack of money, nor the kind of money, that is our trouble; it is the luck of prosporous manufacturing, and the absence of courtdetiee in tho party managing the government, and we want a faith in the future. When confidence and hope are everywhere manifested, manufacturers are busy and labor is employed, and when both are engaged thereon with a fair profit, and the other with fair wages, then agriculture is prosperous and money lias free and healthy circulation. No Pcrinnnrnt Stnpimge. Mr. President, the protperity of this country cannot be permanently stopped. [Cries of “No.”] That administration, legislation, and politics which retards or destroys prosperity, will itself be destroyed. That is what we are engaged in now. | Applause. ] Every victory against the Democratic party as it is now managed is a step to the resumption of that business and that return to prosperity which is everywhere so much needed and so longingly prayed for. It is tho bow of promise hi tile business ! world and stimulated our industries and lalxis with hope, courage and confidence and brings ns nearer to the return of the good times from which we ran away in | 1892. [Applause.] The Democratic party is a remarkable i party. It is for anything to get power and then it is never for anything which got it power. It was for free and un- | limited coinage of silver when it was ! out of power and you have never heard of it since it came into power. [Applause. | I mean you never heard of it in i congress. They will talk it on the stump. They were for free raw materials wheu they were seeking your votes, and when they possessed the power to give tho country free raw material they failed. They posed as the friend of the laboring man in 1892 and yet in the hill of 1894 they have given to labor tho deadliest blow it ever had. They posed as the enemy of trusts in 1893 when they were seeking your votes; upon the confession of their own leaders they have been the willing tools of die trusts ever since. | Applause.] Will yon, my fellow citizens. give tie m an opjiortuuity for two years longer to disturb and distress the people of the United States? [Cries of “No.”] If this year you elect a Republican house of representatives then the opportunity for evil by the Democratic party stops on the 4th of March next. [Applause.] If a Democratic congress and house < >f representatives 1m* elect* d, then for two years, or until the dose of Mr. Cleveland's presidential term, they can continue the war against the industries and the happiness of the American people. I bid you, my countrymen, put on to your ballots next November what you think and w T hat you believe is best for tho public good, and liest for the individual happiness of yourself and all the people. I thank you.