Decatur Eagle, Volume 11, Number 22, Decatur, Adams County, 6 September 1867 — Page 1

She f (gagk. if 1 . v ■ *** ' ■ « . PUBLISHED EVERY FRIDAY, BY A. J. HILL, EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR.

OFFICE.—On Second Street, in the aecond «toty of Dorwrn & Brother's new brick building. Terms of Subscription. One copy, one year, in advance, JI, 50 If paid within the year, 2,00 If paid after the year has expired 2,50 B®“Papers delivered by carrier twen-ty-five cents additional will be charged. SSTNo paper will be discontinued until all arrerages are paid, except at the option of the publisher. Rates of Advertising. One column, one year, $60,00 One-half column, one year, 35,00 One-fourth column, one year, 20,00 teTLess than one-fourth column, proportional rates will be charged. Legal Advertising. One square [the space of ten lines ’ brevier] one insertion, $2,00 Each subsequent insertion, 50 ggyNo advertisement will be considered less than one square; over one square will be counted and charged as two; over two as three, &c. notices fifteen cents a line for each insertion. larßelig ious and Educational Notices or Advertisements, may be contracted for at lower rates, by application at the office. . and Marriages published as news—free. OFFICIAL DIRECTORY. District Officers. Hofi.'Rob’t Lowry,Circuit Judge. T. W. Wilson, Circuit Prosecuting Att’y. Hot;. J. W. Borden,.,. Com. Pleas Judge. J. 3. Daily, Com. Pleas Prosecut’g Att'y. County Officers. W. G. Spencer,Auditor. John McConnel,Clerk. Jesse Niblick, . . .;Treasurer. W. J. Adelsperger, Recorder. James Stoops Jr.,Sheriff. Conrad Reinking, ) Jacob Sarff, >.. . . Commissioners. Josiah Crawford, J Town Officers. Henry B. Knoff,Clerk. D. J. Spencei,Treasurer. William Baker,Marshall. John King Jr., ) David King, f • • Trustees. David Showers, J Township Officers. Uxtos.—J. H. Blakey, Trustee; E. B. Looker and George D. Hackett, Justices; Wm. May, Assessor. Root.—John Christen, Trustee; Jacob Bottenberg and Henry Filling, Justiccs; Lyman Hart, Assessor. Preble.—John Rupright, Trustee; Abraham Mangold and John Archbold, Justices; Jacob Yeager, Assessor. Kirkland.—Jonathan Bowers, Trustee; S. D. Beavers aud James Ward, Justices; John Hower, Assessor. Washington.,—John Meibers, Trustee; Jacob W. Grim and Samuel Merryman, Justices; Harlo Mann, Assessor. St. Mart’s.—Edward McLeod, Trustee; S. B. Merris, Samuel Smith and William Comer, Justices; Samuel Teeple, Assessor. Bluecreek.—Samuel Eley, Trustee; C. M. France and Lemuel R. Williams, Justices; Christian Coffman, Assessor. Monroe.—Joseph R. Miller, Trustee; Robert McClurg and D. M. Kerr, Judtisez; Robert E. Smith, Assessor. French.—Solomon Shull; Trustee; Lot French and Vincent D. Bell, Justices; Alonzo Sheldon, Assessor. Hartford.—Alexander Bolds. Trustee; Benjamin Runyan and Martin Kizer, Sen., Justices; John Christman, Assessor. Wabash.—o. H. Hill, Trustee; Emanuel Conkle and James Nelson, Justices; David McDonald, Assessor. Jefferson.—Jonathnn Kelly Jr.. Trustee; Justus Kelly and John Fetters, Justices; Wm. Ketchum, Assessor. Time of Holding Courts. Circuit Court.,—On the Fourth Monday in April, and the First Monday in November, of each year. Common Pleas Court.—On the Second Monday in January, the Second Monday in May and the Second Monday in September, of each year. Commissioners Court.—On the First Monday in March, tlie First Monday in June, the First Monday in September, and the First Monday in December, of each year. CHURCH Di RECTORY." St. Mary’s (Catholic.) —Services every Sabbath at 8 o’clock and 10 o’clock, A. M. Sabbath School or instruction in Catechism, at 1} o’clock, P. M.; Vespers at 2 o’clock P. M. Rev. J. Wemhoff, Pastor. Methodist.—Services every Sabbath, at 10} o’clock A. M. and 7 o’clock P. M. Sabbath School at 9 o’clock A. M. Rev. D. N. Shackleford, Pastor. Presbyterian.—Services at 10} o’clock A. M., and 7 o’clock P. M. Sabbath School at 2 o’clock P. M. Rev. A, B. Loyres, Pastor. DRUCS. DORWIN & BRO., -DEALERS INDrugs, Medicines, Chemicals, Toiler aud Fancy .Articles, Sponges, Brushes and Perfumery, Coal Oil and Lamps, Fatent JUedicenes, lsc. DECA TUR,:::: t : INDIANA. Physicians’ Prescriptions carefully compounded, and orders answered with care and dispatch. Farmers and Physicians from ’ the country will find our •took: of Medicines complete, warranted genuine, and es the beet quality.

The Decatur Eagle.

Vol. 11.

ATTORNEYS. JAB. C. BKANTAN. HOMXB BRANYAN &. RANSOM. Attorneys at Law, Claim & Insurance A gents. Also, Notaries Public, DECATUR, INDIANA, References.—Hon. John U.. Petitt, Wabash, Ind., Wm. H. Trammel, Esq., Hon. J. R. Coffroth, First National Bankj Capt. IT. D. Cole, Huntington, Ind., Hon. H. B. Sayler, In lianapolis, Ind. WJ.C.BaAXTAKk Deputy Prosecuting Attorney. vllnl9tf. D. D. HELLER, Attorney at Law, DECATUR, INDIANA. Will practice his profession anywhere in Indiana or Ohio. OFFICE.—With Dr. Sorg, over Spencer & Meibers’ Hardware Store. . vlons2tf. JAMES R. 8080, Attorney at. Law, -aJxrxi Pension & Bounty Agent, DECATUUR, INDIANA. Draws Deeds, Mortgages and Contracts. Redeems Lands, pays Taxes, and collects Bounties and Pensions. OFFlCE—Opposite the Auditor’s Office - vlon6.tf. D. STUDABAKERy -Attorney at Law, -A-TXTU Claim & Real Estate Agent, DECATUR, INDIANA. . Will practice law in Adams and adjoining counties; secure Pensions and other claims against the Government; buy and sell Real Estate; examine titles and pay taxes, and other business per taining to Real Estate Agency. He is also a Notary Public, and is prepared to draw Deeds, Mortgages and other instrumentsof writing. . vlOnlltf. REAL ESTATE AGENTS. .lA’iIAIi.KOHO, LICENSED REAL ESTATE AGENT. DECATUR, INDIANA, ACRES of good farming ."z VZ VP land, several Town Lots, and a large quantity of wild land for sale.. If you want to buy a good farm or wild land he will sell it to you. If you want your land sold he will sell it for you. Fosale, no charge. vlon6tf PHYSICIANS. F. A. JELLEFF, Physician and Surgeon, TUR, IJVBMJW OFFICE—On Second Street, over Bollman’s Store. vßnlstf. Physician and Surgeon, DECATUR, OFFICE—On Scoond Street over Spencer & Meibers' Hardware Store. S. C. M. s; —RESIDENT— Eye anel Ear Surgeon, FORT WAYNE. INDIANA, OFFICE—No, 80 Calhoun Street. vlln9tf. AUCTIONEER. C. HI. FRANCE Would announceto the public that he is a regularly licensed auctioneer, and will attend all Public Sales, whenever requested, upon addressing him at Wilshire, Ohio. HOTELS" MIESSE HOUSE, Third St., Opposite the Court Howse, DECATUR, IJTD., I. J, MIESSE, ::::::::::: Proprietor. This House is entirely new, neatly furnished, and is prepared to accommodate the public in the best style. Board by the day or week. vlln9tf. MONROE HOUSE. MONROEVILLE, INDIANA. L. WALKER,:::::::: Proprietor, This House is prepared to accommodate the travelling public in the best style, and at reasonable rates. nSvll.tf. MAIN STREET EXCHANGE. A. FREEMAN, Proprietor. West Main Street, near the Public Square. FORT IJVD. I vllnllyl. HEDEKIX HOUSK On Barr, between Columbia and Main Sts. FORT WAYNE, IND. ELI KEARNS, . Proprietor. Office of Auburn and Decatur Stage lines. Also good stabling in connection with the House. vllnllyl. MAYER HOUSE. J. LE SATAN,Proprietor. Corner Calhoun and Wayne Sts., FORT WAYNE, vllnllyl. Indiana. MONROEVILLE EXCHANGE MONROEVILLE, IND. E. G. COVEHDALE, Proprietor. -Mr. Covcrdale is also a Notary Public, Real Estate and Insurance Agent. ▼Hally 1.

DECATUR, lISTD., FRIDAY, SEPT. 6, 1867.

THE NATIO.’VAE FINANCES. Redemption of Government Bonds in Greenbacks. SPEECH OF HON- JAMEBC- ALLENDelivered at Bridgeport, Lawrence County, Illinois, August 17,1867. Mr. Allen, after a few preliminary remarks, discussed the financial condition of the country —a subject which is now absorbing the public attention. He said: It will be my purpose, my fellow citizens, to show you, if I can that the policy inaugerated in reference to our finances by the Republican party that is wielding the destiny of our Government to-day is most ruinous in its consequences to the people, and must ultimately lead to the bankruptcy of the country, nationally and indi. vidually considered. This policy of theirs, its detrimental influence is felt not only in the adjustment of the tariff laws, but is more severely felt in their financial scheme for the aggrandizement of one portion of the country to the oppression of another, and in the matter of the currency that they have furnished us with, and in the enormous debt which they have imposed upon the country; and it is in regard to these points that, as I said before, I desire more particularly to invite your attention. TAXATION. No other nation on the face of the earth has ever been taxed as our nation is to-day taxed. No other people on earth have ever been so oppressed with the weight of taxation as are the people of these United States to-day. It will be answered, however, that no other people ever experienced such a war as that which we have been waging for the last few years ; and that this burden of taxation is the necessary consequence of the conflict in which the two sections of the country have been engaged.— I think can show you, my fellow citizens, that this taxation is not in consequence of the immense expenditure in the war, but that it grows out of a scheme to enrich the capitalists of the country, to the oppression of the great bone and sinew of the land, [cheers and cries of “You can that,”] I think I could also show you, if I had the time, that at least one-half of this immense debt so far from going to the discharge of the legitimate purposes of the war and sustaining the Government has gone into the pockets of the pack of cormorants who to-day are preying upon the very vitals of our people. OL’R NATIONAL DEBT. Why, from the report of the Secretary of the Treasury, as far as it is already ascertained no man knows what it will be—but as far as that debt is ascertained already it is over twenty-five hundred millions of dollars. An immense sum! A sum so vast that the human mind can scarcely contemplate it—can scarcely grasp it; we are lost when we endeavor to grasp it in the mind by the power of number. Twenty-five hundred millions of dollars! that public debt is represented by what these latter day politcians called “government bonds 1” They come to us in various shapes—in the form of “legal tender”—in the form of 5-20’s 7-30’s 10-40’s and God knows how many other forms. It is sufficient, however, for the purpose, of the government to pay that amount of money, together with .the interest that shall accure upon it until it is paid, that interest to be paid anually, or semi annually. It is an immense debt.— We know that we have to pay upon that debt one hundred and forty millions of dollars annually; and that the greater part of that amount we have to pay in gold and silver. We know that, if we are true to our government obligations each dollar of this twenty-five hundred million dollars is to be dis-

charged by the people of this country, under the present financial management of our affairs. These are facts that can not be disputed. They stand out in bold relief to the observation of any man who will take the trouble to look into our financial condition, that he can not deny that under this Republican management, the burden of taxation has shifted from the capital upon the labor of the country. THE BURDENS OF THE GOVERNMENT PLACED UPON LABOR. My fellow citizens, it has always been the Democratic doctrine, that the wealth of the country ought to support the hardens of the country; that which needs the protection of th* Government ought to pay the Government for that protection. It was reserved for the Republican party to abandon that old rule, that equitable rule, and take the capital and place it upon the labor of the land. I can demonstrate tht proposition so clearly that no man, who is honest with himself, dare deny that I am right upon this question. Yet this Republican party have abandoned this former theory and practice, which required the wealth of the nation to support the burdens of government, and have transferred them to the shoulders of the laborers of the land. And no sophistry can be used by politicians, nor any charges of disloyalty against those who make this assertion, can cover up from the public the startling fact that this is true. THX HIGH TARIFF. How do they make the labor of the country, then, bear this crushing weight of taxation ? I will tell you how: In the first place they resorted to a tariff, and they raised the greatest possible amount of revenue from the imposition of duties upon such articles as the massess of the people of this country are compelled to use. Now in the good, old Democratic days when they supported the government by a revenue tariff, we had low duties, comparatvely, upon the necessaries of life. Then it was, my fellow citizens, that a man with a family could buy his two pounds of tea for a dollar—could buy his sixteen pounds of of sugar for a dollar; he could buy his dye stuffs and medicines at low prices. How is it now—how is it no w ? Instead of getting ten pounds of coffee for a dollar, you now get three pounds for a dollar; instead getting your medicine—that which is necessary to restore you to health when you are sick—and those stuffs which it is necessary to dye your clothes with when you desire to manufacture them, at the old prices, we now have to pay three or four times as much for each one of those articles. Why is it ? The Government of the United States has levid so enormous q tariff upon these things that they can not be brought into this country without paying at the rate of nearly three times equal to the orginal cost of them. Now, what I say in reference to coffee, sugar and commodities of that character, holds good in regard to the whole list of articles that are consumed by the people that can not be produced among ourselves, but must be had from foreign parts. Why is it that coffee is not as cheap as it heretofore was? Why, simply because there is such a tariff upon it; for it costs no more where it is raised than it always did, and if there was but the light duty upon it that there was in the good old days of yore, I could buy it as cheap as ever.— “Oh no,” the Republican says; and why ? Because the currency is not as good as in those democratic days.! But whose fault is that ?— Suppose our currency is not as good, I admit it is only worth sixty cents to the dollar, whose fault is it ? The fault of the Republican Congresss, who, by their folly and their attempt to inaugurate in this country a new scheme of finance, have reduced onr currency to this pitiful valuation.

But, again; they, while doing this—while imposing this burden of taxation upon articles of necessity—have attempted, by the same tariff, to put into the pockets of New England manufactures a bounty such as never was heard of in this country before. Why do we do it ? Why,these New England men are their friends, and they always furnished them money to carry on their contests.— They are always in favor of negro equality, of recognizing the black man “as a man and a brother”— the perfect equality of the races! What pay do they get for all this ? I will tell you: These New England men are engaged in the manufacture of cotton goods, muslins calico, hardware, iron, and the various things that are produced in this country. The raw products we furnish them with, and they are engaged in the trasmutation of them. There are the wooden nutmegs too; I had like to have forgotten them! [Laughter.] The Congress of the United States imposed tremendous duties upon these articles, and it works in this way: You can go across into Canada and' buy a yard of coarse muslin such as we used to buy for eight cents a yard, for eight cents yet; but you can’t buy a yard of it from your merchant here less than twenty, if it is a good, heavy article. Why ? simply because Congress has imposed a duty upon importation of this one article of twelve and a half cents a yard. And for what purpose, my fellow citizens ? To raise a revenue to the government ? Certainly not! It would be more excusable if they derived a’ revenue to the Government from imposing these duties ; but they do not. For what purpose, then, is it levied ? Why has Congress done it ? Why, they levied it as a protection to the New England men who are engaged in the manufacture.— [Cries of “That’s the turn “that’s just it.”] It makes us pay a bounty equal to twelve and a half cents a yard upon every yard of this manufactured product. The tariff won’t let the foreign manufacturer come in and undersell them; the New Englander can sell up to the point of the cost of the original production and the tariff duty that has to be paid upon it on its importation into this country. The same is true in regard to calicoes, and I have paid some attention to this, for I have been doing something in merchandise myself, and have been inquiring into this matter of the cost of cotton goods, prints, etc. You can take the same amonnt of money and go into Canada, or across the lines any where, into any country, and buy calicoes just as cheap as you could buy them in good old Democratic days, when the Denocratic party administered this Government. There they still cost but eight or nine cents a yard, depend ing upon the quality; but you can’t buy the same thing here for less than from fifteen to seventeen, and sometimes as high as twenty cents, recently. Now, why is this ? Because these men engaged in the manufacture are obliging us to pay them this bounty, which keeps out the foreign article, and, as I have before said, enables them to sell up to the highest point. This is equally true in regard to other things. It was but the other day that I was talking with a man regarding the purchase of some of these seamless sacks. He asked me sixty cents a piece. I asked why in the name of sense he asked that for those sacks, —for 1 they are made of the very poorest ' quality of cotton that can be bought, not worth more than 1 twenty-three cents in the market, ’ and one of these sacks weighs only a pound, and there is not very ’ much loss in the manufacture, so * that the article costs, manufacture * and all, not over twenty-seven cents * a pound. “Oh,” he says, “that’s 1 true enough I” “Then why do you,” I I asked, “charge me sixty cents,” <

“Simply because I can sell them for sixty cents and you can't buy them any less,” was his reply. These New England sack manu- ’ facturers have entered into a com- , bination, and won’t sell them at less than sixty cents. I turned to the tariff duty, upon that, and what did I find ? I found that it said “47 cents a pound on seamless sacks so that, every time you • buy pound sacks to sack grain in, i they make you pay a bounty to the New England manufacturer j>f • forty-seven cents upon every sack! That policy runs through the 1 whole tariff system. They not only outrageously thus tax those articles which enter into genera l i consumption throughout the country, but place a tariff which ai mounts to prohibition against s those things manufactured in our s country, so that the manufacturer > is “protected." And what sort of protection do they give you in your sphere ? None at all! The great farming interest of this country—the great laboring interest of the West—is entirely ignored by this Republican Congress. When they i give us nothing in return, except ’ the privilege of paying them just > what they see fit to ask us.' The same thing in regard to iron and steel, and manufactured artic- ; les of hardware. Before the ad- , vent of this Repuplican party to power, you could buy railroac iron, and get it delivered in this country, at from $25 to $32 a ton. ’ What is it now ? You can’t get a ton of it laid down any where in this country for less than abut S9O. Why ? Because this Republican Congress has increased the duty upon railroad iron, merely for the sake of protecting Pennsylvania manufacturers, until they compe you to pay a bounty of more than S4O for every ton of railroad iron you buy of them! While this is the fact in regard to railroad iron, it is also the fact in regard to iron in all the forms in which it is consumed in this country—entering into your plows, your axes, your saws; and into every sort of agricultural implement. You can not buy one of them, or use them, or the other articles of which I have spoken, without paying into the pockets of those who manufacture them, in the iron region of Pennsylvania or in New England, more than the amount of the original cost of the article! Well, if the country derived any revenue for the support of the Government from this, it would matter less; but in all these things, the people are not benefited, no revenue is derived from the system of taxation ; but it is simply done for the purpose of putting money into the pockets of the mannfac turers of the East. So much for the operation of the tariff they have imposed upon the nation. I desire to see the country go back to the old system of laying duties for revenue alone, and letting the manufacturing part of the land take care of itself as the great laboring interests have had to do from time immemorial. GOVERNMENT BONDS. But, to return to the question of these bonds. Now, it will be recollected that, at the breaking out of the war, it became necessary for the Government to strain its credit somewhat to procure means to prosecute the war; and what did it do then ? It issued what were termed “demand notes,” bearing six per cent, interest. They ans- , wered the purpose, because the people took them. They got tir- • ed of these, and then the govern- , ment issued what is called “legal ] tenders,” or “greenbacks,” and i passed a law of Congress require- . ing that these “legal tenders,” or ] “greenbacks,” should be received , in the payment of the ordinary ] debts of the country; that when- < ever a man was indebted his ten- I der of these “legal tenders” should ’ be an acquittance. The courts of the country sustained the power | of Congress to do this thing, and

they decided that it was legal to thus discharge the indebtedness of the country, even though an obligation had been given payable in gold. Mr. Chase was then Secretary of the Treasury, and pretty soon announced that we were getting too much currency in the country that it would be dangerous, that we had too much money; and some scheme must be adopted by which the amount of currency in the country could be curtailed. He made the proposition that the Government should issue bonds: and they adopted that propositionAnd then from ttme to time, these bonds—s-20’s and 10-40’s —were thrown upon the market and were sold, the treasury receiving the value of them in “green- . backs,” with which they paid the soldiers and the expenses of the Government. No one saw—-no one could see, without reflection ’ any particular purpose in changi ing the mode then in operation.— We could’nt se« why it was that they were not content to iisue the currency in the form of “greenbacks,” and let it go into general circulation, instead of resorting to , bonds, which bore from 6 to 8 per cent, interest, and more, according to the price of gold. They told us it was necessary to reduce the currency; that, if we continued to ' issue “greenbacks,” the volume of ' currency would be so great that the country would be ruined; that ’ we must resort to bonds, make ‘ them pay interest, and in time redeem them from the holders —and all would go well. The Congress of the United States listened to these charming stories about the necessity of resorting to government bonds; and before long they were upon the market. They did’nt bring their full value, it is true, but went into the hands of A, B and C, who had money to purchase—• who put them into their safes, and semi-annually draw their interest upon them, in gold. — THE NATIONAL BANK. This scheme didn’t afford opportunity enough to gratify the ambition or cupidity of many moneyed men of this country; something else must be done in order to enable them to live without labor.— They must get up a splendid banking scheme—make these funds thus issued the basis of the capital of the banks, and so make the people pay the interest upon the bonds called “banking capital,” and at the same time let these bankers make whatever profit they could by issuing the currency denominated “banknotes” or “na. tional currency.” It was a nice scheme to make money but rather a ruinous one. The Government “legal tenders” would have been worth just as much as, and no more, at any time, than these bonds. The currency furnished in the shape of “legal tenders” was just as good as, if not better than bank currency; and we could have, by pursuing the course of issuing “legal tenders,” instead of bonds, dispensed with national banks, saving the interest upon the national bonds and the profits we pay to the bankers, and had just as good currency as we had ever had. But that wouldn’t have suited some people in the country! It wouldn’t have enabled bankers and bondholders to fleece the great mass of the people, for their individual benefit. Hence they objected to furnishing the country with “legal tenders,” but must have bonds that would draw interest, making them payable in gold—making them the basis of these banks—that they might not only draw their gold interest upon • these bonds, but make over thirty per cent profit (as many banks have done in these last years)upon the labor of the country. We can not get around this.— When one of your merchants or trading men goes to a bank and borrows two or ten thousand doll ars—when he buys your produce —when he buys your catjle—when he engages in any branch of business—the interest he pays the banks for the use of the money enters into calculation, and he buys your head of cattle at so much less and you pay the profits to the banks in the end. This is the practical working of this thing.— So, then, to enable those men to (continued on jtoubth page.)

No. 22.