Decatur Eagle, Volume 9, Number 49, Decatur, Adams County, 2 March 1866 — Page 1

TII E DE C A IL H E A G I I.

VOL. 9.

' rja’.n H3ESJ DECATUR EAGLE, EVERY FRIDAY MORNING BT A. J. HII*, PUBLUIIRR AND PROPRIETOR. • PFIOE—On Monroe Street in the <°p of the blinding, formerly occupied by JaiX Kiblick as aShoe Store. Terms of Subeeriptio" • •„eopv one year, in advance, $2 Oh |f paid ha* expired, 3 ™ rrsfoip -i" »-* di.eontinned until all paid, except at the option of the publishers Term* of Advertisine: tu» Square f the space of ten lineß brc ' o ( , n ▼ (er j three insertions, « g() ’•£ «3SSiS3» k„ on«MU«re: over one square w.l be connt 4 I ch>ir<*ud as two; over two,ns threp. <frc OM liberal dis-<>,.nt from the above rates ■ ade on all advertisements inserted for a pe*l.d longer than three months. rrhieal Notices fifteen cents alme foreach Mertion. Job Printing. We are prepared to do all kinds of Plain end r.ney Job Printin'.' nt the most £™'>le lutes' (live us a call, we feel confident that Bttisfnction can e'lven. ______ Special Notice. TO 1 -peci-i'd lime, and ordered nut before th- titration oflhe'imetneeified, willhr r.oaioed Hereoularrateeforthe sameup tothettme hey gjn ordered out. "““TSnHF'

FREEDMEN'S B’.ttEAV BILL. Veto Message of the President. Washington, February 19. To Me Senate of the United Slates: , 1 have examined With cue the bill Which originated in the Senate, and has been passed by both Houses of eengre . | ’toamnd an act entitle 1 “An act to.s iqbiish » bureau for the r >• ■ ,ie d nt. n an 1 refugees, and (or other pur •"■poses.” Having with much rug re I come to the conclusion that it would not be . .consistent with ‘he public welfare to give my approval to the measure, I return the bill to the Senate, with my obj| <ions toils becoming a law. I might call ; to mind, au advance o( these obj. cti.ins, that there is no immediate necessity f«r the proposed measure, the act to e»t .b lish a bureau for the relief of needmen ' and refugees, which was approved in the I month ofMarch la t. Ins not yet <xp > d ■ It was thought stringent and ex reme . enough for the purpose, in view'd'.he ■ -fact that before it ceases to have <ll et, , iliirllier experience may assist to guide us to a wise conclusion as to the poll' 1 «MUl»be adopted in time of peace. I have, with Congress, the strongest desire to secure to the freedmen the (til. enjoyment of their freedom and their proteriy. and their entire independence . . and equality, and in making e mtracis for their labor, but the bill b. 'ore me cot.'a ns provisions which in my opinion, are not warranted by the Constitution, ■aid are not well suited to accomplisii toe 4 ehd in view. The bill proposes to establish, by authority of Congress, military jurLdic lion over all parts of the United States containing refugees and freedmen. It would, by its very nature, apply with most force to those parts of the United States in which the freedmen most .abound, and expressly extend the existing temporary jurisdiction ol the Freed men’s Bureau, with greatly enlarged powers, over those States in which the ordinary course of judicial procidmgs has been in'errup'ed by lhe rebellion. The source from which this military jurisdiction is to emanate is none other than the Preet lent of the United Suites, acting through the War Department and the Uomniiesioner of the Freedmans, Bureau. Tlrn agents to carry out t ris ( military jurisdiction are to be selected either from the army or from civilians; "the country is to be devided into dis tricte and subdistricis, and the number ol salaries agents to lie employed may be equal to lhe number of counties or parisles in ah the United States where freedmen and refugees are to be found. The subject over which this military jurisdiction is to extend in every part of the United States include protection to all employers, agents and officers of this Bureau in the extreise of ths dunes im posed upon them by the bill in eleven Blates; it is further to extend over all I eases eff. ering freedmen and refugees discriminated against by local laws, customs and prejudice. In those Siates the bill subjects ary white person who may be charged with depriving a freedmen of any civil rights immunities bt longing to white persons

to imprisonment or fine, or both, without, however, defining the civil rights and immunities which are thus to be secured io freedmen by military law. This ii Hilary jurisdiction also extends to all questions that may arise respecting contracts. The agent who is thu* to ex ercise the office of a military judge, may be a stranger, entirely ignorant of tile laws of the place, and exposed to theories of judgement to which all men are liable. The exercise of power, over width there is no legal supervision, by so vast a number of agents as is contemplated by the bill, must, by the very nature of nr n, be attended by acts of caprice, injustice and' p.assion. The trials havifi’g their origin under this bill are vo ■is’ie place wit!-,oat the intervention of a jury, and without any fixed rules of law are evidence.' The rules on which offenses are to be heard and determined by the numerous agents are such rules as lhe President, thought lhe War D.partmen', shall prescribe No previous presentments is r. quired, nor any indictment charging the commission of a crime against the laws, The trial must proceed on charges and specifications; the punishment will not be as the law declares, but such as a couit m otial may think proper, and from then arbitrary tribunals there lies no appeal, no writ of error, to any of lhe courts in which the constitution of lhe United States rests exclusively the judicial (lower of lhe country, while t.,e territory, and the class of actions and oflen «es tl.nt tire made subjects to this mens me, are so exensive. The bill itself, should it become a law, v. id have no limitation in point of time, but wdl form a part ol the permanent legislation ol liie country. I cannot reconcile a s/stem I lof mi itary jurisdiction ol this kind with the words ol the Constitution which de-

clare: “No person shall bo held to an swer for a capital, or otherwise infamous crime, unless oa « presentment or an indictment of a grand jury, except in case arising in the land or naval forces, or ir lhe mil.tia, wh-n in iictuii service, in time i.f war or public danger;” and lb it i “in all criminal prossecution, the accus. ed shall enj iv the right of a speedy and patio trial, by an impartial jury of the Slate or district wherein the crime shill h v<-Jiecn c tnmi t ■ I.” The safeguard which the wisdom and exp- rh nee of ages taught our lathers t-i estrblish ns securities lor the protection lof the iniiocent, the punishment ol the igudiyand lhe equal a iministratiou vs (justice are to be sei a-id', an I for lhe I sake of a more vigorous inlerpo.iiiun in I heh It of justice, we are to take th ; risk of the inany acts ol injustice that would i~f necessity, from an almost countl-ss I number ol ag.-n’s, established in every I parish er county in nearly a third of lhe State of the Union, over whose decision I there is to be a supervision contracted by die Federal Courts. The power that would be thus placed in the hands ot the President is such as in time ol peace ceitainly ought never lobe entrusted to imv one man II it be ask d whether the creation oi such a tribunal within a State is warri.ntef, as a measure of war, the q-aes lion immedi i civ presents itself, whether we are still engaged in war. Let us not

unnecessarily disturb the co .mere.', credit and industry of lhe country by declaringthe American people, and lhe woi Id, that the United Slates are still io a condition of civil war. At present there is no part cf our countn' in which the authority of the United Slates is disregarded. Offenses that may be committed by individual* should not work a forfeiture cl rights in the same community. The country has entered, or is returning, to a state of peace and industry and the rebellion is, in fact, at nn end The measure, therefore, seems to be as inconsistent witii tiie actual condition of the country as it is at variance with the Constiiutinn ol the United Slates. If, in passing irom general considerations, we rx imine the bid in detail, it is open to weighty objections. In time of win - it was eminently prop I er that we sh'U.d proiile lor those who were passing suddemy fi rm a condition ol bondage to a state of freedom; bin this bill proposes to make the Fre. flmen’s Bureau, established by an act of 1865, as one of many great and extra ! ordinary military measures to suppress a I formidable rebellion, a permanent branch oi lhe public administration, with its powers greatly enlarged. I have no reason to suppose, and I do not understand it to be alleged, that the act ol March, 1865, his prove I deficient fur I the purpose for which it was passed, | although at that time, and for a considerable period thereafter, the Government o! the United Slates remained un-jacknowl-g'd in most of the States wheri ’n the inhabitants bad been enga <red ii»the rebellion. ] The institution of slavery, for the mil I itary distraction of which the Freedmen':

<‘Our Country’s Good shall ever be our Aim—Willing to Praise and not afraid to Blame.”

DECATUR, ADAMS COUNTY, INDIANA, MARCH 2. 1».

Bureau was called into existence, as an aUXi-ar,' for it, has been already clTectunlly and finally abrogated throughout lhe whole country by an am n lineal to lhe Constitution of the United States and pariically its eradication has received the assent and concurrencs of most of those Slates which al any time hid existed. I an not, therefore,-able to discern in the country anything to justify nn apprehension that the powers and ag. neies of the Freedmen’s Bureau, which were efi-ctive (or the protection of ireedmen and refugees during tha actual continuation of hostilities, and of .-’.frican servitude, will now, in time ol peace and after lhe abolition ol slavery, prove inadequate to the same proper cads. Il lam correct in these views, there call be no necessity for tho enlargement of the powers of the bureau lor which provisions is made in tha bill. The second section of the bill authorized a genera) unlimited amount of support tn liie destitute and suffering refugees and ireedmen and their wives and children. I Succeeding sections make provisions ibr I the rent or purchace of land estate tor I tree’men and (or the erection, for their ■ bem lit, ol suitable buildings for r.syluma |and schools, lhe expense to be defrayed from the treasury of lhe whole peo-

‘ pie, 1 Congress has not heretofore thought I itself competent to establish spy lavs ‘ beyond the limits of the District oi Co! iimbia, except lor the benefit of our disabled soldiers and sailors. • It has never founded schools for any ’ cl iss ol our own p rnple, not i ven for the 1 orphans of those who have fallen in de- -‘ i sense of liie Union; but has left the care i, of tlitir clue iimn to the much in ( ' competent control of States, of communities, ol private associations, an 1 ol in | livid ids' It his never d.-cme! its-if ■ authorized to czjien 1 public money tor i rent or purchase ol homes for the thous lands, not to say millions of the white 1 1 race who are honestly toiling from day to day tor their subsistence. A system (>or the support of indigent person in , (New York was never c inlempl ite.l by ' the atllhority of the Consiiiution, n>r c m any good reason be advanced why I as a p -rm ment establishment it should | be founded for one class or color of our people more than another. Pending 'he war, ntiny refugees and ■free Im. n received support from G.v(ernm -nt, but it was never intended they (should h nceforth be fed, clotne i. eiueited and sh-lierel by the Unit'd I Slates. The idea on which the slaves were assisted on to freedom was lh.it. on beio.r free, thev would be a sell sustain i ing oopulation. z\ny legislation that , (shall imply they are no', exp'Cted to at- ( (tain a self sustaining condition, mu*: ( ; h ive a tendency injurious alike to their character an 1 their prosper'ty. j Th* appointin -nt ol in ngept, fjr every [, (countv “tt.i parish will create an im- ; j mense pitron ige, an I lhe expense of lhe ' numerous officers and their clerks, to be . ! iqipointed by the President, will be great I iin the beginning, with a ten I ncy ste i- ’ ddy to increase. The appropriations , : ask dby lhe Freedmen's Bu icau as now | | establishad fir the year 1886 amounts (to £'11,745,000. Il tnay be saiely es ( , 'limited that the cost to be incurred i . ( the pending bill will figure double that I . ! amount—more than the entire sum ex- i ( ! pended in any one year under the ad i , i ministration of lhe second Adams. I , (the presence of agents in every parish ( (and county is to be con-ddered as a . measure in opposition, and even r<sis- ( , j lance might ba provoked, so that I > give ; effect to their jurisdiction troops woui I I , I have to be stationed within reach o I every one of them, and thus a large, islandin' force be rendered necessary. I Large appiopriations would therefore 1 , Ibe required to sustain and enforce mil t itary jurisdiction in every county and ( I parish Irom the Potomac to the Rio I Grande. . I i The condition of our fiscal affairs is l e coitraging. but in order to sustain lhe ! present measures of public conti l ine , it (is necessary that we practice not merely ( I customary economy, but, so far as possi ( bl«, severe retrenchment. In ad Alton to I tiin object oas already stated, the silo (section ot lhe bill proposes to take away land from its (orm-r owners without any I le-'.d proceeding 0 -ing first had, contrary .to that provision ot tho : which deciirer that no person shall be. 1 ■ d prived of life, liberty or property with ■ 1 i out due process of law. It does not appear that lands to which t is section refeis may not be owned by ' I minors or persons ot unsound mind, or .'by those who have been faithful to all i their obligations as citizens of lhe United ( ■ i States. 11 any portion of the land is field ■ -by such persons it is not competent for ’ anv authority 'o deprive them of it. I', • {oil the o’.l.er liand, it be found th it the property is liable to confiscation, oven • (then it can not be appropriated to public s' purposes ua'.il by due process of law it

i I shall be dcd-ire ! torfei'ed to the G iverni ment. There are still further obj etions t to the bill, on ground seriously affecting > the class of persons to whom it is de- , signed to bring relief. It will tend to ■ keep the mind ol the freedmen in a state t ol uni'.eriain expectation and restlessness; I while, to those among whom he was, it > will be a source of constant and vague apprehension. I Undoubtedly the freedmen should be . protected, but thev should be p ot-cted i by the civil authorities, especially by the exercise of all the constitutional posers ' j ol the Courts of the Unit' d Slates and of I | the S ales. His condition is not so exI posed as may at first be imagin. .1. He ■ is in a portion of the country where hit labor can not well be spared Compeli- ’ tiqn lor hie, services, from planters, from . tliote wtio are constructing railroads, or bom capitalists in his vicinity, or Irom ■other States, v. ill c.i tble him' to command almost his ovzu terms. Also, he possesses a perfect right to change his place of abode; and, tln-refore, if he does no' find, in one community or Stale, a mode of Mo suited to his desires, or orop -r rmuaeration fur his Libor, he can move to another, where labor is more esteemed and better rewarded. In truth, however, each State, induced by its own wants and interests, will do what is necessary and proper to retain within its borders al! ths labor that is needed lor the development of its re sources The laws that regulate supply and demand will maintain iltetr force, sn i 1 the wages of the !.•;!>.>: or will be regu-i lated thereby. There is no dang r that i ttie great demand for labor wi'l not op erate in favor of the labor. Neither is a sufficient ennsid r r.ian given to the abil ] li'.yof the fre. tliuim to protect and take I i care of tliemS Ives. It is no more ju< i: to them to believe that as they have re- ■ (reived their freed >ll with mod r.t'oa! I and forbearance, they will dis iogiiish I themselves by their indu-try; and they feel, and soon show the world, that in a condition of freedom they are self-sus ■-.i d-ig m l cap .!>'.■ of s li-cting th-.i' own employment, and tl.eir own places ol | abode, ol insisting for themselves a proper j remuneration, and of estiblislnng and | maim lining their own asylums and i schools It is earnestly hoped that instead of w i ting away they wi'l by their etT .its w-. II establish lor themselves a coo liti.in of respect ability an I prosperity. It is cert nn lliey can attain to that condition only through their own in-.fits and exertions. In this connection the query present* i’s-ls whether the system proposed by lhe bill will not, when put into comp!, t.' i operation, practie dly traishr the entire! care an I support of tour millions emin-( cipited slaves to agents, oy, rseers, or! taskmasters, who as- a pp anted at Wash’..igton, and are to be located in every i county an 1 parish throughout the Uniled States containing freedmen and refugees. Such a system will eventually tend to such a concentration of power in the Executive, which would enable it, if sj disposed, to control the action of a numerous class, and use it ior the attainment of p ditieal ends. I can not but add another grave objection to this bill: the Constiiuuon imperatively declares, in connection with taxation. that each Slate shall have at least one R •presetnaiive, and fixes tho rule lor the number which in future times each shall be entitled to Ii also pro-j vides that the S--nate of the United States ' shall be composed if two Senators from I each State, and adds, with peculiar force, that no Stale shall be depriv. d of Its suffrage in the Semite. The original act was necessarily passed in the absence of : the States chiefly to be benefited, because their people were then contumu ciously engaged in the rebellion. Now ’ t-ie case is changed, and some, at least, ot the States are attending Congress by I loyal Representatives, soliciiing the nl--1 lowance of lhe constitutional right ot rep- ( resen ation. Al the lime, however, O s the consider I ation an 1 passage of the bill, there was no S natorol Representative in Congress] ■lrom the eleven Slates which are to be ( mainly affected by its provisions The i ! very facts that reports were and are made against the good disposition of the] country :s an additional feasor, why they . need and should have Representatives oi I their own in Congress to .xpl iin their condi imi, especially to accus itions, and | I assist by their local knowledge in the p -r- ! leering of measures immediately alfec ing l th-.-mselves, while the liberty ot dehbera- 1 lions would then be free and Congress] would have full power to decide according to its judgment. There could be no objection urged that the States most intereste ' were permitted ■to be heard. The principle is firmly | fix -d in the minds of the A ueric in people, teat there could be no taxation without t representation. Great burthens are now to be borne bj all the country, and we may best d mind that they shall be

l>.one without, murmur when the, are vol'd by a majority of the representatives ot «ll the people I woul In it imerlere wi.h the unquestionable right of Congress to ju !ga, each House (or itself, of the elections, return*, and qualifications of its own members, but tl.at authority can not bu construed as including the right l-> put out. in time ol peace, any State from the representation to which it is entitled by the Constitution. At present all people of eleven States ire exclu led, those who were most fai'hful during the war, not less than others. The State ot Tennessee, for instance, whose authorities eng.ig.-d in the rebel-] Lon, was restored to ail her constitutional. relations to the Union, by th« patriotism a id energy of her impoverished mid betrayeel people. B f ire the war was brought, to a termination, they had placed themselves in relations with the G neral ! Govern :.ent; had established a State] Government of their own. As they wn'e not included in the emancipation proclamation, they have, by their own act, amended their Consti 1 inion so as to atiolfsh .-.lavety within the limits ol th' ir State. I know of no reason why the State of

I T 'tim ssee, for example, should not fully enjoy her constitutional relations to the ] I United Stales. The President of the > United States stands towards tha country 1 i in a somewhat different altitude from that! > of any m imber ol Congress chos-n tor a ! single district or State. The President is . chosen by the people of all the states . Eleven States are not al this time repre- .<■!; • ■■! in either brum: i of C.mgrr-ss. It j would seem to bn Iris duty on all proper occasions to present their claims to C m I gross Thi-re always will be differences |of opinion in the com nunity, an I in livi duals maybe guilty of transgressions (of ih' liw. but lhese do not c institute ■ valid objections against the right of a ! State to representation. I It would in nowise interfere with the l discretion of Congress with regard to the qualifi : tiion* of memb-rs, but I hold it my duty to recommend to you, in the interests of peace and interests of the Uu-| | ion, the admission of every State to its- | share of public legislatioa. When, how-] (ever subordinate iosu'g-nts or rebellious) I its people may li-tvu b um, he repr Kents himself not only in an attitude ol loyalty and htrnimv, but io his person of rrpresen,arive. where loyalty cm not be questioned under lhe vxisting constitutional legal test. It is pl tin tl a’- an indefinite or permanent exclusion of any part of the country | 'ro ti repres ntaiion mint be attended by i i a spirit of disquiet «nd comp'aint. It i-. unwise and datigerius to pursue a course (or measure which will unite anv large l . section of the country against another ] 1 (section ol the Country, no matter how] . much thi latter mty predominate. The ' course of immigration developed indtts- ! try, and business and natural causes) will p raise up at the S mil’, m m as devoted : 1 to the Union as those of any other part ( of trie Itnd; but, if they are all excluded I irom Congress, if, in permanent statute]' they are declared not to be m lull con-1 stiturional relations to tho country, they may think they have cause Io become a ] unit in fee ings and sentiments against | 1 the Governm'nt. Under the political education of tliei A meric tn p-opl-t the idea is inherent t h it the consent ot tile majority of the whole | 1 people is necessary to secure a wilhn; 1 .cqnie<cence in legislation. The bid, ] under consideration refers to certain 1: I S ales that have not beeu fully restored ] Ito the Union. If they have not been] restored, 1-t us act together to secure , 1 that desirable ead at the earliest possible) moment. It is hardly necessary for me to in- ; form C mgress that in my own judg- 1 ment most of those States, so far as di- | pends upon their own action, have al ] ready been fully restored and are to be > deemed and entitled to enjoy their con- ] stitu'i/nal rights as memiers of the Union. Rmsouing from tins Coiistitu-i I lion itself an I from Hie actird situation i lot' the country, I feel not only entitled,' but bound to assume that, with the Fed- : eral c turls restored in the several States, ] and in the full ex-rcise ol their lune- j itions, the rights and intere-ts ol all’ classes of the people will, with the aid ]of tho military in cases ol resistance to .the law, be essenti illy protected against uuoonsiitu'.ioa tl luiringemeut and rctalta- | lion. Should this expectation unhappily fail, which I do not anticipate, then the Lxi ecurive is already armed with lhe powers ' c mlerred by the a:l of March, 1885, es . taiiiishing the Freedmen’s Bureau, and (here .(ter, as heretofore, he can employ the 1 in I and naval forces of lhe country to suppress insurrection and overcome obstructions to the laws. I return the bill to the Senate, in the .(earnest hope that a measure involving, l questions and interests so important to '.me country, will not become a law, I s] unless, unless, upon deliber-tj consid-j 3 eration by the people, it shall receive the

—— ' " . - - t--r > smi'iion of an enlightened public judg--3 ment. ri (Signed) Anohew Johnson. 3 31 American Wonders. f: The greatest citeract hi the world is i the F .lls of Niigara, where the water t from the great upper lakes firms n riv- : er of three quarters ot .a mile in width, • and then b ing sud letily contracted, piling s over V'e rocks in two columns, i to the depth of 170 f et each. The gr-atest eave in the world is tho Mammoth C.tve in Kentucky, win re any one cm make a voyage on the waters of .a subterranean river, ail I I. catch fish witirmt eyes. Th- greatest liver in the wonrltl (is the Mi-sissippi, 4.2. L) miles in length. The largest valley in the world is the Valley of the Mississippi. It con- ] t lin.s 599,00!) squire miles, and in one ■ of the m >*t fertile and profitable regions of the globe. The I irgest lake in the world is Lake Superior, which is tritely an iul.an I s-a; being 430 miles long, and 1,000 feet deep. The greatest natnril bridge in the world is the Natural Bridge over Cedar Creek in Virginia. It exteii.l.s across a i chasm 809 feet in width and 250 f-et ;n d pth, at the bottom of which the ere k I flows. Th > greatest mass of solid iron in tha I world is lie Iron M tint tin of Missouri. It is 350 feet high, and two miles in circuit. The largest number of whale-'hips in th.' wor! I is sent out by Nantucket and New Bedfo.d. Th • gre itest grain port in the world is Chicago. Toe largest single vo'ume ever published is W -bs er’s Unabridged Dictionary, an American work—the best cf |di i languatr..'—containing as much matter as six Family Bibles. The largest aqueduct in the world is the Croton aqueduct in New York. Its length is f.ity miles and’a half and ■ it cost twelve and a hall millions of doli lars Th * largest <1 posits of anthracite coal in tha worl I arc in P.-nsylvania, the mines of which supply the market with milli.ms of tons annually and appear to be inexhaustible. All theses, it may be observe 1. are American “institutions” In contemplations of them, who will not aeknowletlce that ours is a “great country.' ; Can an Internperaie Wornfi be Re« lot med. List evening, as we were starting Ithiouoh die city for ite ns, wo dropped [ into a store where several gentlemen were convei'-irig on the subject ot internI peranue, and the question was argued, I ■•(• >ul 1 a woman be reclaimed who h.d (acquired lhe habit of getting Intoxi- . cat.-d,” At this point, Bat. Smi'h re[milked that lie was not certain upon (list point, but he would relateacirI cams mice which took place m Brookj yn. New Y r ork, when he was an apI nee: 1 Mr. Ludlow, their fireman, was a sober, quite and industrious man. who-e <) Jv ( filing was living tr. quently late to-his work. Mr. James, the “boss.” 1 spoke to him about it, and wanted tor know it he had any rets >n for not being at work promptly “on time ” Mr. Ludiow, with much emb irramient. said yes, he had to remain at home to lake care of his children until his wife hid slep off the effect of drunken- , ness. Mr. James male him promise that the I next lime he found her in tint siaietd let han know an 1 ho would give her >» I fright dial h i.l cured many a man. A (day or two after Lu ll >w came in, after ig iing from his dinner, and told Mr. J i nes that his wife was again lying (drunk on the carpet at home. “All right." says James; “put this hmg box |in the wagon and come to your house.” ' When th y arrive! them, they placed ■ the unconsci >us form o'" Mis. Ludlow lin the box. placed a couple of can Iles Iby the side of the temporary coffin. )dirkened tae room, sent all the family away. Mr Jam s blackened his taco, and took Ii s place along side of the coffin After a lime, Mr*. Ln How having slept off much of the effect of Hie whisky, rose tip in her coffin, and looked abmt sai lto her companion: “Where am 1!" “In h-li.” “How long have I been here?' “Two weeks.” “How long have you been here’” “Three months.” “Well you have been here the longest, and are betti r acquainted, an 1 kno » | where they k. ep the best whisky, j.dst t.k 'this quarter .and get us a pint.” — ( Cleveland Plai id:aler. Cir Scotch suuff, put on the holee where crickets come out, will destroy ' them.

NO. 49.