Decatur Eagle, Volume 6, Number 26, Decatur, Adams County, 31 July 1862 — Page 1

I II E DE OAT IJ II I A till'.

VOL. 6

1 DECATUR EAGLE. It IBS URO EVERY THURSDAY MORNING, BY A. J. HILL, EDITOR, PUBLISHER AND PROPRIETOR, OFFICE—On Second Street, in Patterson ’» building, over the Drug Store. Term* of Subscription: One cony, one year, in advance, $1 00 Jf paid within the year, 1 50 If not paid uutilthe year has expired, 2 Ou iTFNo paper will be discomii'Ued until al! ( arrerages are paid except at the option 1 of the Publisher. Terms of Advertising: One square,(ten lineajthree insertions, $1 00 ; ' Each subsequent insertion, 25 XT No advertisement will be considered less than one square; over one square will lie coun- , ted and charged as two: over two, as three, etc, XT A liberal discount, from the above rates, j made on all advertisements inserted foraperiod longer three months. XTThe above rates will bo strictly adhered i to under all circumstances. JOB P RIN TING. We are prepared to do all kinds of job-work, ina neat and workmanlike manner.on the meat reasonable terms. Our material for the completion of Job-Work, being new and of the Ist est styles, we feel confident that satisfaction ' esn be given. The President’s appeal to the Border States, and Reply of the Majority. [The R-presentativ es and Senators of the border s ave-holding States having, by special invitation of the President; been convened at the Executive Mansion on Saturday morning last, Mr Lincoln addressed them as follows from a written paper held in his hands - .] Gentlemen; After the adjournment of Congress, now near, I shall have no oportunitv of seeing you for several months Believing that you of the border States hold more power for good than any other equal number of members, I feel it a du ly which I cannot justifiably waive to I make this appeal to you I intend no reproach or complaint when I assure you that, in my opinion, if you *ll had voted for the resolution m in.,, gradual emancipation of 1 * Bt March, the war would <>« ittbstant.ally , ended; and the pl*- Uierem proposed is | yet one of the most potent and ..i t; J i it. L-t the States which a means of ens 5 > c •. > • . rvllton see definitely and certain are in re ~ ] v in no event will the States you •present ever join their proposed Con.ederacy, and they can not much longer ir maintain the contest But you can not divest them of their hope to ultimately have you with then, so long as you show a determination to perpetuate the institution within your own States. Beat ihem at elections, a you hav- overwhelmingly done, and, not’ ing daunted, they still claim vou as their own. You and I know What the lever of their power is. Break , that lever before their fa:>-s. and they can ' shake you no mor? forever. Most of you have treated me with kind . ness and consideration, and I trust you ■ . will not now think 1 improperly touch what is exclusively your own. when, for the sake of the whole country, I ai.k' ‘Can you, for your S Rtes, do better than to ; take the course I urg<?’ Discarding punctilio and m«X'ms adapted to more manageable times, and looking only to) the unprecedentedlv stern facts of our case, can vou do better in any possible evenl? Yon prefer that the constitutional ; relation* of the S ates to the nation shall ba practically res'ored without disturb •nee of the institution; and. if this were done, tnv whole duty, in this respect, un der the Constitution and mv oath of office, would he performed. But it is not dona, and we are trying to accomplish it j by war. The incidents of the war can not be a voided, if the war continues long; as it must, if the object be not sooner atained, the institution in your States w : ll be extinguished by mere friction and abrasion —bv the mere incidents of the war It will be gpne, and you will have nothing valuable in lieu of it Much of its valuis gone already How much better for! you and vour people to take tho steps which at once shortens the war and se CUrea substantia compensation for that which is sure to be wholly lost in any oth j event 1 How -> uch better to thus save , the money which e- we sink <o ever in the war! How much oetter to do it while w» can, lest the war ■re long render us pacuniarly unable to do it! flow much better for vou as e: -r. ho I the nation as bgver, to tell out and bur out that without which the war could never have been, than to eink both the tiling to be sold and the price of it in cutting one another’s : throa'a. I do cot apeak o' emancipation at once, but of a decision at once to emancipate gradually. R.wm in South America fnr colonization can be obtained cheaply and in abundance, and when numbers hall ba large en<wigb to be company and *n couragement for one another, the freed ■ people yyiß aot be so reluctant to go.

DECATUR, ADAMS COUNTY, INDIANA JULY 31, 1862.

' lam pressed with a difficulty not yet , mentioned —one which threa.ens division among those who, united, are none to > strong. An instance of it is known to you. General Hunter is an honest man. ( He was, and I hope still is. my frien I. I j valued him none the less for his agreeing with me in the general wish that all men every where cou d be freed. He pro- ( claimed all men free within certain States, and 1 repudiated the proc amation. He expecied more good and less harm from j the measures that I could believe would j (follow. Yet, in repudiating it, I gave I , dissatisfaction, if not offense, to many whose support the country can not fford to lose. And this is not the end of it.— j The pressure in this direction is still upon me and is increasing. By conceding ; what I now ask, you can relieve me, and, much more, car. relieve the country in 1 this important point | Upon these c nsiderations 1 have again begged your attention to the message of' March last. Before leaving the Capitol, | i consider and discuss it among yourselves. I You are patriots and statesmen, and as I such I pray you consider this proposi-I cion; and a', the leas*, commend it to the j consideration of your States and people. ( As you would perpetuate popular gov- i i ernment for the best people in the world, > I beseech vou that you do in nowise omit | this. Our common country i* in great peril, demanding the loftiest views and boldest action to bring a speedy relief.— ■ Once relieved, its form of government is saved to the world; its beloved history ; and cherished memories are vindicated, and its happy future fully assured and rendered inconceivably grand. To you, more than to any other*, the privilege is given to assure that happiness and swell the grandeur, and to link your owu names therewith forever. At the conclusion of these remarks some conversation was had between the President and several members of the delegations from the border States, in which it was represented that these States could not be expected to move in so great a ' matter as that brought to their no ice in ! t e foregoing address while as yet ConIS"'" ~,, l , k . || no 9(ep fieyond toe passI age of a resolution, expressive rather oi a I sentiment than presenting a substantial | and reliable basis of action. j The President acknowledged the ftree 1 of this view, and admitted that ha border ; States were entitled to expect a substantial pledge, of pecuniary aid as the condition of taking into consideration a proposition so imp rtant in i s relations to their social system. It was further represented, in the conference that the people of the border States were interested in knowing the great importance which the President attached to the policy in ques’ion, while it I was equally due to the country, to the | President and to themselves, that the j R-preg. litativeg of the border »la”ehold- ; ing States should publicly announce the j ( motives under which they were called to ( j act, and the consideration of public policy ( urged upon them and their constituents ■ by I he Pre«i lent. j With a view to such a statement of I I their position, the members thus address. I led met in council to deliberate on the repl) - they should make ’o the President, ( and. as the result of a comparison of opin- | ions among themselves, thev determined ; upon the adoption of a majority and a ini- ( I nority answer The following paper was yesterday sent the Pres'dent, signed by the majori ■ ■ l y °f the border slaveholding States. - W*shington, July 14, 1862. I To the President: The undersigned. Representatives of I K-n'ucky. Vi ginia, Missouri and Miry j land, in the two Houses of Congress, have jlistened to vour address with the pro- | found sensibility naturally inspired hr the high source from which it emanatea. j the earnestness which marked its delivery j and the overwhelming importance of the ! subject r.f which it treats. We have giv- | en it a moat respectful consideration, and now lav before you our response We j regret that want of time has not permitted I us to make it more perfect. We have not been wanting, Mr Piesi-i tdent, in respect tn you. and in devotion , to the Constitution and the Upion. We •' have not been indifferent to the great difficulties surrounding vou, compared with which all former national troubles have been hut as the summer cloud; and we I have freely given you oqr sympathy and support. Repudiating the dangerous heresies of the Secessionists, we believed, with vou. that the war on their part is aggressive and wicked, and the objects for which it was to be prosecuted on ours, . defined by your message at the opening i of the present Congress, to be such as all good m»n should approve, and we have not hesitated to vote ali suppliey necesarv to carry it. on vigorously. We have voted all the men and money you have ask ed for. and even more; we have imposed | onerous taxes on our people, and the are I paving them with cheerfulness and al»crity; we h»v» encouraged fnlietmer.ts an J

•‘Our Country’s Good shall ever be our Aim—Willing to Praise and not afraid to Blame.'"

*ent to the field mar,v of our best men, 1 and some of our number have offered 1 their the enemy as pledges of ' their sincerity and devotion to the country. j We have done all this under the most discouraging circumstances, and in the face of measures most distasteful to us and injurious to the interests we represent. and in the hearing of doctrines a-1 vowed by those who claim to be vour friends, which must be abhorrent to us and our constituents. But, for all this, we have never faltered, nor shall we as long as we have a Constitution to defend and a Government which protects us — And we are ready for renewed efforts, aod even greater sacrifices, yea. any sacrifice, when we are satisfied it is required ito preserve our admirable form ot government aod the priceless blessings of . consti’utional liberty. A few of our number voted for the resolution recommended by your messege of I the 6h of March last, the greater por-1 ' tion of us did not, and we will briefly state the prominent reasons which influ- ( enced our action. In the first place, it proposed a radical ( change of our social system, and was hur- j ried through both Houses with undue haste, without reasonable time for consideration and debate, and with no time at jail foi consultation with onr constituents, whose interest it deeply involved. It' (seemed like an interference by this Govj eminent with a question which exclusive- ( ily belonged to our respective Slates, on which they had not sought advice or solicited aid. Many of us doubted the constitutional power of this Government to ! make appropriations of money for the object designated, and al! of us thought our finances were in no condition Io bear the immense outlay which its adoption and faithful execution would impose upon the National Treasury. If we pause but a moment to think of the debt its acceptance ( would have entailed, we are appalled by . its magnitude. The proposition was addressed to all the Suites, and embraced the whole num- , ber ol slave*. A ooording to th« caa«il« of I 960, tlieie wei o then very near four mil - | lion slaves in the country. From natural increase they exceed that number now,— At even the low average of 8300. the price fixed by the Emancipation Act for the slaves of th's District, and greatly below their real worth, their valu« runs up to the enormous sum of 81,200,000,000; and if to that we add the cost of deportation any colonization, at 8100 each, which is but a fraction more than is pai 1 by the Maryland Colonization Society, we have 8400,000,000 more! We were not willing to impose a tax on our people suffi cient to pay the interest on that sum, in 'addition to the van and daily increasing j debt already fixed upon them by the exiI gencies of the war, and if we had been ; willing the country could no( bear it.— | Staled in this form, tiie proposition is (nothing l“ssthan the deportation from' : the country of 81,600,000,000 wirth of I producing labor, and the substitution in I its place of an interest bearing debt of the j same amount! But, If we are told that it was expected that only the States we represent wo'ld accept the proposition, we respettfully submit that even then it involves a sum too great for the financial abili y of thi» Government at this time. According to ( the census of 1860. Slaves, j Kentucky had 225.490 Maryland 87 188 Virginia 490,837 I Delaware 1 798 Missouri 114 965 Tennessee 275.784 Making in the whole 1,196 112 1 At the same rste of valuation these wo'ld ’ amount to 8358 833 500 Add for deportation and cMonizaiion. j 8100 each 119.244.535 And we Lave the enormous sum of 8478.078.033 We did not feel that we would he jusi tified in voting for a measure which, if carried out. would add this vast amount io our public debt at a moment when the Tieasurv was reeling under the -normous expenditure of the war. Again, it seeme 1 to us that this resolution was but the annunciation of a sentiment which could not or was not likelv j to be reduced to an actual tangible propsition. No movement was then made to provide and appropriate the funds required to cerrv it in’o effect; and we were not encouraged to believe that funds wo'ld be provided. And our belief has been DlUv justified hv subsequent events. Not to mention other circumstanc s it iaquite sufficient for our purpose to bring to vour notice the fact, that, while this resolution was under consideration in the Senate, our colleague, the Senator from Kentucky moved an amendment appropriating I 8500,600 to the object therein designated and it was »ot»3 down with great unapt

niity. What confidence, then, could w« reasonably feel that if we committed ourselves o the policy it proposed, our constituents would reap the fruits of the promise held out; and ton what ground could we, as fair men, approach them and challenge their support? The right to hold slaves is a right ap pertaining to ail the Slates ot this U ion ; They have a right to cherish or abolish the institution, as their tastes of their interests may prompt, and no one is authorized to question the right, or limit its enjoyment. And no one has more clearly affirmed that right than you have Your inaugural address does you great honor in this respect, and inspired the country with confidence in your fairoeis and res- ' pect for the law. Our States are in the I enjoyment of that right. We do not feel called upon to defend the institution, or! to affirm it is one which ought to be cherished; perhaps, if we were tomak- - the attempt, we might ffnd that we differ even i among ourselves. It is enough for our 1 purpose to know that it is a right; and. so knowing, we did not see why we sho’ld , now be expected to yield it. We had (contributed our full share to relieve the country at this terrible crisis; we had done a« much as had been req ired of others, in like circumstances; and we did not see why sacrifices should be expected of us from which othe s, no more loval, were exempt. Nor could we see what good the nation would derive from it j Such a sacrifice submitted to us would j not have strengthened the arm of this ! Government or weakened that of the en emy. Il was not necessary as a pledge (of our loyalty, for that had been manifested beyond a reasonable doubt, in every form, and at every place possible. There was not the remotest probability that the (States we represent would join n the rebellion, nor is there now, or of their e!ec ' ting to go with the Southern section in I ths evenlof a recognition of the in en»ndence of any part of the di affected region. Our Slates are fixed unalterably in their resolution to adhere to and sup ( port the Union. T ey see no safety for i themselves and no hope for constitutional i liberty but by its preservation. They will under no circumstances consent to its dissolution; "nd we do them more than (justice when we assure you that, while I the war is conducted to prevent that deplorable catastrophe, they will sustain it as long as they can muster a manor command a dollar. Nor will they ever consent. in »ny event, to unite with the Southern Confederacy. The bitter fruits of the peculiar doc’rines of that region will forever prevent them from placing their security and happiness in the custody of an association which has incorporated in its orgauis law the seeds of its own destruction. We cannot admit, Mr. President, that, if we hud voted for the resolution in the Emancipation Message of March last, the war would now be substanti»)ly ended.— ' We are amiable to see how our action in this partcular has given, or could give encouragement to the rebelion. The -esolulion has passed, and if there be virtue in it, it will he quite as efficacious as if we had voted for it. We have no power to bind onr States in this respect hr our votes here; and whether we had vo t«d the one way or the other, they are in the same condition of freedom to accept or r r P ct provision*. No, sir, the war has not been prolonged or hindered by nur action on this or any other measure We must look for other causes for that lamented fact. We think there is not.' much difficult-v, not much uncertaintv, in (pointing out others far more probable and i potent in their ao’encies to that end. I The rebellion derives its strength from ! the union of all classes in the insurgent 1 States, and while that union lasts the war will never end until they are utterly ex ( ausled. We know thwt at the inception (of these troubles Southern society was ( divided. and that a large portion, perhans a majority, were onposed to secession.— N ow the pre it m««« of the S 'U'hern ’ • ' (pl « are uni ed. T • discover whv they are so we must glance at Southern society and notice the classes into which it ha been divided, and which still distinguish it. Thev are in arms, but not for the same objects; thev are moved to a common end, but by different and even inconsistent reasons. The leaders, which | comprehend* what was previously known »s the States Rights party, and is much j the lessei class, seek to break down the national independence and set up State domination. With them it is a war anati’na'itv. The other class is fighting as it supposes, to maintain and preserve its rights of property and domestic safety, which it has been made to believe are assailed bv this Government.— ■ Thia latter class rre not disunionists pir »e; they are ao only because thev have been made to believe that thia Adminia- : trati.M is inimical to their right*, and is making war on I' eir domestic institution* As long as these two classes act together thev will never assent to a p ‘ace. 1 The policy, then, to be pursued. i» ob-'

vious The former class will never be reconciled but the latter may be. Remove their apprehension*; satisfy them no harm is intend d to them anil to lheii institutions that this Government is not making war upon their righte of proper- I ty, but is simply defendiug its Irgimnate authority, ahd they will gladly return to their allegixnce a- soon as the pressure ul military dominaiton, imposed by the Confederate aullioity, is removed from them. Twelve ronnths ago both Houses of Congress, adopting the spirit ol you message, then but recently sent in declar-' ed, with singular unanimity, the objects (of the war. and the country instantly j bounded to your side, to assist you tn car- ■ 'rying it on. Il the spirit of that r solu : i tion had been adhered to; we are confi dent that we should, before now. have, ! seen the end of this deplorable conflict. Bnt what ha e we seen? In both Houses ot Congress we have | heard doctr nes subversive of the principle* of the Constitution, and seen meanlire after measure founded in substance (on those doctrnes proposed and carried 1 through, can have no other effect than to (distract and divide loyal men, and exa* perate and drive still tur'her from us and (their duty the people of the rebellious (Slates. Military officers, following these ( bad examples, have stepped beyond the just limits of their authority in the same ’ direction until, io several nstances. you have »vlt the necessity of nterfering t ari rest them. And even the passage of the 1 resolution to which you refer has been ostentatiously proclaimed as toe triumph ol a principle which the people of the Southern States regard ss ruinous to them — The effect of these measures was foretold, and may now be seen in the indurated j state of Southern feeling. To these causes, Mr. President, and l not to our omission to vote lor the reso(luiions recommended by you, we solemn- , ly believe we are to attribute the terrible j earnestness of those in arms against the I Government, and the continuance of the war. Nor do we (permit us to say, Mr , ( President, with all respect to you) agree (that the institution of slavery is “the h v (er of their power,” but we are of opinion , j that the “lever of their power” is the apprehension that the powers of a common j Government, created for common and equal protection to the interests of all, will I he wielded against the institutions cf the Southern States. There is one idea in your address we feel called to notice. After stating the tact of your repudiation of General Hunter's proclamation, you add: ‘Yet, in repudiating it, I gave dissat- ■ isfaction, if not offense, to many whose support the country cannot afford to lose. And this is not the end of i . The pressure in this direction is still upon me. and is increasing. By conceding what I now ask you can relieve me, and, much more, can releive the country in this ini portant point.’ We have anxiously looked into this passage to discover its true import, but we are yet in painful uncertainty. How can we, by conceding what you now ask, relieve you and the country from the increasing pressure to which vou refer?— We will not allow ourselves to think that i the proposition is. that we give up slave- ( ry, to th- end that the Hunter proclama- ' lion may be let loose on the Southerb people, for it is too well known that we would not be parties to any such measure, i and we have too much respect for you to imagine you would propose it. Can it m-an that by saciifici g nur interest in : slavery we appease the spirit that con l trols that pressure, cause it to be withdrawn, and rid the country of the pes’i lent agitation of the slavery question? — We are forbidden s> 'o think, for that spirit would not be sa i«fi--d with the lib- | eration of seven handled thousand slaves, and cease its agitation, while three mill lions remain in bondage. Can it mean i that by abandoning slavery in our States .. we are removing the pressure from vntt {and the country, by preparing for a sepf ara’ion on the line of the Cotton States? W» are forbidden «o Io think, because i it is known that we are, and w» believe that you are unalterably oppo*ed to any division at all. We would prefer to think , I that you desire this concession as pledge of our support, and thus enable you to : withstand a pressure which weighs heavily upon you and the country. Mr. Presj ident, no such sacrifice is necessary to ReI cure our support. Confine yourself to your constitutional authority; confine i vour subordir.a’es within the same limits; ! conduct this war solely for the purpose of restoring the Constitution to its legitimate nu hnritv ; concede to each State and | ita loyal citizens their just rights, and we are wedded to you by indissoluble ties. Do this, Mr. President, and you touch the American heart and invigorate it with new hope. You will, as we solemnly be- ( lieve, in du* time restore peace to your country, lift it from des -ondency to a fu ture of glory, and preserve to your conn-1 j trymen. their posterity and man, the in i •stitnab?* treasure of • constitutional

G ivernment. Mr, President, we have stated with frankness and candor the reasons on l which ws forbore to vote for the resoluI tion you have mentioned, but you have again presented this proposition and apj pealed to us, with an earnestness and eloquence which have not failed to impress u». “to consider it, and at the least commend it to the consideration of our States an i people ” Thus appealed to by the Chief Magistrate ol our be oved country, in the hour of He greatest peril, vre canI not wholly decline. We are willing to trust every question relating to their in(lerest and happiness to the consideration and ultimate judgment of our people.— While differing from you as to the necessity ot emancipation the slaves of our ~tates as a means of putting down the rebellion, and while protesting against the propriety of any ex'ra territorial influence to induce the people of our States to adopt any particular line of policy on a suhj-ct which peculiarly and exclusively (belongs to them, yet, when you and our hrelberen of the loyal States sincerely believe that the retention of slavery by us is an obstacle to peace and national harmony, and are willing to contribute pecuniary aid to compensate our States and people (or the inconveniencies produced by such a change ot system, we are not unwilling that our people shall consider the propriety of putting it aside. But we have already said that we regarded this resolution as the utterance of a sentiment, and we had no confidence ( that it would assume the shape of a t 0gible, practical proposition, which would yield the fruits of the sactifice it required. Our people are influenced by the same want of confidence, and will not consider the proposition in its present palpable form. Tne interest they are asked to give up is o them of immense importance and they ought not to be expected even i to entertain the proposal until they are - assured that when li ey accept it their ■ just expectations will not be frustrated.— ; We regard your plan as a proposition from i the nation to the States to exercise an admitted constitu'ional right in a parliei uiar manner, and yield up a valuable interest. Before they ought to consider i the proposition it should be presented ii\ such a tangible, practical, efficient shape lias to command their confidence that its ■ fruits are contingent only upon their accep auce. We can not trust any thing to • ( the contingencies of future legislation. II If Congress, by proper and necessary legislation, shall provide sufficient funds, and place them at your disposal, to be ap- ■ plied by you to the payment of any of our ■ States, or the citizens thereof, who sha 1 adopt the abolishment of slavery, either (gradual or immediate, as they may deter- , mine, and the expense of deportation and colonization of liberated slaves, then will i our States and people take this proposition into careful consideration, for such decision as, in their judgement, is deman- , Jed by theit interests, their honor and , their duty to the whole country, We hav? the honor to be, with great respect. 0. A. WICKLIFFR, Ch’n. CHAS. B CALVERT | GAKRETT DAVIS, C L L LEART. R WILS'-N, EDWIN H. WEBSTER J. J. CRITTENDEN, R MALLORY, J HN S CARLISLE, AARuN HARDING, J W. CRISFIELD, JAMES S ROLLINS, J. S JACKSON, J W. MENZIES, I H GRIDER, THOMAS L PRICE, I J“HN 8. PHELPS, G W. DUNLAP. . FRANCIS THOMAS, WM A. HALL. ' | "■ i Justice overtakes many a rogue. Many persona who have a rs ging war (ever before going into battle are apt to get the ague afterward. A farmer, a lawyer, or a doctor may . be a very respectable individual, but a i hotelkeeper is a whole host. i i . ——; II It is no misfortune tor a nice young la- • dy to lose her good name if a nice young gentlemen gives her a better. ,, — r > I A respectable gentleman doesn't like ■ to have a heavy charge levelled against 1 him e«pecial)y if it it in a gun. ’ An eminent physician has discovered that the nightmare, in nine cases out of . ten, i« produced by owing a bill for • > newspaper. Dobbs says if marriages are made in ' heaven, he is sorry for it—for that very ( many alliances reflect no great credit on , the place. , Dobbs was locked out, the othcr.nigbt, ( during 'that rain.’ A newly married couple riding tn « carriage were overturned, whereupon a bystander said it was a shocking sight.— (,Yes,’ said a gentleman, ’to sea thoM just wedded fa!) out so soon '

NO 26.