Decatur Eagle, Volume 2, Number 45, Decatur, Adams County, 17 December 1858 — Page 2

1358, to which I have just referred, for the admission of the State on an equal looting with the original States but ‘upon the fundamental condition precedent* that a majority of the people thereof, at an election to be held forthat purpose, should in place of the very large grants of public lands which they had demanded under the ordinance, accept such grants as has been made to Minnesota and other new States. Under this act should a majority reject the proposition offered them, ‘it shall be deemed and held that the people of Kansas do not desire admission into the Union with said Constitution under the conditions set forth iu said proposition.’ . i Io that event, the act authorizes the people of the territory, to elect delegates to form a constitution and state government for themselves, ‘whenever, and not before, it is ascertained by a census, duly and legally taken, that the population of. said territory equals or excels the ratio of representation required for a member of the House of Representatives of the Congress of the United Slates.' The delegates thus assembled ‘shall first determine bv a vote whether it is the wish of the proposed State to be admitted into the Union at that time; and, if so, shall pro- ■ < ceed to form a constitution, and take all necessary steps for the-establishment of a State government in conformity with the Federal constitution * After this const!tion shall have been formed. Congress, carrying out the principles of popular, sovereignty and non intervention, have left ‘the’ mode and manner of its approval or ratification by the people of the proposed State’ to be ‘prescribed by law,’ and they ‘shall then be admitted into the Union as a State under such constitution, thus fairly and legally made, with or without slavery, as said constitution may prescribe.’ An election was held throughout Kan- 1 sas, in pursuance of the provisions of this act, on the second day of August last, | and it resulted in the rejection by a large

majority, of the proposition submitted to | the people by Congress. This being the case, they are now authorized to form another constitution, preparatory to admis-1 sion into the Union, but not until their i number, as ascertained by a census, shall equal or exceed the ratio required to elect I a member to the House of Representatives. It is not probable, in the present state 1 of the case, that a third constitution can be lawfully framed and presented to Con- ' gress by Kansas, before its population j shall have reached the designated number. Nor is it to be presumed that, after I their sad experience in resisting the ter- ■ ritorial laws, they will attempt to adopt a constitution in express violation of the j provisions of an act of Congress. During the session of 1856, much of the time of | Congress was occupied on the question of admitting Kansas under the Topek i constitution. Again, nearly the whole of the last session was devoted to the question of its I admission under the Lecompton Constitu-( lion. Surely it is not unreasonable tore-' quire the people of Kansas to wait, before making a third attempt, until the number of their inhabitants shall amount to ninety-three thousand four hundred and twenty. During this brief period the harmony of the States, as well as the great business interests of the country, demand that, the people of the Union shall not for a third time be convulsed by another agitation on th,e Kansas question. By waiting for a short time, and acting in obediance to law, Kansas will glide in1L - TT. - ■ M >h r, rl.D'if/'.r't I a 1

to the Union without the slightest impe- 1 diraent. This excellent provision, which Con- | gress have applied to Kansas, ought to be extended and rendered applicable to • all Territories which may hereafter seek admission into the Union. Whilst Congress possess the undoubt- j ed power of admitting a new State into, the Union, however small may bethel number of its inhabitants, yet this power; ought not in my opinion, to be exercisrd before the population shall amount to the ratio required by the act for the admis-1 sion of Kansas. Had this been previously the rule, the country would have es-■ caped all the evils and misfortunes to which it has been exposed by the Kansas question. Os course, it would be unjust to give this rule a retrospective application, and exclude a State which acting, upon the past practice of the government, has already formed its constitution, elected its legislature and other officers, and is now > prepared to enter the Uniou. The rule ought to be adopted, whether ■ we consider its bearing on the people of the Territories or upon the people of the existing States. Many of the serious dissensions which have prevailed in Congress and throughout the country, would have been avoided, had this rule been establishat an earlier period of the government. Immediately upon the formation of a new Territorp, people from different States and from foreign countries rush into it, for the laudable purpose of improving their condition. Their first duty tothemselves is to open and cultivate farms, to' construct roads, to’establish schools, to erect places of religious worship, and to devote their energies generally to reclaim the wilderness and to lay the foundations of a flourishing and prosperous commonwealth. If. in this incipient condition, with a population of a few thousand, they should prematurely enter the Union, they are oppressed by the burden of State taxation. and the mean’ necessary for the improvement of the Territory and the advancement of their own interest’, are 1

thus diverted to very different purposes. The federal government has ever been a liberal parent to the territories, and al generous contribution to the the useful enterprises of the early settlers. It has paid the expenses of their governments and legislative assemblies out of the common treasury, and thus relieved them from a heavy charge. Under these cirenmstanees, nothing can be better calcu- ■ fated to retard their material progress, than to divert them from their useful employments, bv prematurely exciting angry political contests among themselves, for the benefit of aspiring leaders. It is sure- j lv no hardship for embryo governors, 1 senators, and members of Congress, to wait until the number of inhabitants shall eqnal those of a single congressional district. They surely ought not to be permitted to rush into the Union; with a populasion less than one-half of several oi ‘.he large counties an the interior of some of the Stales. This was the condition of Kansas when it made application to be admitted under the Topeka constition. — Besides, it reqires some time to render the mass of a population collected in a new Territory, at all homogeneous, and to unite them on anything like a fixed policy. Establish the rule, and all will look forward to it and govern themselves accordmgly. But justice to the people of the several I States requires that this rule should be ' established by Congress. Each Slate is entitled to two senators and at least one representative in Congress. Should the people of the States fail to elect a \ ice Paesident, the power devolves upon the i Senate to elect tins officer from the two highest candidates on the list. In case of the death of the President, the Vice President thus elected by the Senate, becomes ‘ President of the United States. On all ■ questions of legislation, the Senators from the smallest States of the Union have an | equal vote with those from the largest — The same my be said in regard to the rat.- : ification of treaties, and of Executive ap-

— — > . “ r pointments. All this has worked admirably in praclice, whilst it conforms in 1 principle with the character of a government instituted by sovereign States. 1 presume no American citizen would de- ' sire the slightest change in the arrange'ment. Still, is it not unjust and unequal :io the existing States to invest some lorIty or fifty thousand people collected in a Territory with the attributes of sovereigntv, and place them on an equal footing i with Virginia and New York in the Senate of the L’nited States. i For these reasons, I earnestly reconiI mend the passage of a general act, which shall provide that, upon the application ' of a territorial legislature, declaring their I belief that the territory contains a numbei of inhabitants, which, if in a State, would entitle them to elect a member of ConI gress, it shall be the duty of the PresiI dent to cause a census of the inhabitants ;to be taken, ar.d it found sufficient, then I by the ters of this act. to authorize them |to proceed ‘in their own way’ to frame a State constitution, preparatory to admission into the Union. I also recommend that an appropriation maybe made, to enable the president to take a census of the people of Kansas. UTAH. The present condition of the Territory of Utah when contrasted with what it was one year ago, is a subject of congratulation. It was then in a state of open rebellion, and, cost what it might, the character of the government required that this I rebellion should be supressed, and the

Mormons compelled to yield obedience to the constitution and the laws. In order Ito accomplish this object, as I informed you in my last annual message, I appointed a new Governor in the place of BrigI ham Young, and other federal officers to ' ■ take the place of those, who consulting j their own personal safety, found it necessary to withdraw from the territorv. To I protect these civil officers, and to aid them ;as a posse comitatus, in the execution of, the laws in case of need, I ordered a detachment of the army to accompany them Uo Utah. The necessity for adopting ■ these measures is now demonstrated. 1 On the 15th of September, 1857, Governor Y oung issued a proclamation, in . the style of an independent sovereign, announcing his purpose to resist, by force of I arms, the entry of the United States troops into our own territory of Utah.— | By this he required all the forces in the , territory, to ‘hold themselves in readiness to mareh, at a moment’s notice, to 'repel any and all such invasions,’ and esI tablished marshall law from its date I throughout the territory. These proved to be uo idle threats. Forts Bridges and ! Supply were vacated and burnt down by . the Mormons, yo deprive our troops of a shelter after their long and fatiguing march. Orders were issued by Daniel 11. Wells, styling himself ‘Lieutenant General, Nauvoo Legion,’ to stampede i the animals of the United Stales on their march, to set tire to their trains, to burn the grass ar.d the whole countiy before and on their flanks, to keep them from sleeping by night surprises, and to blockade the roa i by falling trees and destroying (ords of rivers, &c., $. These orders were promptly and effectually obeyed.— On the 4th of October. 1857, the Mormons ciiptuaed and burned on Green River, three of our supply trains, consisting of seventy-five wagons loaded with provisions afid tents for the armv, and drove away several hundred animals.— This diminished the supply of provisions ,so materially that Gen. Johnston was obliged to reduce the rations, and even 1 with tl.ds precaution, there was only suffi

j cient left to subsist the troops until the first of June. Our little army behaved admirably in their encampment at Fort Bridger, under those trying privations In the midst of the mountains in a dreary, unsettled and inhospitable region more than a thousand iniies from home, they passed the severe and inclement winter without a murmur. They looked forward with confidence for relief from their country in due season, and in this they were not disappointed. The Secretary of War employed all his energies to forward them the necessary supplies, and to muster and seen such a military force to Utah as would render resistance on the part of the Mormons hopeless, and thus terminate the War without the effusion of blood. In bis efforts he was efficiently sustained by Congress. They granted appropriations sufficient to cover the defficiency thus necessarily created, and a.so provided for raising two regiments of volunteers, ‘for the purpose of quelling disturb"nces in the Terjitory of Utah, for the protection of supply and emigrant trains, and the suppression of Indian hostilities on the frontiers.’ Happily, there was no occasion to call these regiments into service. If there had been, I should have felt serious embarrassment in selecting them, so great was the number of onr bravJCrJtd patriotic citizens anxious to serve their country in this distant, and apparent!)’ dangerous expedition. Thus it has ever been, and thus may it ever be. The wisdom and economy of sending sufficient reinforcements to Utah are established not only by the event, but in the opinion of those who, from their position and opportunities, are the most capable of forming a correct judgement. — : General Johnston, the commander of the forces, in addressing the Secretary of war from Fort Bridger, under date of October 18. I 857, expresses the opinion that ‘unless a large force is sent here, from the nature 0| the countrv, a protracted war on their (the Mormons) part, is inevita-

ble.’ This considered necessarary to terminate the war ‘speedily and economically than if attempted by insufficient means.’ In the meantime it was my anxious desire that the Mormons should yield obedience to the Constitution and the laws without rendering it necessary to resort to military force. To aid in accomplishing this object, I deemed it advisable in April last to despatch two distinguished citizens of the United States, Messis Powell and McCulloch, to Utah. They bore with them a proclamation addressed bv myself to the inhabitants of Utah, dated on the sixth day of that month, warning them of their true conditi n, and how hopeless it was on their part to persist in rebellion against the United States, and offering all those who would submit to the laws a full pardon f>r their past seditions and treasons. At the same time I assured those who should persist in rebellion against the United States, that they must expect no further lenity, hut look to be rigorously’ dealt with according to their deserts. The instructions to these agents, as well as a copy of the proclamation, and their reports, are herewith submitted.— It will be seen by their report of the third of July last, that they have fully confirmed the opinion expressed by General Johnston in the previous October, as to the necessity of sending re inforcements to Utah. In this they state that they ‘a r e firmly impressed with the belief that the presence of the army here and the large additional force that had been or-i dered jo the territory, were the chief in-

" •' — . V .J , X. • V HIV VUILI 111tlucements that caused the Mormons to abandon the idea of resisting the authority of the United States. A less decisive policy would probably have resulted in a long, bloody, and expensive war.’ These gentlemen conducted themselves to my entire satisfaction, and rendered useful service in executing the humane intentions of the government. COL. KANE. It also affords me great, satisfaction to state that Governor Cumming has performed hj,s dnty in an able and conciliatory manner, and with the nappiest effeot. 1 connot, in this connexion, refrain from mentioning the valuable services of Col. flios. L. Kane, who from motives of pure benevolence, and without any official character of pecuniary compensation, visited L tah during the last inclement winter, for the purpose of contributing to the pacification of the territory. lam happy to inform you that the Governor and our civil officers of Utah are now performing their appropriate functions without resistance. The authority of the constitution and and the laws has been fully restored, and peace prevails throughout the territorv. A portion of the troops sent to Utah are now encamped in Cedar Vally, forty-four miles southwest of Salt Lake City, and the remainder have been ordered to Oregon to suppress Indian hostilities. The march of the armv to Salt Lake City, through the Indian territory, has had a powerful effect in restraining the hostile feelings against the United States, which existed among tire Indians in that region, and in securing emigrants to the ; far West against their depredations. This • will also be the means of estabiishin” military posts and promoting settlements i along the route. A LAND OFFICE FOR UTAH. i 1 recommend that the benefits of our I land laws and pre-emption system.be ex- -. tended to the people of Utah, by the ess tablishment of a land office in that terris.lory. I CHINA. I have occasion, also, to congratulate

• you on the result of our negotiations with China. C You were informed by my last annual • message, that our minister had been inf structed to occupy a neutral position in the hostilities conducted by Great Britian I and France against Canton. He was, i however, at tlie same time directed to cooperate cordially with Britain and France ■ ministers, in all peaceful measures, to secure, by treaty, those just concessions to foreigh commerce, which the nations of i the woald had a right to demand. It was impossible for me to proceed further than . this on my own autority, without usurping the war-making power, which, under the constitution, belongs exclusively to , Congress. Besides, after a careful examination of the nature and extent of our grivances, I did not believe they were of such pressing agravating characters, as would have justified Congress in declaring war against the Chinese empire, without first making another earnest attempt to adjust them by peacelul negotiation. I was the more inclined to this opinion, because of the severe chastisement which had then but recently been inflicted upon the Chinese by our squadron, the capture and destruction of the Barrier forts, to avenge an alleged insult to our flag. The event has proved the wisdom of our neutrality. Our Minister has execu- • ted his instructions with eminent skill and ability. In conjunction with the Russian plenipotentiary, he has peacefully, buteflectuallv co-operated with the English and French plenipotentiaries; and each ot the lour powers has concluded a separate treaty with China, of a highly satislactory character. The treaty concluded by our plenipotentiary will immediately be submitted to the Senate. JAPAN. I am happy to announce that, through the energetic vet conciliatory efforts ol our Consul General, in Japan, a new trea'lv lias been concluded with that Empire, which may be expected materially to augl It. _ ‘ . L. .

ment our trade and intercourse in that quarter, and remove from our countrymen the disabilities which have heretofore been imposed upon the exercise of their religion. The treaty shall be submitted to the Senate for approval without delay. GREAT BRITIAN. It is my desire that every misunderstanding with the government of Great Britian, should be amicably and speedily adjusted. It has been the misfortune of both countries, almost ever since ti e period of the revolution, to have been annoyed by a succession of irritating and ' I dangerous questions, threatning their ■ friendly relations. This has partially prevented the full development of those teel ings of mktual friendship between the people of the two countries, so natural in I I themselves and so conclusive to their common interest. Any serious iuterrupj tion of the commerce between the United States and Great Britian, would be equal- | ly injurious to both. In fact, no two naj tions have ever existed on the face ot the earth, which could do each other so much ; good or so much harm. THE RIGHT OF SEARCH. | Entertaining these sentiments, lam gratified to inform you that the long-pend-ing controversy between the two govern meats, in relation to the question of visitation and search, has been amicsblv adjusted. The claim on the part of Great Britain, forcibly to visit American vessels on the high seas in time of peac’ 1 , j could not be sustained under the law of

nations, and it had been overruled by her own most eminent jurists. This question was recently brought to an issue, by the repeated acts of British cruisers, in boarding and searching our merchant vessels. in the Gulf of Mexico, and the adjacent seas. These acts were the most injurious and annoying, as these waters are traversed bv a large portion of the Commerce ■ nnd navigation of the United States, and their free and unrestricted use is essential to the security of I lie coasfwise trade between different Slates of the Union.— Such vexatious interruptions could not I fail to excite the feelings to the country, and to require the interposition of the Government. Remonstrances were addressed to the British Government against these violations of our rights of sovereignty, and a naval force was at the same time ordered to the Cuban waters, with . directions ‘to protect all vessels of the United States on the high seas, from search or detention by the vessels-of war of any other nation. These measures received the unqualified and even enthusiastic approbation of the American people. Most fortunately, however, no collision took place, and the British Government promptly avowed its recognition of the principles of international law upon the subject, as laid down by the government of the United States, in the note of the Secretary of State, to the British Minister at M ashington, of Apiil 10. 1858, which secure the vessels ot the United States upon the high seas from visitation of search in time of peace under any circumstance whatever. The claim has been abandon- .; edin a manner reflecting honor on the ■ British government, and evincing a just > i regard tor the law oi nations, and cannot fail to strengthen the amicable relation > between to two countries. The British. Government, at the same time, proposee to the United States that some mode should be adopted, by mutual - arrangement between the two countries, -of a character which may be found eftec- • , live without being offensive, for verifying i the natioaality of vessels suspected on good grounds, cf carrying false colors.— e They have also invited the United States

to take the initiative, and propose meas- ' tires for this purpose. Whilst declining * to assume so grave a responsibility, the j Secretary of State has informed the Brit- > ish Government that we are ready to receive anv proposals which they’ may feel 1 disposed" to offer, having this object in 1 view, and to consider them in an amicable 1 spirit. A strong opinion is, however, expressed, that the occasional abuse of the flag of any nation, is an evil far less to be deprecated, than would be the establishment of any regulations which might be incompatible with the freedom of the seas.— This government has yet received no communication specifying the manner in which the British government would propose to carry out their suggestion. lam inclined to believe that no plan which can be devised will be free from grave embarrassments. Still, I shall form no decided opinion on the subject, until I have carefully, and in the best spirit, examined any proposals which they may think propel to make. THE CLAYTONBVLWER TREATY. I am truly sorry I cannot also inform vou that the complications between Great Britian and the United States, arising out of the Clavton and Bulwer treaty of April 1850, have been finally adjusted. At the commencement of your last session I had reason to hope that, emancipating themselves from further unavailing discussions, the two goverments would proceed to settle the Central American questions in a practical manner, alike honorable and satis r actory to hsth; and this hope I have not yet abandoned. In my lasl annua! message I slated that overtures had been made by the British government for this purpose, in friendly spirit, which J cordially reciprocated. Their proposal was to withdraw these ■questions from direct negotiation between the two governments; but to accomplish the same object, by a negotiation between the British government and each of the Central American Republics, whose ter t • .. .... . — j. . > i

riloriaf interests are immediately involved. The settlement was to be made in accordance with the general tenor of the interpretation placed upon the Clayton and Bulwer treaty by the United States, with certain modifications. As negotiations are still pending upon this basis, it would not be proper lor me to communicate their present condition. A final settlement of these questions is greatly to be desired, as this would wipe out ihe last remaining subjec of dispute between the two countlies. FRACE AND RUSSI A Our relations with the great empires France and Russia, as well as with all other governments on the continent of I Rurope, except that of Spain, continue to | be of the most friendly character. SPAIN. With Spain our relations remain in an unsatisfactory condition. In my message In( D„osinbci last. 1 informed you that [our envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to Madrid had asked for i his recall; and it was my purpose te> sen 1 I out a new minister to that court with special.instructions on all questions pending | between the two governments, and will, the determination to have them speedily ■in I amically settled, if that were possible This purpose has been hitherto defeated by causes which I need not enumerate. The mission to Spain has beed entrus- ; ted to a distinguished citizen of Kentucky who will proceed to Madrid without delay, and make another nnd a final at- : tempt to obtain justice from that government.

141 V 11 U. Spanish officials, under the direct eon- • trol of the Captain General of Cuba, have ' insulted our national flag, and. in repeat- I ed instances have from time to time in- I Aided injuries on the persons and pro perty of our citizens these have given birth to numerous claims against the [Spanish government, the merits of which 1 have been ably discussed for a series of years, by our successive diplomatic representatives. Notwithstanding this, we have not arrived ata practical result in any single I Instance, unless we may except the ease of the Black Warrior, under the late administration, and that presented an outrage of such a character as would have justified an immediate resort to war. All our attempts to obtain ledress have been baffled and defeated. The frequent and oft-recurring changes in .the Spanish ministry, have been employed as reasons for delay. We have been compelled to wait again and again, until the new ministry shall have had time to investigate the justice of our demands. Even what, have been denominated ‘the Cuba claims,’ in which more than a hundred ot our citizens are directly interested have furnished no exception. These claims were for the refunding of duties unjust exacted from American vessels at different custom houses in Cuba, so lon< r ago as the year 1844. The principles up on which they rest are so manifestly equitable and just, that after a period of nearly ten years, in 1854, they were recognized by the Spanish government Proceedings were afterwards instituted to ascertain their amount, and this was final- , ly fixed according to their own statement i (with which we were satisfied) at the sum of one hundred and twenty-eight thousand . six hundred and thirty-five dollars and . filly-four cents. I Just at that moment, after a delay of , fourteen years, when we had reason to •. expect this sum would be repaid with in- ; terest, we have received a proposal offeri,ingto refund one-third that amount, ■ (42,878 41.) but without interest, if we > would accept this in full satisfaction.—

The offer is also, «ceomp a| L|hfl claration‘that this indemnified -fl founded on any reason of .fl but is made ns a spacial f, lTr . ~ /fl One alleged cause f. H j, ‘ 1 in the examination and ’fl claims from an obstacle J W |j,/' l ‘fl duty of the Spanish (WrnmeM fl move. Whilst the captain „ l fl Cuba is invested with ■ authority in the government of t k/fl the power is withheld fro ln hi'/, fl ine and redress wrongs commit. ’/fl ficials under his control, on ci/ -fl United States. Instead of complaints directly to him a <jj ’S’fl are obliged to present them th/’/® minister at Madrid. These are k 'fl ferred back to the formation; and much time /c or fl sumed in preliminary invest//fl correspondence between Madrid ba, before the Spanish Gover nra /fl consent to proceed to of the difficulties between the two, fl (menu would be obviated, nn-Z/fl I train of negotiation avoided, ift/fl tain General were invested will, ...fl i ity to settle questions of easy s /. 'fl 1 the spot, where al! th e fac’d, /'’’fl and could be promptly and saij./fl .ascertained. We have hitherto ‘urged upon the Spanish govern J confer this power upon the C,r , in ., fl al, and our minister to Spain will fl be instructed to urge this subjectfl notice. In this respect w« occun/fl ferent position from the powers of E B fl Cuba is almost within sight of our "fl our commerce with it i 9 f ar yre/fl that of any other nation, including /fl itself, and ovr citizens are in h/fl daily and extended personal interefl with every part of the Island ;'fl ’ therefore, a great grievance t) lat ‘fl any difficulty occurs, no matter hw J i important, which might be readilyseffl at the moment we should beobli/'fl resort to Madrid, especially wh’/.fl ; Very first step to be taken there is fail* If V.-./’l* tn f’nl-r* B

;er it oack to uubn. ■ (CONCLUDED NEXT week) B Mr. Douglas’ Reception al NewCrleuJ The New Oilean’s papers of tl.ed>B before Senator Douglas arrived i-iM city, contain a notice of his projected' r «.B jeeption,’ largely, respectfully and jcratically signed. Among’ the ! we observe the name of ex-SenatorSorgß i The words of the card were as follow,; K j Tlie undersigned are derioui of tis’ : .r ■ |ing to the Hon. Stephen A. Douglas, ,-i ; his approaching visit to this city, t unqualified approbation of his patrioti ( H land truly National position in . contest -in the Slate of Illinois, in delmsrß of Popular Sovereignty and State Ri’ho.B : a contest in which he lias, with unair-H I passed boldness, ability, and elequracf.B (triumphantly contended for the cans dB Union and the rights of the pcople.B I a powerful ’(action elated \>v I cent successes, and embolded by Dc®>. B leraticacid. In the distracted conii.icu■ of the politic. ■ affairs of the conntrv,-.«■ cheering to be able to point to a public ■ Iman, who, prompted by the loftimini-■ 1 pulses of patriotism, has had the firnm.-i I I and the power to maintain the right. ■ We desire, then, as Democrats of Net I o’•leans, in conclusion with thoseofont ■ j fellow citizens of all parties, who, liLB i ourselves, adhere to the doctrine of Slats ■ Rights and popular Sovereignty, io tei,- I I der a hearty welcome—a welcome, signil- I i icant of our sympathy and admiration, l« I Stephen A. Douglas, the patriot and the I statesman, whose Past insnires such gio- I

rious anticipation for the Future. ———<>——— AN EXTRAORDINARY HORSE STORY.— The Bonham (Texas) Independent fells of a horse which escaped from his owner in May last, and was found seven weeks after, a mile and a half from the house.— He had twenty feet of rope tide [sic] to his neck when he got away, and this had become fastened to a bush, and kept the horse all that time. The horse had only twelve feet of the lariat to play upon.— He had bitten off two elm saplings four inches in diameter, and eaten the stumps to the very ground, and also the trunks and limbs as far as his tether would reach. No rain had fallen during the period to wet the ground, and in the last four weeks it had not even sprinkled. The horse was an American horse, of good size and was fat when he escaped —when found he was a perfect skeleton. Great caution was observed in giving him water and food after he was found, and he rapidly recovered his flesh. ———<>——— The Senatorial Case. “Occasional,” the Washington correspondent of the Philadelphia <Press>, in his letter of the 28th of November thus alludes to the action of Legislature upon tbs Senatorial case: The action of the Legislature of Indiana, in declaring the election of Senators Bright and Fitch illegal and void, is not regarded here as of any legal effect. Even those who contended that the election of those gentlemen was out of order, and in violation of forms, now contend that, inasmuch as the United States Senate accepted the Senators, and made their claim for their seats good, it is too late to attempt to unseat them. This is the view of some of the ablest constitutional lawyers in this city. ———<>——— The cost of the franking privilege is measurable illustrated by the fact that it cost $7,000 to pay for the transportation of’the documents belonging to Mr. Bernhisel, the delegate from Utah territory.